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Me ΠΕ 11 1τ|5 CLORRO. 



















Hon. Lirr.D. (Cantas.), D.C.L. (Oxon.), LL.D. (Epin.) ; 

Sentor Fellow of Trintty College, and sometime Regtus Professor of Greek in the 
University of Dublin: 


Hon. LL.D. (Guasa.) ; 

Senior Fellow of Trinity College, and sometime Professor of Latin in the 
University of Dublin. 






By Ponsonpy & GIBBs. 


In preparing a new edition of this Fourth Volume, for which the 
publishers have asked, I have done what I could to lessen some of 
the many shortcomings of the previous edition; but I am only 
too conscious that, even if something has been done, it is but 
little, and that the need of a really adequate edition of the 
Correspondence remains as urgent as ever. If the present 
volume affords even trifling assistance to any young scholar who 
will produce a full and complete edition of Cicero’s Correspondence, 
it will have entirely fulfilled its object. The fine critical 
Commentary on the Epistles other than those ad Familiares 
which Dr. H. Sjogren of Upsala is producing—he has already 
issued the Epp. ad Q. Fr., ad Brutum, and ad Att. i-iv—will 
furnish a firm basis for the text of those most difficult Letters. 
His thorough knowledge of all available manuscripts, and his 
great learning and acuteness as a grammarian, stamp his edition 
as a work of the very first importance. Unfortunately it has not 
yet reached the portion of the pp. ad Atticum which is contained 
in the present volume; but when he reaches that portion, he will, 
no doubt, clear up many of the passages which still remain 
obscure. The loss of Dr. T'yrrell’s refined scholarship and elegance 
of style diminishes in a marked degree the attractiveness of the 
Commentary in those places where notes had to be re-written; 
but I have endeavoured to make only such changes as I believe he 
_ would have been willing to accept. I have done what I can in 
these troublous times to discover and read what has been written by 
_ other scholars on the Letters in this volume; but it would be idle 
to hope that much has not escaped me. Very signal evidence of 
this fact is that I failed to make myself acquainted with such a 


valuable paper as Sjégren’s “" Χάριτες presented to Fr. Leo on his 
60th birthday ”’ (1911), until after the first part of the Commentary 
had been printed off. If I had known of his discussions of 340 a. 1 
(quo eum for quod eum) and 345. 2 (tgnaviae delectus for ignaviae 
delictum), and of Sternkopf’s e¢ Campana for Campana et in 804. 5, 
I should have adopted these readings in the text. “Reference 
has been made to them in the Adn. Crit.’. All this convinces me 
that much else must have failed to come to my knowledge; but I 
have done my best, and can only beg for any indulgence that 
readers can bring themselves to show to these and the other 
shortcomings and errors which will be found throughout the 
volume. 7 

My friend, Professor Ridgeway, of Caius College, Cambridge, 
has kindly allowed me to make use of a paper I wrote on Att. x1 
for the volume of Essays presented to him in 1918, for which 
permission 1 thank him most cordially. 

The influence of another Cambridge friend, Dr. J. 8. Reid, 
Professor of Ancient History in that University, pervades almost 
every book on Cicero issued in the United Kingdom. ‘To his 
published works and some private correspondence my obligations 
are great; and though acknowledged in the several passages in 
which his learning has specifically helped me, they well deserve a 
general expression of most sincere gratitude. My thanks are also 
due to my learned colleague Dr. W. A. Goligher, Professor of 
Ancient History and Classical Archaeology in Dublin University, 
who has been good enough to read the proofs of the first half of 
the Commentary, and give me the benefit of his vigorous and acute 
criticism ; and also to Mr. J. T. Gibbs, Manager of the University 
Press, whose care and watchfulness Rave saved me from many 
errors both of statement and expression. ' 

τω CU. 

Trinity CoLttece, Dustin, 
December, 1917. 

1 Compare also Adn. Crit. 329. 4; 337.7; 352. 1; 464. 6; 466; 499 a. 2, for 
other instances of ‘second thoughts.’ 



§ 1. Cicero, ΡΟΜΡΕΥ͂, AND CAESAR, . 
3. Gnaeus Domirius AHENOBARBUS, 
4. Lucius CoRNELIUS BALBUs, 
5. GArus OPpPivs, : 
6. Trrus Αμριῦβ BALBUS, . 
8. Quintus LIGARIUS, 

10. Marcus CLAUDIUS een 

11. Pusxius Nierpivus Fievrvs, 

12. Servius Sutpicius RurFus, 

13. AuLus Mantius Torqvatus, 

14. Pusrius Servitius Varia ISsAvRIcus, 

15. Pusiius CorNELIUS DoLaBELLA, 

16. QuintUs CoRNIFICIUS, . ‘ 


Part VI (Epp. 301-414), 
(Part VII (Epp. 415-544), . 

11. THe ΝΕΘΟΤΙΑΤΙΟΝΒ oF Lucius CAgsar, 
Ill. Tue Forces at CoRFINIUM, : ; 
Wark, . 




. ixxxvili 




67, line 11, for ‘ attulit et mandata’ read ‘ et mandata attulit’. 

71, ,, 5, for “ Alteros’ read “ Alteras ’. 

80, ,, 9, for ‘ad Pompeium misi’ read ‘ misi ad Pompeium’. 

83, ,,Ὠ, 1, add ‘unum’ before ‘hominem’. 

90, ,, 10, for ‘quod eum’ read ‘quo eum’: and see Adn. Crit. 
107, ,, 10, for ‘ignaviae delictum’ read ‘ignaviae delectus’: ‘and see Adn. Crit 
117, col. a, line 18, for ‘ αὐθημερὸν ᾽ read ‘ αὐθήμερον ’. 
121, line 16, for ‘ut deo’ read ‘ad eum’: and see Adn. Crit. 
126, col. a, line 17, transpose “ (as it is below, § 3)’ to follow ‘ certe scio’ (1. 19). 
164, line 15, for ‘ pro sua’ (roman) read ‘pro sua’ (italics): and see Adn. Crit, 
201, col. ὁ, line 2, after ‘ (dat. incomm.)’ add ‘ We have found after the proofs 

were passed that this interpretation has been already given by Junius 
and Graevius.’ 

208, col. J, line 21, for ‘ words of Cicero’ read “ words of Curio’. 
oh Ὁ for § 705’ read * 706”. 
286, ,, 2, for ‘46’ read ‘48’. 
330, ,, 6, for ‘adin opiam’ read ‘ad inopiam’. 
382, col. a, line 11, add ‘malueram] See Adn. Crit.’ 
386, line 3, for ‘ bibliotheca’ read ‘bybliotheca’: and see Adn. Crit. 
408, ,, 8, add ‘tuscuLuMm’ before ‘suLy’. 
469, ,, 6, delete ‘te’. 
477, col. b, line 40, for ‘ Professor Clarke’ read ‘ Professor Clark’. 
478, line 1, for ‘meo’ read ‘quidem meo ἢ, 

eee a Se ΟΝ 



§ 1. Cicero, Pompry, AnD CAESAR. 

Wirth five cohorts against the world, as Livy said,! Caesar crossed 
the Rubicon on the night of January 10-11, and on the 11th 
occupied Ariminum. News of such a step flew fast, and we may 
well suppose that it traversed the 230 Roman miles of road to the 
capital in three days; so that early on the 14th the knowledge 
of Caesar’s decisive step was known at Rome. Even though the 
Senate had already begun to make preparations for war, and had 
apparently decreed a tumuitus,’ they were astounded at the sudden- 
ness of the news. Caesar pushed on with his wonted rapidity,? 
occupied Pisaurum, Fanum, and Ancona with separate cohorts 
during the next few days, and sent Antony, with five cohorts, 
across the mountains to seize Arretium,‘ and Curio with three to 

1 Orosius vi. 15. 3, Caesar Rubicone flumine transmeato, mox ut Ariminum venit, 
guingue cohortes quas tune solas habebat, cum quibus (ut ait Livius) orbem terrarum 
adortus est, quid facto opus esset edocuit: cp. Appian, B. C. ii. 34 fin., wera τῶν 
πεντακισχιλίων ἔγνω προεπιχειρεῖν τοσῷδε πολέμῳ καὶ φθάσαι τὰ εὔκαιρα τῆς ᾿Ιταλίας. 

2 312.3; and cp. Groebe ap. Drumann iii.* 726. Holzapfel follows Plutarch, 
Pomp. 61; Caes. 33, in supposing the ¢wmultus was decreed on the 17th, just before 
the evacuation of Rome. Cicero makes no mention of the decreeing of a tumultus. 

3 Caesariana celeritas, Att. xvi. 10. 1 (801). 

4 Caesar (B. C. i. 11. 4) represents these operations as having been effected after 
the failure of the negotiations between him and Pompey which were conducted by 
L. Caesar. Cicero says expressly on the 27th of January (cp. 312. 2) that the sena- 
tors left the city, ewm Caesar Ariminum Pisaurum Anconam Arretium occupavisset. 
Caesar (i. 10. 3) appears to wish his readers to believe that for a considerable time 
Ariminum was the only one of the towns outside his province occupied by him. 

VOL. Iv. b 


occupy Iguvium, so that, by possession of the coast-road and of 

the fortress of Arretium, the march on Rome might be rendered 
possible. When news either of the actual occupation of these 
towns, or of Caesar’s advance on them, which meant their certain 
capitulation, was known at Rome on the 17th, a meeting of the 
Senate was held in the Curia Pompei, which was of a very excited 
nature. The senators assailed Pompey for having misled them . 
as to the forces at his disposal. Volcatius Tullus was foremost 
among these, and urged that negotiations be opened with Caesar.! 
Cato proposed that Pompey should be made commander-in-chief, 
as it was the business of a man who caused great evils to put an 
end to them. Favonius, with cynical sarcasm, asked him to 
stamp his foot, and produce the soldiers he had said would arise 
if he did so. Assailed with such criticism, to which he was never 
accustomed, he said little, but was plainly bewildered and dis- 
tracted ;* and, after declaring that he was unable to hold the city,°® 

1 Appian, B.C. ii. 36, says that it was Cicero who moved that ambassadors be sent 
to Caesar. Possibly he found Twélus in his authorities, and assumed it was Tullius 
(Cicero). A good account of the meeting is to be found in Plut. Pomp. 60 f. 

2 Plut. Cat. min. 52. It is doubtful if this motion was regularly passed. We 
rather think that Pompey had not any such formal authority until he had actually 
left Italy (ep. Caes. B. Οὐ. 11. 16. 4, de consili sententia summam belli rerumque 
omnium Pompeio permiserint ; Lucan v. 46-49; Velleius ii. 49. 2, consules senatusque 
causae, non Pompeto summam imperti detulerunt—a not very lucid statement, but 
apparently it means much the same as Lucan’s antithesis (v. 14), docuit venerabilis 
ordo | non Magni partes sed Magnum in partibus esse), though, no doubt, Pompey was 
de facto the most important of the senatorial commanders. He writes to Domitius 
and to the consuls, advising (e.g. hortor, 329. 2; 331. 4), not ordering, them to take 
certain measures, in the tone of one who had a par, not a maius imperium. Cp. below, 
p. xix, notes. The consuls, on receiving an order to return to Rome and take away 
the treasure there, only consented to do so conditionally on Pompey’s going to Picenum 
(319.2). Pompey said that he could not have a discussion about peace at Brundisium, 
as the consuls were not at hand (Caes. i. 26. 5: cp. 364.2). See also Addenda to 
Comm. 111. 

3 Mr. Heitland (Zhe Roman Republic, iii, p. 811) severely, but with much justice, 
says :—‘‘ The Civil War pitilessly exposed his [Pompey’s] weakness, As leader of 
the Roman aristocrats he was ridiculous, for he was neither their master nor their 
hero. As champion of the Republic he was equally ridiculous, for sincere republicans 
like Cato had no trust in his patriotism and self-denial. Mere military skill was not 
enough for civil war.”’ 

4 Cp. 365. 2, Vidi hominem xiti K. Febr. plenum timoris, and note to 308. 

5 It was feared that Caesar would march on Rome; but he could not venture on 
such a step with his few cohorts, especially as the Pompeians had considerable forces 
in Picenum, which could cut off his reinforcements coming from Gaul. Pompey. 


he called on the magistrates and senators to follow him to Lower 
Italy, and in his angry mood threatened that he would consider 
anyone who did not follow him as an enemy of the State and an 
adherent of Caesar. He was too agitated to remember even to secure 
the money in the Treasury.1. On the same evening he left Rome, 
and proceeded, in tie first instance, towards Teanum Sidicinum. 
So Rome, as Plutarch says, was left like a storm-tossed ship in 
which the steersman has abandoned the helm.’ 

When the senatus consultum ultinum was passed on the 7th, 
a division of the districts of Italy was made among the principal 
magistrates, Cicero was outside the walls, still holding the 
imperium, and in the division Capua was assigned to him (345. 2, 
imperatam), and he accepted it (901. 3,nos Capuam sumpsimus).? But 
from the very first Cicero appears to have undertaken the duty un- 
willingly (333. 4, invite cepi Capuam—if that is the right reading) ; 
and when the war had really broken out, a few days’ reflection 
showed him that he would be unfit for a task which, if effectively 
performed, would require special military qualities. Accordingly, 
he endeavoured to divest himself of it, and asked Pompey to be 
allowed to accompany him.‘ But Pompey overruled his misgivings, 
and told him that he need not take any active part, but just exercise 
a general supervision over the whole district of Campania and the 
coast (304.5). We think that Pompey made this request in 
consequence of his complete trust in the honesty of Cicero, who, 
he believed, would give him information in case there was any 
mismanagement of affairs in that region. 

appears to have had no proper information as to the amount of Caesar’s forces, or of 
his own either (319. 1: ep. Plut. Pomp. 57, αὐτὸν δὲ τὸν Πομπήιον ἀπείρως ἔχειν τῆς 
αὑτοῦ δυνάμεως καὶ δόξηΞ5), and indeed, on other occasions too, his intelligence 
department (if he had any at all) was very defective: cp. 319. 1; 329. 1, and notes. 

2 315.3; 319. 2;'333. 4; Caes. B. C.i. 14.1; Dio Cass. xli. 17. 2. 

2 Plutarch Caes. 34, ὥσπερ νεὼς ὑπὸ κυβερνήτων ἀπαγορευόντων . . . κομιζομένης. 
This meeting of the senate is described by Plutarch, Pomp. 60, 61; Caes. 33; 
Cato min. 52; Appian, B. C. ii. 36, 37. On this occasion Caesar may have been 
decreed an enemy (hostis) of the State. At any rate he was declared an enemy at some 
time: Appian ii. 50: cp. Dio xli. 17. ὃ. Caesar probably passed a similar decree 
against the Pompeians in April. This evacuation of Rome appears to have been an 
attractive topic for rhetorical treatment: cp. Dio Cass. xli. 7-9. 

3 On Cicero’s command in Campania see Addenda to Comm. i. 

4 Op. 343.5, 6; 327. 3, non dubito quin ad te statim veniam quo mihi nihil optatius 
est, idque tecum quo die ab urbe discessimus locutus sum. 



Before Pompey left Rome Cicero had, as we have seen, ἃ 
conversation with him, and requested to be allowed to be his com- 
panion; but Pompey wished him to stay on the west coast, and 
supervise generally the levies there. On the 18th Cicero left 
Rome, to fulfil this task, and proceeded southwards, perhaps to 
Tarracina (see note to 304). He informed Atticus that he was. 
not likely to have any fixed address.’ About the 20th he arrived 
at his villa at Formiae. On the 21st he had an interview with 
the consul Lentulus and with Libo, and on the 221d wrote 305 
to Atticus. In that letter he says :— 

‘You want to know what Pompey is going to do. I do not think he knows. 
himself; certainly none of us know. There is a general state of terror and 
bewilderment. Pompey (2//e) is proceeding to the cohorts stationed at Larinum ; 
but after that, whether he intends to leave Italy or not I do not know. Do advise 
me what course to adopt. Shall 1 throw myself completely into the cause (I 
do not mind the danger, but am most indignant at the utter want of judgment. 
and neglect of my advice shown in the whole business) ; or shall I hesitate, 
and temporize (tergzverser), and join the winning side? Noblesse oblige; if 
my duty as a citizen did not deter me from this latter course, my duty asa 
friend would: but then pity for my children breaks down my resolution. Do 
write something. If Pompey leaves Italy, what am I to do? Lepidus and 
Torquatus draw the line there.” 

On the same day Cicero wrote 306 to his family, urging them 
to leave Rome while they could, and join him in the district over 
which he had supervision. 

Late on the 22nd Cicero arrived at Minturnae, and early on 
the 23rd wrote 807 from that place. We find with regret that 

1 304. 5, Itaque vagus esse cogitabam. 

? This passage is interesting, as showing that there was a general opinion from the 
very first that it was quite as probable as not that Pompey would leave Italy: cp. 
315. 1; 365.6; though Cicero in 343. 5, in writing to Pompey, makes what seems. 
something like a statement that he never had any idea that Pompey would do so (see, 
however, note to that passage). Yet it was before Cicero’s mind as a possibility as 
early as December 27th, 50: cp. Att. vii. 9. 2 (300); and Cicero considered that 
Pompey had it in view all along (342. 2; 394.3). Pompey himself, doubtless, 
intended to adopt this course, in case there was not a satisfactory response to his call 
to arms in South Italy; and certainly, in the absence of adequate forces to meet 
Caesar, there is no doubt that the East, where Pompey’s was a name to conjure 
with and where the peoples and the client kings were all devoted to him, was the 
quarter wherein to organize a force capable of meeting the tried veterans of the Gallic 


Cicero (§ 1) enjoys the reflection that ‘the defection of Labienus, 
if it has no other effect, will give Caesar pain,’ Cicero entertains 
the most gloomy views of the state of anarchy and chaos which 
will ensue from the recklessness of a single desperado, and is 
alarmed at the inadequate forces on the Pompeian side; thie 
untrustworthiness of the only two legions at Pompey’s disposal, 
which Caesar had given for the Parthian war and which had been 
treacherously retained in Italy and almost alienated, as well as 
the reluctance, of the inhabitants to enlist, prove, he says, that 
“our captain has cleared the harbour with a storm brewing, but 
has forgotten to supply our vessel with a rudder.” On the same 
day he wrote 309 to his family, again urging them to leave Rome 
while they could, and to come to him; or, at all events, to see 
what course the other Roman ladies were taking, and to talk the 
matter over with friends. Late on the 28rd he wrote 308, from 
Minturnae. On the 24th he reached Cales, and wrote 310, which 
he despatched early onthe morning of the 25th. On that evening 
he reached Capua. This was the point to which his journey was 
directed: here it was expected that he would, in concert with 
M. Considius, the propraetor, supervise the levy. When he 
arrived he found (3827. 2) the vigorous Ampius Balbus pressing 
on the levy with all that characteristic energy which gained him 
the appellation of ‘ the clarion of the Civil War,* and Libo no less 
diligent in formally taking over the recruits from him and duly 
organizing them. But there was a very lukewarm response to the 
levy. On the 25th Pompey left Teanum, and proceeded to Lari- 
num; but there was the greatest uncertainty as to what was tlie 
object of his movements.‘ 

1 It was expected that Labienus would influence the troops at Luceria. Such 
hopes were disappointed : cp. 332.3 (February 17th), in Labieno parwm est dignitatis. 
On joining Pompey he spoke of the weakness of Caesar's forces (313. 2), and 
encouraged the Pompeians. It was owing to this, as Holzapfel (ΑΚ ϊο, iv. 356) points 
out, that, while prior to January 23rd there is often mention of Pompey’s leaving 
Italy, there is no such mention from January 23rd to February 4th: cp. 315. 1 
(February 2nd), cwm fuga ex Italia quaeri videbatur (note the tense). 

2 307. 2, Commissuin quidem a nobis certe est sive a nostro duce ut 6 portu sine 
gubernaculis egressi tempestati nos traderemus. 

3 Tuba belli civilis, Fam. vi. 12. 3 (490). 

4 305. 2, Tile iter Larinum : ibi enim cohortes et Luceriae et φαμὶ reliquaque in 
Apulia. Inde utrum consistere uspiam velit an mare transire nescitur. 


Cicero says, on January 26th,! that from the time he left the 
city he had not let a. day pass without writing to Atticus. The 
letters despatched on the 20th, 21st, and 24th appear to have 

been lost.? A letter of the 24th certainly made some reference to , 

a false statement of Torquatus about the gladiators of Caesar at 
Capua.. There were 600 gladiators of Caesar’s in a school there, 
and serious apprehension was entertained that they might cause 
trouble. Lentulus, the consul, tried, by promises of liberty, to 
induce them to be enrolled in his cavalry. This was just the sort 
of un-Roman thing that the inconsiderate Lentulus would do; 
but the project was so universally censured that it was ultimately 
abandoned. The school was broken up, and two gladiators were 
given in custody to each of 300 householders.? Caesar wrote to 
Cicero about these eae and seems to have incidentally 
urged him to advocate peace.! 

Meanwhile negotiations had been δούδε ήτο between Pompey 
and Caesar. After the news of the capture of Ariminum had 
reached Rome, the Senate sent L. Caesar and Roscius Fabatus 
to Caesar to remonstrate with him, and to endeavour to ascertain 
whether he was really bent on making war against his country ; 
also to ask him what it was exactly that he wanted. The Senate 
sent this embassy when they perceived that their fulmination 
of January 7th had not frightened Caesar at all, but had, on the 
contrary, driven him into open rebellion. The envoys reached 
Caesar at one of the coast towns, perhaps Ancona, about the 
18th, and conferred with him there. This conference is given in 
some detail by Caesar (Β. C. i. 8 and 9). The terms which 
Caesar gave them to bring back were (1) that Pompey should 
go to Spain—this to dissociate him from the Senate, who then 
would have no commanding personality to lead them; (2) that 
all troops recruited in Italy should be disbanded; (3) that the 
electors (i.e. when the elections came on in the summer) should 

pa ee ἢ 

* Schmidt (p. 121) supposes that 305 was written on the 21st, 307 on the 22nd, 
308 on the 28rd, 310 on the 25th; so that only the letters of the 20th and 24th are 
wanting. This is quite possible. : ? 

5 Caes. B. C. i. 14.45; Att. vii. 14. 2 (810). 

4 332.1; 319.3; 821. 3: cp. p. xxii, below. 

ene ee ϑ 


meet at Rome without any soldiers of either party to terrorize 

them; (4) that, if these conditions were accepted, Caesar would 
resign his provinces on July Ist, and, without retaining his 

imperium, come to Rome, and stand for the consulship. All 
further details were to be settled by a personal conference with 
Pompey. Caesar may also have said something to the effect that 
he had no intention of doing violence to anyone, and may have 
generally spoken and behaved in a courteous and moderate 
manner to the envoys; and they may have overestimated tie 
value of such polite expressions, and led the Senate to believe that 
Caesar was in a more pliant mood than was actually the case.' 
Cicero saw Lucius Caesar on his return from this mission at 
Minturnae on January 23rd, and described Caesar’s terns as ‘ most 
preposterous’ (cum absurdissimis mandatis, 3808. 2), one does not see 
exactly why, as they were virtually the same as had been made by 
Curio in the Senate on the Ist of January. But Cicero appears 
to have considered that Caesar had somewhat repented of the 
step he had taken in crossing the Rubicon, it was so mad and 
desperate (310.1, nam et illum furoris ... suppaenitet) ; andin any 
case Caesar’s insistence in imposing conditions at all on the Senate 
was at least, on the first blush, ‘most shameless,’ and he would 
be frantic if he refused the terms offered by the Senate (315. 2, 
Quae ille amentissimus fuerit nist acceperit, praesertim cum impu- 
dentissime postulaverit). Lucius Caesar laid these terms before 
Pompey and the consuls at Teanum on the 25th (310.1). They 
approved of them, provided Caesar removed his forces from the towns 
which he had occupied outside his province.? If he did so, the 
Senate would return to Rome, and settle the matter. ‘This view 
was subsequently maintained at a meeting of the Senators at 
Capua on the 25th, when Pompey was not present, even Cato 
preferring to accede to Caesar’s terms than to fight. Favonius 
alone dissented, but without being heeded (811. 2). Many of 

1 This, we think, may be the meaning of what Dio Cassius says (xli. 6. 5), ‘and 
he (Caesar) further accused the envoys of even making some false statements about 
him ’ (καὶ προσεγκαλεῖν σφισι ὡς καὶ καταψευσαμένοις τινὰ αὐτοῦ). 

- 2 Caesar misrepresents this condition. It was the praesidia in the towns of Italy 
that the Senate demanded should be withdrawn (311. 2 ; 312. 3): but Caesar i. 10. 3, 
says Arimino excederet, exercitus dimitteret. Caesar would have his arenes believe, 
too, that he had taken no town except Ariminum. 


the Senators did not believe that Caesar would adhere to his 
terms (311. 3; 312. 4); and we cannot help thinking that Caesar’s 
reasons for considering the Senate’s terms unfair were somewhat 
captious (Β. Ο. 1.11). Still the Senate could hardly have expected 
him to retire to his province, as Attius Varus, a strong partisan of 
Pompey’s, was recruiting in the vicinity of Cingulum and Auximum 
(308. 3; Caes. B.C.i.12. 3). Further, Caesar may well have feared 
that his enemies would have easily found a pretext for war the 
moment they found themselves strong enough to declare it ; and 
there would certainly have been great delay in the decisions of 
the Senate if it returned to Rome. Cato would have then put 
every kind of obstacle in the way of a settlement... These terms 
of the Pompeians were drafted by Sestius, a very tedious writer 
(315. 2),? and brought back by Lucius Caesar. He left Capua on 
the 25th, and may have reached Auximum or Ancona by the 
29th. Possibly he did not travel so very expeditiously, and may 
not have arrived until February Ist. At any rate, on February 3rd 
Cicero at Formiae received a copy of a letter written by Curio to 
Furnius (317. 1), which ridiculed the negotiations of Lucius 
Caesar. Caesar considered it unreasonable to demand that he 
should retire into his province and withdraw his garrisons 
without definite agreements that Pompey too would give up his 
forces and go to Spain within a specified time, and without 
definite arrangements concerning the proposed conference. He 
accordingly rejected Pompey’s terms, and turned to the prosecution 
of the war. 

Though no actual conflicts occurred between the 20th and 

1 8311. 2, Cuto enim ipse 1am servire quam pugnare mavult. Sed tamen ait in 
senatu se adesse velle cum de condicionibus agatur si Caesar adductus sit ut praesidia 
deducat. Ita, quod maxime opus est, in Siciliam ire non curat: quod metuo ne obsit, 
» in senatu esse vult. The condition that Caesar should retire to his province, and 
withdraw his forces from the towns he had captured, was the great thing to secure: it 
would enable them (as they thought) to prevent any subsequent invasion of Italy. 

* Caesar (i. 10. 2) notes especially that they were written, scriptaque ad eum 
mandata remittunt. Can we infer from this statement that Caesar’s terms to the 
Senate were not written, but given verbally to Lucius Caesar? It really looks as if 
such were the case from 308. 2. If Caesar’s terms were written, and Lucius Caesar 
was only the bearer of them, it was little matter whether he was a feather-headed man 
or not, and Caesar would not have dwelt on the fitness of L. Caesar and Roscius as 
negotiators (i. 9. 1, actus idoneos homines), 


28th of January, yet neither party remained quiet. A certain 

- amount of resistance was set on foot by the Optimates in Picenum. 
Some senators were sent to the different towns of that district. 
Attius Varus held Auximum, ten miles from Ancona, and appears 
to have been planning an assault on that town and on the for- 
tresses which Oaesar had occupied on the Flaminian Road, viz. on 
Fanum, Pisaurum, and Ariminum. Lentulus Spinther was in 
Asculum, and further south, in Samnium, Cn. Domitius Aheno- 
barbus had taken up his position at Corfinium. Caesar had as yet 
only one legion, the 13th, with him, so that it was necessary that 
he should concentrate all his cohorts against this resistance in 
Picenum, in order to prevent the seizure of the Flaminian Road, 
and the consequent interception of the 12th legion, which was now 
on its way from Gaul. Accordingly, orders were sent about the 
21st to Antony at Arretium, and to Curio at Iguvium, to join 
Caesar at Ancona; and they succeeded in effecting this juncture 
by the end of January. 

Thus reinforced, Caesar, having found it inexpedient to 
assent to Pompey’s terms, opened the campaign in Picenum. 
He occupied Auximum about February Ist, and Cingulum (which 

_ was founded and built by Labienus in 63)! within the next day 
or two; he also sent flying parties into the south of the Picentine 
ar to reconnoitre. Meanwhile the 12th legion had arrived,’ 

| Bind Caesar at once directed his march for Asculum, the principal 
town of Picenum, which was held by Lentulus Spinther. No 
sooner had the object of Caesar’s march become known than that 

_ senator fled from the town. As Caesar had now no immediate 

necessity to press on to Asculum at once, he occupied Firmum 
on the route,‘ and sent forward a portion of his troops to take 


1 Caes. B.C. i. 15.2. It may have been his birthplace. On account of the name 
_ of Labienus being connected with the town, Silius Italicus (x. 34) invents ἃ Labienus 
_ who led the forces of the place in the Second Punic War, celsis Labienum Cingula saxa | 
_ miserunt muris. 
* Caes. i. 15. 38. Caesar must have sent for the 12th and 8th legions early in 
_ December, so as to admit of their arriving in Picenum, from the territory of the Aeduis 
Ἶ Some 600 miles away (cp. Bell. Gall. viii. 54. 4), as early as February. 
i 3 Caes. i. 15.3, Asculum Picenum proficiscitur. This only indicates the original 
_ Object of Caesar’s march. 
; 4 In Caes. i. 16.1, Mr. Peskett rightly retains Firmo, comparing Att. viii. 12 ὁ. 




possession of. Asculum. ‘This was about the 6th.' On the 7th, at 
Firmum, he organized the soldiers who had deserted from the 
Pompeians, enrolled volunteers, and collected provisions ; and on 
the 8th started by the coast road, through Castrum Truentinum, 
for Aternum, whence he struck south-westwards, through the 
territory of the Marrucini, for Corfinium, and arrived before that 
town on the 14th. 

For there most.of the forces of tle Pompeians in North Italy 
had become concentrated. There were six cohorts at Alba Fucentia, 
under L. Manlius, and seven at Sulmo, under Q. Lucretius and 
Attius Pelignus; but the main post was at Corfinium. Thither 
Thermus had come from Iguvium, and Lentulus Spinther from 
Asculum. The forces which had followed Thermus had deserted 
him and slipped away to their homes, and those which had 
followed Lentulus were taken over on the route by Vibullius 
Rufus, who had been sent by Pompey as commander of the troops 
in that region; and Lentulus and Thermus themselves arrived at 
Corfinium about February 5th with news that Vibullius was 
following with considerable forces. When these arrived (as they 
probably did about the 10th), there were eighteen cohorts within 
the walls of Corfinium.? 

It was a serious matter for Domitius to decide what to do 
when Caesar was 1n full march against him. Was he to evacuate 

1 (325). He interprets expuiso Lentulo as indicating the expulsion of Lentulus from 
the whole district in which the operations were being carried on, viz. from Picenum. 

' Pompey did not try to secure Picenum, because he put less trust in the inhabitants 
of that district than did the other senators, and as a matter of fact the Picentines 
appear to have been very ready to join Caesar (cp. Caes. i. 18. 1; 15.1); besides he 
could not trust the legions at Luceria (807. 2: cp. 331. 3) to march against their 
former comrades in arms. 

2 Caesar (i. 15) says Vibullius and Hirrus had 13 cohorts, Domitius about 20, 
Pompey, in 381. 1, speaks of ‘my 19 and Domitius’s 12.’ Again, in 322. 1,-he speaks 
ot Domitius as having 12, Vibullius 14, Hirrus 5. As Schmidt (p. 132) justly says, 
Pompey was more likely than Caesar to know details about his own troops; he 
supposes that Caesar knew the approximate total of the enemy’s troops, but wrongly 
included the 5 cohorts of Hirrus in the 13 of Vibullius; and accordingly, in order to 
make up the requisite sum, gave an undue number to Domitius. Assuming, then, that 
the whole forces in Picenum were 31 cohorts, the local distribution would be—at 
Sulmo 7 (Caesar i. 18. 1), at Alba Fucentia 6 (ib. 23. 3), leaving 18 at Corfinium. 
That the forces at Sulmo and Alba must be counted in the total of 31 (or 28) isshown 
by Ep. 331.1. See also Addenda to Comm. iii. 


Corfinium while he still could and join Pompey, who had taken 
up his quarters at Luceria; or was he to confront Caesar with 
his eighteen cohorts and the walls of Corfinium? In the latter 
ease he might fairly expect that Pompey would march north to 
his support, and, thus assailed from two sides, Caesar might be 
erushed.!. At first Domitius seemed inclined to retreat (322), but 
after the 10th he appears to have made up his mind to join 
Pompey if Caesar marched on Luceria, but if he marched on 
Corfininm to offer resistance there; and to this effect he wrote 
to Pompey apparently about the 12th or 18th (829. 1). About 
the 6th, and also about the 12th, Pompey wrote urgent letters 
to Domitius to march out while he could (825). The letters 
of Domitius and Pompey crossed, and when Domitius received the 
letter of Pompey, written on the 12th, it was too late to follow 
the advice it contained.” On the 14th Domitius wrote that Caesar 
was before Corfinium, and urged Pompey to come to his aid with 
all speed. This was the last communication from Domitius before 
the siege began. Pompey did not marcel north to Corfinium ; on 
the contrary, on the day on which he received this last letter of 
Domitius, viz. the 17th, he gave orders for all troops, except those 
required for the defence of Sicily, to retreat, to Brundisinm for 
transhipment to Greece (331.3). The siege of Corfinium began 
on the 14th, and the town capitulated on the 21st, Sulmo having 
previously surrendered about the 18th.* With a word of reproach 
for their ingratitude, Caesar dismissed all the senators who were 

1 “Middleton (Life of Cicero, ii. 59, ed. 1823) notices on the one hand that Pompey 
had seen from the outset the necessity of quitting Italy, yet he kept the secret to 
himself, and even pretended that he would march into Picenum (313. 2); and on the 
other that ‘‘the plan of the war as it was commonly understood [by his followers] was 
to possess themselves of the principal posts of Italy, and act chiefly on the defensive, 
in order to distress Caesar by their different armies, cut off his opportunities of forage, 
hinder his access to Rome, and hold him continually employed, till the veteran army 
from Spain, under Pompey’s lieutenants, Afranius, Petreius, and Varro, could come 
up to finish his overthrow ᾽᾽ (312. 4; 333. 7). The fact that there was no de iure 
commander-in-chief of the Constitutionalists was certainly detrimental to their 
interests during the campaign in Italy. When they passed over into Greece, Pompey 
was definitely made general of all the forces : see above, p. x, note 2: also next note. 

* We must consider that, in virtue of the senatus consultum ultimum, Domitius 
had a par imperium with Pompey ; and that the latter was not his superior officer, so 
that he could only advise Domitius, he could not command him, to retreat. 

3 335. 3; 468. i..18. 2. 


found in Corfinium, and gave back to Domitius a large sum of 
money belonging to him, which the magistrates of the town had 
put into Caesar’s hands. This was Caesar’s new method of 
winning victory, by raising up, as he says himself, the strong 
bulwarks of merey and generosity.’ 

But we must meanwhile return to South Italy, and follow the 
movements of Cicero from January 25th. 

Cicero remained at Capua on the 20th and 27th, and wrote 
thence Att. vii, 15 (311), and Fam. xvi. 12 (312) to Tiro. The 
letter to Tiro contains a general narrative since Cicero 
had last written on the 12th; and expression is given to a doubt 
as to Caesar’s sincerity in offering such favourable terms as he had 
offered. On the 28th Cicero set out on his return journey to 
Formiae, and reached Cales in the evening. From that place he 
wrote 313 to Atticus. 

‘ We have,’ he says (ὃ 2), ‘ two things to look forward to—the answer 
which Caesar will give to the message brought by L. Caesar, and the 
course of action which Pompey will adopt. Pompey says that in a few 
days he will have a strong army, and holds out hopes that if Caesar 
advances into Picenum we shall all soon return to Rome. Labienus? has 
raised Pompey’s courage, as he expresses no doubt that Caesar’s forces 
are very weak,’ 

On the 29th Cicero reached Formiae. We have no letters 
written on January 29th or February Ist. On the 2nd Cicero’s 
family, and his brother Quintus and his family, arrived at For- 

1 347.1, Haee nova sit ratio vincendi, ut misericordia et liberalitate nos muniamus. 
Yet this merciful Caesar, after having kept Vercingetorix a prisoner for six years, ex- 
hibited him at his triumph, and had him strangled that day. Pompey was not guilty of 
any such harshness to his captives in the Mithridatic war (ep. Appian Mithr. 117 fin.; 
Drumann iv? 497, ed. Groebe). Drumann (vi. 200) rather unfairly notices that Cicero 
persistently entertained the fear that Caesar would turn into the cruel tyrant and order 
proscriptions and confiscations of property. No doubt in the early months of the war 
he had that fear: e.g. 392. 2, caedem video si vicerit et impetum in privatorum pecunias 
et exsulum reditus et tabulas novas et turpissimorum honores et regnum non modo Romano 
homini sed ne Persae quidem cuiquam tolerabile; but the passages quoted by Drumann 
for subsequent years do not appear to us to indicate anything at all so dreadful: e.g. 
444.1, omnino dicitur nemini negare : quod ipsum est suspectum notionem eius differ’ ; 
also 423 init.; 462.1, guid hic mihi faciet patri; Att. xiii. 28. 3 (604), tu hune de 
pompa Quirini contubernalem his nostris moderatis epistulis laetaturum putas ? nor, we 
are convinced, did Cicero seriously mean what he said in these passages. 

2 Labienus soon ceased to be of any real importance: cp. 332. 3 and note: also 
Lucan v. 345, Fortis in armis | Caesareis Labienus erat ; nune transfuga vilis | cum 
duce praelato terras atque aequora lustrat. 


miae.! Before their arrival Cicero wrote 315. He is still in grave: 
anxiety as to Caesar’s reply. He considers (§§ 2-4) that — 

‘Caesar will be quite mad if he does not accede to the conditions, 
especially as his demands are so shameless... But he is making most 
vigorous preparations. He has commissioned 'rebatius? to ask me to be 
at Rome when he arrives. Nothing, he says, could give him greater 
pleasure... I have answered Trebatius, that I fear I cannot do so, as 
I am in the country, though not recruiting or indeed taking any active 
part at all in affairs; and I shall continue in this course while there is 
any hope of peace; but if there is war, 1 shall act as duty and honour 
0811... I am afraid war will rage all through Italy ; hut in a day or 
two we shall know Caesar’s reply.’ 

Early on February 3rd, before daybreak, Cicero wrote 316 to: 

_ Atticus in good spirits, to tell of the arrival of his family, and to. 

express his satisfaction at the favourable reception which (as 
Atticus had said) the reply of Pompey to Caesar had met with in 
Rome. He continues :—- 

‘If Caesar rejects these terms, it will be his ruin; if he accepts them—. 
Which, youask, would I prefer? I should tell you if I knew the extent of 
our forces... What a desperado Caesar is to carry on operations so 
vigorously while negotiations for peace are proceeding! But a truce to 
angry spleen; let us yield to circumstances, and go with Pompey to 
Spain. This is the least of evils, since we did not peremptorily reject 

Caesar’s candidature for a second consulship even when opportunity 

Later in the day, before this letter was sent, Cicero received a. 
packet of letters from Atticus, Philotimus, and Furnius. Fur- 
nius enclosed a letter from Curio to himself, ridiculing the- 
mission of L, Caesar. This was the first intimation Cicero received 
of Caesar’s refusal to accede to the demands of the Optimates. 
His spirits sank at once. ‘ We seem to be utterly crushed, and I 
do not know what to do. I don’t mind about myself; my diffi-. 

culty is to know what to do with the children. 1 am just leaving 

1 Tullia seems to have returned to Rome at the end of March (cp. 378. 4; 379. 2),. 
when Cicero left Formiae for Arpinum. Possibly Terentia returned sooner, on 

_ February 18th (820: 2), if that was not a mere temporary visit to Rome on business. 

They, perhaps, remained in Rome until after May 2nd (392. 9) ; but certainly they: 
were at Cumae on May 138th (402. δ). 
2 Cp. Plut. Cie. 37. 


for Capua, to learn something about the course of action which 
Pompey is taking’ (317). 

Cicero had made an appointment to meet the consuls at Capua 
on the 5th, and he arrived in that town on the 4th. He there 
heard that Pompey had fixed on Luceria as his head-quarters. 
The consul Lentulus arrived in Capua on the 5th, and the other 
consul was expected shortly.1 Neither had any adequate force, 
and ‘Caesar is dashing on, will forthwith be upon us—not to— 
join battle, but to intercept flight.* Again Cicero asks: ‘Am I 
to remain behind if Pompey leaves Italy ?’ 

‘For remaining may be urged the winter, my lictors, our thoughtless 
and indolent generals; for flight, my friendship with Pompey, end the 
disgrace of joining the tyrant—for tyrant he is, though it is not certain 
whether he is going to be another Phalaris or Pisistratus’ (318. 2). 

This not wholly unfavourable view of Caesar was probably 
due to a courteous letter which Cicero had received from him a 
day or two before, in which he had asked Cicero to use his in- 
fluence to protect the gladiators at Capua (p. xiv), and urged him 
to advocate peace (319. 3). Cicero replied in a brief letter, 
couched in friendly terms, with, however, no disparaging remarks 
on Pompey, rather indeed warmly praising him. This tone was 
dictated by his earnest desire for peace. Cicero evidently hoped 
that Caesar might publish that letter.° 

Cicero returned to Formiae on the 8th; and except that he 
attempted a journey to join Pompey on the 18th, in which he 
did not proceed further than Cales (see below, p. xxiv), he lived at 
Formiae until his interview with Caesar, on the 28th of March. 

' 318. 1, Tdi (i.e. the consuls) autem nondum venerant, sed erant venturi inanes 
tmparati : where see note, in which we question the genuineness of this reading. 

2 318.1, At illum ruere nuntiant et iam iamgue adesse, non ut manum conserat— 
quicum enim ?—sed ut fugam interciudat. 

* 332.1, Eas (se. litteras) si quo ille misit in publico proponat velim. Qaesar 
published Ep. 366: cp. note to 340a.1. We occasionally have allusions to ‘the 
publication of manifestoes : e.g. 304. 1, haec ait omnia facere se dignitatis causa: cp. 
Dio Cass. xli. 10. 2, γράμματα δὲ és πᾶσαν Thy ᾿Ιταλίαν πέμψας δι᾽ ὧν τόν τε Πομπήιον és 
δίκην τινὰ προεκαλεῖτο καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις θαρσεῖν παρήνει. Nissen (p. 102) supposes that 
the interdicta Caesaris mentioned by Cicero in 326. 1 (February 13th) was a manifesto to 
the Italian people, after the negotiations broke down at the end of January, just before 
he opened his campaign in Picenum. We think these interdicta were rather addressed 
to the Optimate generals in the towns in Picenum. 


In the Addenda’ to the Commentary, No. iv, we have set out 
the general considerations which influenced Cicero in deciding on 
the part he should play in the Civil War and they need not 
be detailed here. ‘hey were very complex, and such as would 
increase the perplexity of anyone the more, in proportion as he 
was thoughtful and honest. The ups and downs of Cicero’s spirits, 
according as good or bad news arrived, are most interesting in the 

_ eorrespondence of this period, in the course of which he writes to 
Atticus almost every day. But any attempt to reproduce these 
fluctuations in detail would simply resolve itself into a translation 
of all his letters. In reading his correspondence this expansiveness 
and impressionableness of Cicero must be fairly judged ; Cicero, as 
M. Boissier says, must be defended against himself. It is certainly 
a fault for a man to ‘ wear his heart upon his sleeve for daws 
to peck at’; but Cicero never expected that his letters would be 
published. ‘I write very differently,’ he says to Trebonius, ‘ what 
I think my correspondent alone will read and what the public.’ 
And when all is considered, the note of sincerity and of striving 
after the right (if only he could know what was the right) which 
breathes all through his letters of this period, in which he com- 
munes with Atticus as with his own soul,? amply suffices to save 
Cicero from really adverse judgment at the hands of all fair- 
minded critics, who are willing to take some little account of the 
weakness of our mortal nature.® 

On the 15th Cicero received a despatch (322) from Pompey, 
dated the 10th, stating that the Optimate forces from Samnium 
under Domitius, Vibullius, and Hirrus were marching down to him, 

and urging Cicero to come to Luceria, as being the safest place. 
Cicero replied (327) that he welcomed the good news, as he 

_ feared Pompey was going to retreat; but he thought that it was 

advisable to retain the Latin coast ; and that if Pompey thought 

1 450. 4, illas Calvo litteras misi, non plus quam has quas nune legis existimans 
exituras, Aliter enim seribimus quod eos solos quibus mittimus, aliter quod muitos 
lecturos putamus. 

2 349.2, Hyo tecum tanquam mecum ioquor. Quis autem est, tanta quidem de re, 
quin varie secum ipse disputet ? 

3 Bacon, however, regards him as an impressive example of irresolution. © ‘ Let a 
_ man look into the errors of Cicero, painted out by his own pencil in his Epistles to 
_ Atticus, and he will fly apace from being irresolute’ (Advancement of Learning, 
vol. ii, p. 19, ed. Montagu). 


so too, he (Cicero) would stay there (in ea manebo), though there 
were no forces in the towns (§1). But as the letter goes on 
he says (§ 3): ‘If you think that this coast should be held—and 
it has a favourable position and is a region of importance—you 
should get a governor for it (opus est esse qui praesit)’ ; thus resign- 
ing his post of authority in that quarter.’ ‘ Of course,’ he proceeds, 
‘if there is a concentration of all the Optimate forces in Luceria, 
I shall go to you, for to be with you is my dearest wish, as I told 
you when leaving the city.’ The next day, the 16th, he wrote 
(328) in low spirits to Atticus about this correspondence with 
Pompey, and says that he will evidently be compelled to go to 
Luceria, to join in the flight. 

On the 17th letters from Caesar and Balbus arrived. Cicero 
answered Caesar at once, urging reconciliation with the sena- 
torial party. Cicero appears to feel that writing to Caesar at 
all required defence, and his defence to Atticus is the scandalous 
mismanagement of the Optimate cause by Pompey. Cicero was 
evidently thinking of making serious efforts to negotiate for peace’ 
with Caesar— 

“1 would die,’ he says (332. 4), ‘for Pompey; but I do not think 
that the safety of the State lies with him. You say, somewhat 
different from your wont, I should leave Italy if Pompey leaves it.? 
No; I think that course neither good for the State nor for my children, 
nor right or honourable. . . . I have special reasons for remaining which 

I would fain talk over with you. I am just leaving to join Pompey, a 
helper, if it is a question of peace ; if of war—what ?’ 

Cicero did set out, but only reached Cales, where he heard news 
which led him to believe that Pompey was marching to the assist- 
ance of Domitius. He was uncertain as to Caesar’s intentions, 
whether he would march on Luceria or Capua : so, fearing lest he 

1 See also Addenda to Commentary, No. i, p. 561. 

* It is interesting to compare this advice of Atticus with that quoted by Cicero in 
365. 5, from a letter of February 7th, ἔσο quidem tibi non sim auctor, st Pompeius 
Italiam religquit te quoque profugere. Summo enim periculo facies nec reipublicae 
proderis, cut quidem posterius poteris prodesse st manseris (cp. Cato’s remarks, Plut. 
Cic. 38); and, indeed, all through that epistle Cicero quotes (with dates) passages 
in which Atticus advises him to remain in Italy. We do not think Cicero’s friend 
helped him much in his perplexity, and Atticus apparently did not like being even 
gently reminded of the inconsistency of his counsels: cp. 369. ὃ, συναγωγὴ con- 
siliorum tuorum non est a me conlecta ad querelam sed magis ad consolationem meam. 


should incur any risk of capture (cp. 343. 4), he returned to 
_ Formiae, and there waited for the development of events. 

During the next few days Cicero was all anxiety eoncerning 
what was happening at Corfinium. On the 19th there reached 
him an order from Pompey to the consuls, written about the 
17th, directing that, whereas it was advisable to concentrate tbeir 
forces into one place, they should come to him with all speed.’ 
Cicero had not the slightest doubt that the ‘one place’ was Cor- 

finium. All was to be staked on that cast. ‘ How I shudder,’ he 
writes to Atticus,’ ‘and am filled with anxiety as to the result. 
I trust that Pompey the Great will cause great terror by his 
approach.’* On the same day, the 19th, Pompey turned his back 
on Domitius, and marched from Luceria to Canusium, on his way 
to Brundisium, which was really the ‘one place’ that Pompey 
meant. Two days later the consuls joined Pompey, and they 
reached Brundisium on the 2dth. 
| Pompey had fourteen cohorts of the two Caesarean legions with 
him at Luceria (329.2; 331.2). Of the remaining six cohorts of these 
legions, two had been sent forward to Brundisium (333. 7), and 
_ the other four were at Canusium (331. 2). If we can believe the 
statement of Plutarch (Pomp. 62) that the consuls brought over 
ἱ with them to Greece thirty cohorts, and that Pompey followed 
them with twenty (Caes. B. C. 1. 25. 2), the whole force at his 
: disposal in Italy at this time was fifty cohorts.’ It may be that the 
- consuls left on the 4th (360. 3). They were certainly sent on in 
advance of Pompey, no doubt partly because Pompey could 
not trust them (ep. Dio Cass. xli. 12.1 προέπεμψε . . . τοὺς ὑπά- 
τους μὴ Kal νεοχμώσωσί τι κατὰ χώραν ὑπομείναντες )---δῃα he may 

απ ΟΣ δ, εἰς ἄς τ ὦ ΨΚ ὦ 

| 1 337. 2, Nunc, ut ego non scribam, tua sponte te intellegere scio quanti reipublicae 
_ intersit omnis copias in unum locum primo quoque tempore convenire. 

2 Ep. 337. 3. 
3 But notwithstanding his anxieties Cicero can still think about the little annoy- 
~ ances of his friends, and has something pleasant to say as regards Atticus’ and Pilia’s 
: fevers, 337.4. ‘Now that you have got rid of your fever, tell Pilia that she is not a 
_ sympathetic wife if she keeps hers any longer’ (Piliae dic non esse aeqguum eam diutius 
Ἶ habere nec id esse vestrae concordiae). 
au 4 This appears from the deplorable postscript to 335, written on February 22nd. 
You know, I suppose, of the capitulation of Sulmo, that Pompey is se epee for 
_ Brundisium, and that Domitius is deserted. It is all over.’ 
_ 5 Thirty of these must have been newly enrolled soldiers. 

VOL. IV. c 


well have had some doubts as to the loyalty of Lentulus 
(840. 4; 842. 5)'—but mainly because he had not sufficient ships to 
carry away all his forces at once. ‘I'he rhetoric of subsequent 
times loved to dwell on the contrast between Pompey landing at 
Brundisium after the Mithridatic war and his departure from 
Brundisium in flight from Caesar (Dio Cass. xli. 13.1; Florus 
ii. 13. [=iv. 2] 20: ep. Lucan. 11. 708, Heu pudor ! Haigua est fugiens 
victoria Magnus). 

Definite news was slow in reaching Cicero. On the 22nd he 
heard of the capitulation of Sulmo, and by the 28rd all Cicero’s 
erstwhile certain belief that Pompey would march to the assistance 
of Domitius had vanished (338. 1). His companions argued that, in 
the nature of things, Pompey must go to Corfinium ; he could not 
desert so many nobles and men of importance, when he had 
thirty cohorts too. 

‘If I am not mistaken,’ says Cicero, ‘he well desert them. His 
timidity passes belief (¢ncredibiliter pertimurt). He has no aim but flight, 
and you think (for I ean see your real sentiments) I should accompany 
him. Yes: I havea foe to fly from, but no leader to follow. I did say, 
Better to lose with Pompey than win with the Caesareans, and say it 
again, but with Pompey as he was in the old days, or as I thought he was, 
not with the man who flies before he knows his pursuer or whither he is 
to fly.’ 

Later in the same day follows another letter (339) in the same 
strain of excited censure— 

‘He would not accept any terms of peace, and did not make any 
preparation for war. He is deserting Domitius and all of us. Domitius 
has written to him an urgent appeal, and he has written to the consuls 
directing a concentration of forces. I thought the beauty of Nobility had 
shone before his eyes, and his true and better self had said, ‘‘ Let my 
enemies intrigue and devise against me as they will, for the right is on 
my 5146. But he has bid farewell, a long farewell, to all his Honour, 
and he makes for Brundisium. ‘They say that Domitius and his com- 
panions, on the receipt of this news, surrendered. What a catastrophe! 
I am too afflicted to write more.’ 

1 Holzapfel (iv. 370) notices that Lentulus was insolvent (Caes. B. Ὁ, 1.4. 2, 
Vell. ii. 49. 3, cp. 51. 3), that there were reports even in the autumn of 50 that 
Lentulus was acting in concert with Caesar (Att. vi. 8. 2 (281)), and that Lentulus 
said in the Senate on January 1 that if the Senate did not act vigorously he would join, 
Caesar. Hence Caesar sent young Balbus to him to negotiate (340. 4, cp. Vell. ii. 
51. 8, where Velleius confuses the two Balbi). 4 


The worst had come, and Cicero could once more be calm. 
But he never could feel the same towards Pompey again. The 
false god of the Optimates had deserted them in their hour of 
need. But the old spirit of devotion remained. ‘I love him, as 
in duty bound, but I cannot praise his desertion of his friends... 
Perhaps he is at Brundisium by this time. But this monster 
is so dreadfully alert, rapid, and energetic, that he will prebanty 
intercept him. I don’t know what will happen.’! 

In a letter written a few days later (842. 2) Cicero thinks that 
he sees the whole situation more clearly, and Pompey has begun 
to wear a more hateful aspect in his eyes :— 

‘Both are aiming at tyranny, not at constitutional government. 
Pompey did not leave Rome because he could not defend it, or Italy 
because he was driven from it. No; his design from the very outset was 
to set all seas and lands in motion, to rouse up barbarian kings and savage 
nations against Italy, and to mass together mighty armies. His aim isa 
kind of Sullan despotism, and many of his associates long for it. Do you 
suppose an arrangement between the two parties is out of the question ἢ 
It could be effected this very day. The aim of neither is our happiness ; 
each wishes to be monarch.? 

And in confirmation reference is made to the savage threats 
uttered by the Optimates at Luceria’ :— 

‘When you asked me to write to you my view of the situation, you 
perhaps expected that I could see therein something of the nature of 
consolation. No, I cannot. Nothing could be more miserable, desperate, 
or disgraceful . . . I remember Demetrius of Magnesia dedicated to you 
his book on Concord. Please send it to me; you see my project.’ 

On the same day, the 27th, Cicero replied (in Ep. 343) to a 
letter (Ep. 334) from Pompey, dated the 20th, from Canusium, 

1 340. 3, 4, Sed hoe τέρας horribilt vigilantia, celeritate, diligentia est. Plane 
quid futurum sit-nescio. ‘ Celerity is never more admired than by the negligent.’ 

2 Cp. Plut. Pomp. 75. When Pompey was flying from Pharsalia and had come to 
Lesbos, he met the philosopher Cratippus; and in a discussion on the ways of 
Providence, suggested by complaints of Pompey, the philosopher asked, ‘ How, 
Pompey, and by what evidence, can we be assured that you would have used your 
fortune better than Caesar if you had conquered?’ It is a pity that this narrative of 
Plutarch’s is so corrupt ; but there is no mistaking the general sense of what Cratippus 

3 342.4 and 7. If the reading in 352. 2 is sound, it would appear that Luceriae 
was used as a term to denote the violent threatenings of the Optimates which they 
uttered while in Pompey’s head-quarters at Luceria. 

c 2 


urging Cicero to join him at Brundisium with all speed. Cicero’s 
letter is courteous and very carefully written,’ as was natural, 
inasmuch as he felt it was an opportunity to express his disapproval 
of several of Pompey’s actions. But Cicero’s defence of his own 
conduct does not read as if his conscience was quite at ease, and 
he certainly makes some statements which are hardly in accordance 
with the facts.?- As regards his failure to join Pompey, he says, ‘I 
have not joined you, partly because I might be readily captured 
by the enemy (cp. notes to 392. 5), and that would be injurious 
not only to me personally, but to the State’ (§3).° As regards 
Pompey’s leaving Italy, he says, ‘I do not know your object in 
leaving Italy, but I suppose it is a wise one. 1 can only mourn 
the hard lot of my country (§5). My opinion was that we should 
not leave Rome, and you never even hinted at leaving Italy. I 
acquiesced in your view, not because I thought it good for the 
State (for I had no hope for 7¢), but from personal regard for 
yourself, and desire to be with you’ (ὃ 6). Then Cicero makes 
covert reference to his correspondence with Caesar, and defends 
himself by the reasonable plea that, when Pompey was making 
_ large and courteous concessions to Caesar‘ (3435. 7, cum pacis 

1 Cicero remarks on the carelessness Pompey showed in his letters: cp. 342. 6, 
Epistularum Pompei duarum quas ad me misit neglegentiam meamque in reseribendo 
diligentiam volui {ἰδὲ notam esse. LEarum exempla ad te misi. 

* This is shown in a valuable paper by Mr. J. D. Duff of Trinity College, 
Cambridge, in the Journal of Philology, xxiii (1914), p. 154 ff. (see our notes). He 
holds this letter to be ‘ verbosior quam verior,’ and. ‘ feels little doubt that in his heart 
Cicero was completely dissatisfied with it from the first’ (p. 157). Cicero says, § 5, 
‘Would that you had made me acquainted with your plans: for I could not entertain a 
suspicion (nam suspicione adsequi non potui) that you would leave Italy.” Yet Mr. 
Duff shows that the suspicion was before Cicero’s mind previously (303; 305. 4; 
315. 1; 365. 6). However, Cicero seems to be using this as an argument against 
Pompey for the lack of consideration he exhibited in not having kept him informed of 
his plans. Pompey had not informed him at all of his intention of leaving Italy: ep. 
345. 3, neque enim suspicari debui (‘I was not bound to suspect’ that Pompey would 
leave Italy) praesertim cum ex Pompei litteris (idem quod video te existimasse) non 
Gubitarim quin is Domitio subventurus esset. 

3 For what Cicero means by this see notes to this passage, 343. 3: add Plut. Cic. 38. 

4 Nissen (p. 104, note) and Schmidt (p. 124) are right in pointing out that the 
loyal Optimates must have felt some fear that a reconciliation might be effected 
between Caesar and Pompey to crush the Senators. They compare 392. 5: Fefellit-ea 
me res quae fortasse non debuit, sed fefellit: pacem putavi fore, quae si esset, iratum 
mihi Caesarem esse cum idem amicus esset Pompeio nolui ; senseram enim quam tidem 
essent. See notes on that passage. 


Lt ee ee 

eT ee 

oe ἘΠ ee, Ὑ 


condiciones ad te adferri a teque ad ea honorifice et large responderi 
viderem), he, Cicero, had reason to take: thought for his own 
interests, especially as he knew that he was always a mark for 
democratic attacks, and had positive evidence of the fact in the 
present crisis. If such attacks could be avoided with honour, 
why not avoid them? (§ 7). In reference to'those of the Optimates 
whose sentence was for open war and for no negotiations with the 
rebels, Cicero says: ‘I was never on more friendly terms with 
Caesar than they were, and they are not more loyal to the State 
than Iam. We differ on a question of policy: I was for peace, 
they for war. And now that this latter opinion has prevailed, 
you will not find me failing in my duty either to the State as a 
citizen or to yourself as a friend’ (§ 8). 

From the 27th of February to the 24th of March Cicero’s 
letters are almost all occupied with the question whether he should 
unite himself with Pompey or not, assuming it to be certain that 
Pompey will leave Italy. This consideration is mingled with 
anxiety about what will happen at Brundisium. 

For thither the centre of interest had been transferred. 
Caesar, after the capture of Corfinium, started for Brundisium on 
February 21st, and after having made regular marches of about 
eighteen Roman miles a day, with rests of about one day in seven, 
he reached Arpi on the 1st of March (3858. 2), and was before 
Brundisium on the 9th.!' If he could capture Pompey, the whole 
business would be settled: or if he could come to a reconciliation 

(as he told Balbus and Oppius he desired, 354. 1), the same 

purpose would be effected. Or if he drove Pompey out of Italy— 
a result which Dolabella considered would be a ‘ godsend ’ (369. 1), 
and which Caelius supposed was Caesar’s purpose (344. 1)—he 
would be able to proceed with little danger to the war in Spain. 
He at once set about negotiations with Pompey for a compromise. 
Fortune offered a negotiator. N. Magius, a native of Cremona, 
one of Pompey’s head engineers, had been captured, as he was 
making for Spain, and Caesar now sent him with certain proposals 
to Pompey. The latter sent Magius back with counter-proposals, 
which were probably extravagant and only made in order to 

E 370:-1. 

gain time. At all events, they seemed unsatisfactory to Caesar ; 
so he made, as he says himself, ‘a suitable reply’ (quae visa sunt 
respondi), and sent that reply back to Pompey. Pompey did not 
make any further effort to negotiate, and retained Magius with 
him.' Then Caesar made a further effort for peace by sending 
Caninius Rebiliusto Libo.’ Libo passed the message on to Pompey, 
who soon afterwards replied that as the consuls were not in Italy 
no agreement could be effected.? These negotiations lasted from 
the 10th to the 13th. On that day Caesar blockaded Brundisium, 
and began to throw moles into the sea, in order to prevent, if 
possible, Pompey’s flight; but Pompey succeeded in stealing 
away on the 17th, and Caesar entered the town on the 18th.‘ | 
The reasons which induced Pompey to leave Italy and go to 
Greece, as set forth by Dio Cassius (xli. 10. 3), were (1) that the 
victories of Caesar in Italy had turned popular feeling to favour 
Caesar, and many of Pompey’s supporters were deserting ; (2) the 
influence of his name and his many friends in the East pointed to 
that part of the world as the place in which he could collect forces 
on which he might rely; (5) Spain, too, was devoted to him, 
but he could not reach it safely, since Caesar held both the Gauls.° 
(4) Caesar could not pursue him, as he had no fleet, while Pompey 
had a fine fleet, which he meant to use to supply himself and to 

1347.2; 370. 1: Caes. B.C. i. 24-26; Schmidt, pp. 151-153. 

2 Caes. 1. 26. 8, tmprimis ut ipse cum Pompeio colloqueretur postulat: cp. above, 
p. XXViiil, note 4. 

3 Atticus, and in a less degree Cicero, about this time had some hopes that if 
Caesar and Pompey could have a meeting peace might be secured (348. 1, Si nactus hic 
esset G'naeum nostrum spes dubia pacis: 350.8, optas congressum pacemque non desperas. 
Sed ego cum haec seribebam (March 3) nec illos congressuros nec, ei congressi essent 
Pompeium ad ullam condicionem accessurum putabam). We think that Caesar was 
sincere in his desire for a meeting and reconciliation with Pompey (340. 4; 354. 1), 
but that Pompey knew that any sort of a compromise with Caesar, while the latter 
was in the flood-tide of his military success, would mean his own political extinction ; 
and indeed all along Pompey was convinced that war was inevitable: cp. Att. vii. 
4. 2 (295) in Dec. 50, De republica autem ita mecum locutus est quasi non dubium bellum 
haberemus ; nihil ad spem concordiae; vii. 8. 4 (299), Quod quaeris ecquae spes pacifica- 
tionis sit, quantum ex Pompei muito et accurato sermone perspexi, ne voluntas quidem ; 
ib. § 5, non modo non expetere pacem istam sed etiam timere visus est. 

4 Caes, i. 27-29; Cic. Att. ix. 14. 3 (372). These dates were, according to the 
sun, January 26 and 27, 

5 And we may add that a journey by sea in the winter would have been attended 
with great difficulty, even though he had a very considerable fleet. 



starve out the Romans (cp. 862. 4; 864. 2; 892. 4); and of 
Pompey’s fleet Curio exhibited a reasonable fear (382.9; 388. 3, 
quoted by Mr. Heitland) ; and so Pompey would be able to collect 
troops and money without being molested. Holzapfel notices 
(iv. 879) that Pompey’s remaining in Italy would not have 
availed for collecting soldiers, as he had no veterans to form a 
well-trained nucleus except the two untrustworthy legions which he 
had artfully got from Caesar. Merivale (ii. 160) notes, too, that 
the sympathies of Orientals centred always in men and not in 
governments; and as Pompey did not want to be the equal, but 
the superior, of his fellow-nobles, whom he hated, Oriental forces 
were the fitting instruments to use for this purpose. He wanted 
to be despotic ;' and so he went to the East and not to Spain, 
where he could get troops to fight only for Rome but not for 
Pompey : ‘the spirit of the Iberian provinces was more thoroughly 
Roman than any other’ (ib. 158). It is not unjustly that Plutarch 
says that the sailing away of Pompey to Greece was regarded as 
one of his very best pieces of strategy.’ 

To return to Cicero at Formiae. He was, as we have seen, 
sorely perplexed whether to follow Pompey into Greece, or remain 
in Italy. At one time he appears to be inclined to adopt the 
prudent course, and follow the advice of Atticus, which was 
that he should remain ;* at another to be filled with remorse that 
he is not sharing all Pompey’s fortunes.* The energy and 
clemency of Caesar,° and the incapacity and violence of the 
Optimate party, and even of Pompey,’ urge him in one direction ; 

1 See Cicero’s passionate outburst, 342. 2, quoted above, p. xxvil. 

2 Plut. Pomp. 63, of μὲν οὖν ἄλλοι τοῦ Πομπηίου τὸν ἀπόπλουν ἐν τοῖς ἀρίστοις 
τίθενται στρατηγήμασιν, αὐτὸς δὲ Καῖσαρ ἐθαύμαζεν ὅτι. .. προήκατο τὴν ᾿Ιταλίαν. 

8. 345. 2-4. 

4349. 2 (March 2), Sed me movet unus vir, cuius fugientis comes, rempublicam 
recuperantis socius videor esse debere. 

5 348. 1 (March 1), Sed videsne in quem hominem inciderit respublica 2 quam 
acutum, quam vigilantem, quam paratum 2 Si mehercule neminem occiderit nec cuiquam 
quidquam ademerit, ab tis qui eum maxime timuerant diligetur. Cicero was certain 
that Caesar would be a ‘tyrant,’ but was uncertain whether he would be one like 
Phalaris or Pisistratus (318. 2: cp. 352.2.) In the following passages he seems to 
fear that he will be ruthless, viz., 304.1; 305.2; 307.1; 320.1; 332.3; 333.5; 
340. 4; 362. 5. Others seem to prove that he thinks Caesar may act in a clement 
and constitutional manner: 347.1, 2; 354.1; 362. 3; 374. 1. 

6 350. 2 (March 3.) Nee me movet quod scribis * Iovi ipsi iniquum.’ Nam periculum 
in utriusque tracundia posilum est, where see note. ches 


his regard for public opinion,’ and his feelings of gratitude and — 
duty to Pompey, urge him in the other Thus on March 3rd _ 
Cicero received a letter from Atticus, recommending caution. ΤῸ 
this he replied: ‘'I’o remain is safer; to go is more honourable. 
I sometimes prefer that many people should consider my conduct 
imprudent than that a few should think it dishonourable.” 

To this letter a postscript is appended: ‘I am sending you 
Balbus’s letter, that you may sympathize with me at my being 
turned into ridicule.’ ‘This referred to an effusive letter from 

Balbus (Ep. 346), written a few days previously, urging Cicero to 
use all his exertions to reconcile Pompey and Caesar. 

‘ Believe me,’ says Balbus, ‘ Caesar will do whatever you tell him, and 
consider you have done him a great service if you devote yourself to this 
task. Caesar is much pleased at your attempting to dissuade the consul 
Lentulus from leaving Italy. If he only follows your advice, trusts 
what I say about Caesar, and spends the rest of his year of office at Rome, 
I shall begin to hope that, by the advice of the Senate, under your 
direction, and at his motion, a union may be effected between Pompey 
and Caesar.’ 

Balbus was probably sincere in the main purport of this letter : 
it would have been much to the advantage of Caesar if Cicero 
could have brought about some further negotiations; but Balbus 
went too far when he laid such emphasis on the high opinion 
which (as he asserts) Caesar entertained of Cicero, so that there 
were some grounds for the latter’s opinion that he was being 
turned into ridicule. 

From about the 4th to the 12th of March Cicero appears to 
have been quite decided to join Pompey, and the question was how 
to effect this purpose; but day succeeds day, and Cicero does 

1 Cicero was always sensitive as to what was said of him: cp. 807. 3; 321. 2; 
328. 3 (videar); 332.1; 842.7; 352, 1, 2; 356.3; 362. 2. 

5 352. 1 (March 4) ; 353. 4 (March 6). For other passages in which Cicero declares 
that he is actuated mainly by gratitude and personal regard for Pompey, cp. 318. 2; 
221.25; 328.4, Unus Pompeius me movet beneficio non auctoritate; 332.45; 8588. 2; 
349.2; 356.2; 359.3; 360.4; 361.2; 362. 3,4; 364.2; 366. 3; 369. 9; 

3 350. 2, Cautior certe est mansio, honestior existimatur traiectio: malo interdum multi 
me non caute quam pauci non honeste fecisse existiment. 

4It is noticeable how Caesar apparently tried to come to terms with the 
Pompeians separately, as is shown in his efforts to gain over this very Lentulus, 
340 ὁ. 4: ep. p. xxvi, note 1. \ 


' nothing. On the 10th he is still troubled with remorse at having | 
failed to unite his fortunes with Pompey, his friend, his benefac- 
_tor, his political leader. But presently a new project begins to 

fe a nae eg Od ΄“στε 


Ph gag a an ene a ee See eee σαν 


appear. A. letter from Atticus, received on the 11th, evidently 
first suggested to Cicero that he should have a meeting with 
Caesar on his return from Brundisium.” ‘If I am to meet hin,’ 
says Cicero, ‘this Formiae is the best place. We can settle 
details later” After Cicero had written this letter, but had not 
closed it (§ 8), important news arrived from Brundisium, that 
on the 4th Pompey and the consuls had crossed to Greece with 

30,000 men, after having disabled or burned the ships they did not 
use. This report was afterwards found to have only a particle of 

truth in it,® but Cicero’s conscience stung him— 

‘Your letters console me as I read them, but then comes the remorse, 
and mine iniquity riseth up before me. I shall try to induce Caesar to allow 
me to absent myself from the Senate when any motion is brought forward 
against Pompey, but I fear that I shall fail. ... On two points I was 
mistaken. I thought that there would be a compromise between the 
rivals, and I never thought that Pompey would undertake to set on 
foot adesperate war. It is better to die than even to be associated with him 
in his cruel work. Do advise me: anything is better than this agonising 
uncertainty ’ (Ep. 360. 5, 7). 

On the same day, or the next, Cicero received a courteous 
letter from Caesar, asking him to come to Rome, ‘in order that I 

“may have in all matters the advantage of your advice, influence, 
position, and resource.* So that in the letter of the 13th Cicero 
‘is quite decided to follow Atticus’s advice, and have an interview 
with Caesar at Formiae. He had heard from Balbus and Oppius, 
that Caesar would not expect him to take any part in the debates 
against Pompey ; but if Caesar should not grant him that indul- 
gence, Cicero was prepared to speak in favour of peace, and take 

- . . νὴ . é . ᾷ 
1359. 3, quid? si non ἑταίρῳ solum, sed etiam εὐεργέτῃ, adde, tali viro 

talem causam agenti. 

2 Att. ix. 6. 1 (360). 
’ The consuls with a portion of the troops did probably set sail on the 4th: cp. 

(868. 1,20. 2; Cic. Att. ix. 9. 2 (364), and Schmidt, pp. 159-160: also above, p. xxv fin. 

4 Ap. Att. ix. 6 a (357), Imprimis a te peto, quoniam confido me celeriter ad urbem ven- 

: turum, ut te ibi videam, ut tuo consilio, gratia, dignitate, ope omnium rerum uti possim. 


the risks. ‘Pompey will of course gorgonize me with a grisly 
stare, for his aim is Sullan despotism.’ 

The fluctuations in Cicero’s mind still continue in the letters 
of the subsequent days. But on the 19th he was somewhat 
relieved by a visit from Matius, a calm and moderate man.’ 
Writing to Atticus early on the 20th, Cicero says: ‘I showed 

Matius Caesar’s: letter asking for my “influence and resource.” 

He said Caesar meant my resource in negotiation for peace. 
Would that I could be of any use!’ Cicero also said that he had 
seen Crassipes the day before, who had just returned from Brun- 
disium, and that the threatenings of the Optimates were most 
violent and savage, ‘nothing but proscriptions and Sullas’ (meras 
proscriptiones, meros Sulias, 867. 3). The arguments in favour of 
remaining and meeting Caesar were obviously gaining greater force 
in Cicero’s mind. But later in the same day news arrived from 
Lepta that Pompey was blockaded (368. 1). Again, Cicero is 
plunged in remorse. He even wishes for death. ‘My suffering 
is such that I long for the end of Mucius Scaevola.’ But again, 
‘Your advice as to my departure from Italy and my having a 
meeting with Caesar is both honourable and prudent.’ ‘Then, after 
a bitter outbreak of wrath against the ungrateful Dionysius, who 
had slighted him in his hour of anxiety, he exclaims (δ 3) :— 

* The armies of the Roman people are blockading Pompey with rampart 
and ditch, and yet I live. Rome is standing, the praetors holding the 
courts, the aediles preparing the games, the men of position making their 
investments, and I myself—sitting idle. It is utter ruin. My only prayer 
is that some enemy will take pity upon me.’ 

Reports from Brundisium, which reached Cicero on the 24th, 
in a letter (Ep. 370) from Balbus at Rome, showed that the 
negotiations for peace were breaking down, and these reports were 

1 362. 3, Vereor ne Pompeio quid oneris imponam, μή μοι γοργείην κεφαλὴν 
δεινοῖο πελώρου intorgueat. Mirandum enim in modum Gnaeus noster Sullani regnt 
similitudinem concupivit. Eidws σοι λέγω. Nihil ille umquam minus obscure tulit. 

* Cp. Fam. xi. 27. 3 (784), written in August 44, for a reference made by Cicero 
to this visit of Matius to him more than five years previously. The letter of Matius, 
‘which is still preserved in Fam. xi. 28 (785), is the manliest of all that are extant 
from Cicero’s correspondents. 

S Att. ix. 12. 1 (368). 

+ Kaa eee 


, othing but νὰν. On the evening of the same day a letter from 
‘Caesar to Pedius reached Cicero; it was sent on the 14th, and 
told of the blockade of Brundisium, and of Caesar’s operations to 
hinder Pompey’s departure. ‘There is nothing better for me to 
‘do,’ said Caesar.” On the 25th Cicero related this to Atticus, and 
Be pressed utter despair of peace, and serious alarm at what the 
next step of Caesar might be—will it be a Sullan despotism, with 
all its attendant iniquities and horrors? A brief postscript adds, 
Having written the above before daybreak, I am in receipt of a 
letter from Lepta, from Capua, stating that Pompey embarked at 
Brundisium on the 15th [he really left on the 17th: ep. 9764. 6], 
and that Caesar would be at Capua on the 26th (972. 9). 

4 The inevitable had come. Later on the same day a more 
‘definite letter reached Cicero, stating that Caesar would pass 
“through Formiae on the 27th,’ and would be at Curio’s Alban 
villa on the 28th. ‘After an interview with him, says Cicero 
/ (873. 1), ‘I shall go to Arpinum. If he grants me the indulgence 
“I seek, I shall accept his terms; if not, I shall gain a request for 
myself,’ which means—lI shall be able to induce my judgment to 
-allow me at last to do what I wish, and join Pompey. Next 
day he (§ 6) notifies that he has just received a letter (which he 
encloses) from Matius and T'rebatius from Capua, telling of the 
events at Brundisium and of Caesar’s movements. He would be 
αὖ Capua on the 26th, and at Sinuessa on the 27th. 

| 1871. 8, Dolabelia suis litteris Id. Mart. datis merum bellum loquitur. 

q 2 Ap. Att. ix. 14. 1 (372), sed tamen nihil est quod potius faciamus: cp. Caes. i. 
26 fin. 
' 3 Schmidt (p. 158) ingeniously suggests that we should read eum hic vi k for et 
hoc mihi in 873.1. We have adopted it : see note on the passage. 

_ ‘Caesar did not follow Pompey to Greece at this time (though Cicero thought he 
would do so, 373. 1), as he had no fleet, and it was difficult to collect one in winter 
 {Caes. i. 29. 2); and it would have been very dangerous to leave Italy to the risk of 
being invaded by the Spanish forces under Afranius and Petreius. Even if that did 
not occur, those Spanish forces would prevent the Caesarean forces in Gaul from being 
utilized. Caesar was doubtless right in settling affairs in the west first before attack- 
ing Pompey ; as he epigrammatically put it, he would first attack an army without a 
leader, and then return and deal with a leader without an army (Suet. Iul. 34. 2). He 
4 put garrisons in Brundisium, Tarentum, Sipontum, and Hydruntum, so that Pompey 
_ might be deterred from returning to tay.) while he himself was in Spain (373. 1; 
_*Caes. i. 32.1; Appian ii. 40). 



On that day Cicero received a communication from Caesar, in 
reply to a letter written about the end of cena palsng 
Caesar for his clemency at Corfinium. 

‘IT am triumphing with joy,’ writes Caesar,’ ‘ that you approve of my | 
course of action, I hope that you will attend at Rome, so that, as usual, 

I may enjoy your advice and resources in everything. Your son-in-law charming: 1 shall owe him yet further gratitude for this 

On the 27th Cicero was naturally full of anxiety as to his inter- | 
view with Caesar. It was to take place next day. Caesar had 
given orders that public notices should be posted at Formiae, that. 
he wished that there should be a full attendance of the Senate on 
the Ist of Apnl. ‘ Well, then, am I to refuse him?’ Cicero seems 
to think that he must refuse him. ‘According to what Caesar says, 
I shall make up my mind whether to go to Arpinum or elsewhere, 
I think Arpinum is the best place to give my son his robe of 
manhood. Do think for me about the next step; my troubles. 
have made me dull.’ * 

On the 28th March, 49, the meeting between Caesar and_ 
Cicero took place. It is with keen insight and no little emotion | 
that Schmidt (pp. 22, 23, 161 ff.) asks us to pause and reflect on | 
this crisis in Cicero’s life. The victorious imperator was returning | 
to Rome to hold a meeting of the Senate, and all he asked was 
that Cicero should appear in that assembly, of which he was such 
an ornament, and lend his aid in the interests of peace. Many of 
the so-called Optimates were in Rome, only too ready to attend 
and vote anything the conqueror wished, To influence Cicero 
further, there was the charm of Caesar’s manner, and the delicate 
way in which he could, if Cicero showed any signs of acquiescence, 
lay emphasis on the influential position which Cicero would hold 
in the discussion and in the subsequent events. Certainly the 
temptation was great. Anyone who resisted it was no ordinary 
man, and Cicero, to his honour, did resist it. Writing to Atticus 
on the 29th, he says :— 

‘I followed your advice in both respects: the tone of my remarks was 
such as to gain his respect rather than to earn his gratitude; and I perse- 

1 Ap. Att. ix. 16. 2, 3 (374). 2 375. 1, 2, nam me hebetem molestiae reddiderunt, 


vered in my resolution not to goto Rome. We were mistaken in supposing 
him to be easy to deal with. I never knew anyone less so. He said my 
resolution was a condemnation of himself, and that the rest of the senators 
would be less likely to attend if I did not come. I said their case was 
different, After much discussion he said, ‘‘Come then and advocate 
peace.” “At my own discretion?’ I asked. ‘‘ Would I,” said he, 
‘dictate to you?”’ ‘‘ Well, then,” I replied, ‘‘my motion shall be to the 
effect that the Senate disapproves of a march into Spain, and of the 
throwing of an army into Greece, and I shall make a speech expressing 
great sympathy with Pompey.” ‘I do not,’’ said he, ‘ desire a speech 
of that nature.” ‘‘So I thought,’ was my reply ; ‘‘ but that was just the 
_ χρᾶβοῃ why I do not wish to attend, because I must either speak in this 
strain, and say much that I could not possibly suppress if I did attend, or 
else I cannot appear at all.’’ The upshot of the whole matter was that 
he, with a view apparently to ending the interview, asked me to think it 
over. I could not refuse that; so we parted. I do not think he is pleased 
with me, but I am pleased with myself, and it is a long time since I have 
had that experience.’! 



' It was a great day in Cicero’s life, is justly ranked by 
‘Schmidt with the 2nd of September, 44, on which day he 
‘delivered the First Philippic; but greater in the same measure in 
“which Caesar was greater than Antony. It is these two days, and 
‘not the 5th of December, 63, nor the 4th of September, 57, which 
“will seem to those who feel a true admiration for Cicero to be 
Bie really glorious days of his life. Whena great crisis came, the 
“mists of perplexity after a time cleared away, the eye sank inward 
and the heart saw plain, and he faced his duty, It is the fashion 
“now-a-days to call Cicero a coward: he was called a coward by 
his own contemporaries, and he replied to those who made this 
‘superficial criticism. But deeper thinkers judged otherwise. 

‘I do not see,’ says Quintilian (xii. 1. 16), ‘that in Marcus Tullius’ 
there was in any direction failure in the daty of a good citizen. Evidence 
of this is his highly honourable consulship, his extremely upright pro- 
vincial administration, his rejection of the vigintivirate, and during the 
civil wars, which fell with crushing weight on his advanced years, the 

fact that neither hope nor fear diverted his resolution from attaching 
himself to the Optimate party, that is, to the free State. Some people 
think him deficient in courage, but to them he himself has given an 
admirable reply, Iam not timid,’’ he said, ‘‘in facing dangers, but in 

1 Att, ix. 18, 1 (376). 


attempting to guard against them,’’! and he proved this by his own 
death, which he met with the most supreme courage (praestantissimo 

Caesar went to Rome and held a meeting of the Senate. It was 
summoned by the tribunes (who had the right to do so: ep. Gell. 
xiv. 8) Antony and Cassius Longinus, in the absence of the 
consuls. A good many Senators were in Rome (353. 2), and 
attended. Caesar gives the substance of the justificatory speech*® 
which he delivered on that occasion. He asked the Senate to co- 
operate with him in the government, and to send an embassy to 
Pompey, notwithstanding the weak-minded assertion of the latter, 
that whoever sent ambassadors ipso facto declared that he was 
in the wrong. Liven at the time that this proposal was made it was 
felt that it was Insincere (378. 4, simulationem esse apertam ; parari 
autem acerrime bellum). Everyone refused to go, through fear of 
Pompey, says Caesar,* because they considered that Caesar did not 
want any embassy sent, hints Dio Cassius,’ who points out that the 
envoys after having been chosen did not set out, and that Caesar’s 

1 non se timidum 12) suscipiendis sed in providendis periculis. These actual words do 
not occur in any of Cicero’s extant writings ; but something like them is found, as 
Spalding points out, in Fam. vi. 21. 1 (573); Itaque ego, quem tum fortes illi viri et 
sapientes, Domitit et Laehi, timidum esse dicebant—eram plane: timebam enim, ne 
evenirent ea quae acciderunt—idem nune nihil timeo et ad omnem eventum paratus sum. 

2 Among them the distinguished jurist Servius Sulpicius. He seems to have 
spoken in the same terms as Cicero told Caesar he himself would speak in if he took 
part in the meeting (cp. 987. 1 with 376. 1, and Dr. Sihler’s Cicero of Arpinum, p. 314, 
note). Servius remonstrated with Caesar for not having shown the same indulgence 
to him as he showed to Cicero, which Cicero considered an absurd remonstrance, 
seeing that the son of Sulpicius had been in Caesar’s camp at Brundisium (381. 2). 

-But a man cannot always control his grown-up son: for example, Quintus Cicero, 
even with the help of Marcus, could not control young Quintus. 

3 Caes. 1. 32. 

4 Caesar said in his speech (1. 32. 8), legatos ad Pompeium de compositione mitti 
oportere ; neque se reformidare quod in senatu Pompeius paulo ante dixisset ad quos legati 
mitterentur his auctoritatem attribut timoremque eorum qut mitterent significari. 
Tenuis atque infirmi haec animi videri; and continued (1. 33. 1), Probat rem senatus de 
mittendis legatis: sed qui mitterentur non reperiebantur, maximeque timoris causa pro 
se quisque id munus legationis recusabat. 

5 Dio Cass. xli. 16. 4, ἐκεῖνον ὑπετόπουν, καὶ μάλισθ᾽ ὅτι of πρέσβεις of τὰς 
καταλλαγὰς δῆθεν πρυτανεύσοντες ἠρέθησαν μέν, οὐκ ἐξῆλθον δέ, GAA’ ὅτι καὶ ἐμνήσθη 
ποτὲ περὶ αὐτῶν ὃ Πίσων ὃ πενθερὸς αὐτοῦ αἰτίαν ἔσχε: cp. also Plutarch, Caes, 35, 
εἴτε φοβούμενοι Πομπήιον ἐγκαταλελειμμένον, εἴτε μὴ νομίζοντες οὕτω Καίσαρα φρονεῖν 
ἀλλ᾽ εὐπρεπείᾳ λόγων χρῆσθαι. 



father-in-law at a later time (cp. Plut. Caes. 37) was censured for 
even referring to the subject. So the project was given up. But 
there was a certain amount of opposition in the Senate; and 
Caesar tried fruitlessly to obtain possession of the Treasury by 
constitutional means. Finally he was compelled to remove the 
tribune Metellus by force when the latter stood at the doors of 

the Treasury." Cicero considered that Caesar had damaged his 

influence very seriously by this procedure :? but Cicero always laid 
too much stress on the applause of the people, as an orator 
naturally would. It is stated that Caesar at least proposed, if not 
actually passed, a law restoring civil rights to the sons of those 
who had been outlawed by Sulla (Dio xh. 18.2); and there is no 
valid reason for supposing that the statement is untrue. Plutarch 
(Caes. 37) considers that it was passed in the winter, after the first 
Spanish campaign ; but Caesar would be anxious to secure all the 
support he could at the outbreak of the civil war.’ After this 
rather unsatisfactory week in Rome (Caes. 1. 33. 4, frustra diebus 
aliquot consumptis), Caesar set out for Further Gaul on April 6th. 
He left Lepidus in charge of Rome as prefect of the city—illegally, 
as Mr. Heitland (Zhe Roman Republic, iii, 287) has shown, as it 
was only the consul or dictator who had this old regal power of 
leaving a deputy in his absence, and Caesar was only proconsul. 

1 Caesar (i. 33. 3) says that Metellus was ‘put up’ (swdicitur) to make this. 
demonstration. But Caesar’s application of force to the sacrosanct person of a 
tribune made a profound effect on the people—Caesar, who posed as the protector of 
‘a tribune’s inviolability: cp. Caes. i. 7. 2. Caesar was very much annoyed (882. 8, 
tracundia elatum) at this action of Metellus. ‘ War’ (he considered) ‘ has no need for 
freedom of speech’ (παρρησίας yap οὐ δεῖται πόλεμος). ‘Young man,’ said he to 
Metellus, when he threatened him with removal by force, ‘it is easier for me to do. 
this than to say it’ (Plut. Caes. 35); and he said that as the money had been set aside 
for a Gallic invasion, it was now useless for that purpose, for he had conquered the 
Gauls (Appian ii. 41). This treatment of Metellus caused him no little unpopularity 
at the time (382.8; 388.3; 392.6), and was a subject for the rhetoric of after- 

_ ages (Lucan iii. 114-154; Petronius (124. 291 f.); Plut. Caes. 35; Pomp. 62; Dio. 

Cass. xli. 17). The treasure was immense, said by Pliny (H. N. xxxiii. 56) to have 
been 15,000 bars of gold, 30,000 of silver, and 30 million sesterces. 

2 Cp. 392. 6, nullo enim modo posse video stare istum diutius quin ipse per se etiam 
languentibus nobis concidat, quippe qui florentissimus et novus vi, vit diebus ipsi illi 
egentt ac perditae multitudint in odium acerbissimum venerit, qui duarum rerum 
simulationem tam cito amiserit, mansuetudinis in Metello, divitiarum in aerario. 

3 Thus he sent the Jewish prince Aristobulus to the East to raise forces to oppose 
Pompey (Josephus, Ant. xiv. 123). 


There’ is no doubt that Caesar was disappointed and annoyed 
(382. 8; 393.1) at the obstruction he had met with, and he seems 
to have made in privaté some strong assertions as to the drastic 
measures he would take if that obstruction continued (383. 1). 
Meanwhile Cicero had gone to Arpinum, and in the cradle 
of his race given the toga of manhood to his son. His mind > 
was fixed now. He was determined to go to Pompey, ‘ not for 
the sake of the free State—ct has gone to ruin—but lest I should 
seem ungrateful to him who lifted from my shoulders the burden 
which he had placed upon them.’! The only question is how he 
can leave with most dignity and facility, and with least distress to 
his family. On April 3rd he was in the Laterium of his brother 
Quintus, and from the 6th to the 12th in the Arcanum.? On the 
7th he received a letter from Caesar, excusing him for-not attending 
the Senate, and declaring that no offence had been taken.* What- 
ever Caesar’s motive was in writing this letter, whether magnani- 
mity or policy, it redounds to Cicero’s credit that it did not 
influence him so far as to make him forget what he considered was 
his duty. ‘I am supported,’ he says,‘ ‘by a good conscience, and 
with that as my companion 1 am going forth upon my journey.’ 
But young Quintus was not troubled with a conscience. ‘This 
excitable young man seems at this time to have been utterly 
destitute of principle, and to have looked on artfulness and dupli- 
city as the real means of getting on in the world. He made 
friends with one of Caesar’s followers, Hirtius (382. 11), and 
actually left Rome in Caesar’s train, and accompanied him some 
days’ journey up the Etrurian coast. But Caesar sent him back 
to Rome; and Atticus laid it as a duty upon Cicero to keep the 
young man in order. It was a hard task, as Cicero acknowledged,° 
but he undertook it, as he always undertook his duty, and gave 

1 377. 2, Nec mehercule hoc facio reipublicae causa, guam funditus deletam puto, sed 
ne quis putet me ingratun in eum qui me levavit iis incommodis quibus idem adfecerat. 

2 The Arcanum and the Laterium were two villas, the property of Quintus, near 

3 381.2, Caesar mihi ignoscit per litteras quod non venerim, sesegue in optimam 
partem id accipere dicit. 

4 382. 5, Praeclara igitur conscientia sustentor . . , Hac tgitur conscientia comite 

5 386. 2, mirabilia muita; nihil simplex, nihil sincerum, 

6 384. 2, De Quinto regendo ᾿Αρκαδίαν, where see note. 


the would-be Caesarean a warm reception when the latter arrived 
at Arcanum. Cicero says he thinks the prime motive of young 
Quintus was his constitutional greed for money and the hope of 
a large share in the plunder, and trusts that it is not downright 
treachery to his family.1. Cicero had to be thankful for very 
small mercies in those distressing days. 

On the 12th Cicero went to Cumae, and on the 13th Curio, 
who had been delivering a speech at Puteoli, called on him. This 
confident and able lieutenant of Caesar professed absolute certainty 
as to the whole course of succeeding events. He believed that 
already Caesar was almost in possession of Spain, that he would at 
once pursue Pompey, and by the latter’s death all the bad business 
would be brought to an end. He further said that Caesar’s 
clemency was dictated merely by policy, that if this opposition to 
him was persisted in he would put it down ruthlessly, and that he 
had left Rome in a very indignant frame of mind (vehementerque 
animo perturbato profectum), Curio apparently wanted to frighten 
Cicero, and thus deter him from taking any active part in the 
war; and, accordingly, he praised Cicero’s intention of repairing 
to a retired place, and remaining neutral while the war lasted 
(382. 8-10). 

That the Caesareans were earnestly desirous that Cicero should 
not openly take part with their adversaries is patent also by 
letters written to him by Caelius and Caesar from Intimelium, in 
the middle of April,” which express these views. The letter of 
Caelius is, for the most part, of the same tenor as Curio’s talk. 
Caesar (385. 1) expresses his point of view courteously, but his 
_ meaning is quite unmistakable :— 

‘If you join Pompey, you will seriously impair our friendship, and act 

_ imprudently for yourself. In that case you cannot be regarded as joining 
the winning side (for we are the winning side), nor the right side (for it 
so, you ought to have joined Pompey long ago) ; but you must be regarded 
as disapproving of some action of mine, and I could not receive from you a 

' 1 388. 38, Quintum puerum accept vehementer. Avaritiam video fuisse et spem magni 
 congiarit. Magnum hoc malum est; sed scelus illud quod timueramus spero nullum fuisse. 
‘  #* Caelius had been sent to Intimelium on the Ligurian coast to subdue an outbreak 
_ which had occurred there: cp. 844. 2. When Caesar on his march along the Aurelian 
and Aemilian roads arrived at this town, Caelius had an interview with him and urged 
him to write to Cicero (383. 4). 

VOL. Iv. ἃ 



severer blow than that. By the claims of our friendship, I beg of you not 
to do this. The safer and more honourable course for an upright man of 
peace like you is to remain neutral.’ 

Letters of this kind are so many panegyrics on Cicero’s 
character, and show the force of uprightness even in those 
troublous and bad times. Cicero replied, certainly to Caelius, 

probably to Caesar, virtually to the effect that he intended to 

retire to a lonely place and take no part in the war. His letter 
to Caelius is written in a strain of dignified melancholy, and is 
one of the most touching in the whole correspondence :—‘ If there 
is ever a free State again, there will certainly be a place for me in 
it; but if not, even you yourself, I think, will come and join me 
in the desert.’ ἢ | 

Cicero received these letters about the beginning of May. He 
had been seriously thinking of remaining neutral, of going 
perhaps to Athens or to Malta,* in case Pompey carried out what 
report said he proposed, and marched up through Illyricum and 
Germany into Gaul.’ Cicero was the more inclined to adopt this 
course, and go to Malta, as Tullia begged him to take no rash 
step until the result in Spain was known.‘ But this intention 
was not permanent. His real purpose was to go and join Pompey, 

and not even to await the issue of the Spanish campaign. For — 

he argued— 

‘Caesar must be defeated, or the war be protracted, or Caesar be 
victorious. In the event of Caesar’s being conquered, how pleasing to 
Pompey will be my arrival, how honourable! Why, even Curio will join 
him then. Ifthe war is protracted, what am 1 to wait for ἢ and how long 
am I to wait? If Caesar is victorious, it will be more honourable to have 
left him when nearly assured of victory rather than when vanquished.’ ὅ 

1 394. 6, δὲ quando erit ciwitas, erit profecto nobis locus; sin autem non erit, in 
easdem solitudines tu ipse, ut arbitror, venies in quibus nos consedisse audies. 

2 378. 2 (Solonis, popularis tur et, ut puto, iamiam met); 388. 1. Malta would 
appear to have been a customary resort for exiles: cp. Att. iii. 4 (58). 

3 386. 3. #392. 1; 398. 1,.$: 

5 392. 2. We think that in this difficult passage Cicero means—It is more 
honourable to leave Caesar when victor than when vanquished ; but not when complete 

victor ;—that would be foolish—rather when the outlook points probably, but not. 

decisively, to his victory. We might also alter δέ to at. 

Se ee 



But how to get away? “1 sit here whistling for the wind.’! 
But it was not principally the weather that detained him. About 
the beginning of May Antony came down to Campania in the 
official position of general governor of that district. During his 
journey he wrote to Cicero? what the latter calls ‘an annoying 
note,’ stating that he had heard that Cicero meditated leaving 
Italy ; that the report was of course untrue, but, such was_ his 
attachment to Cicero, he was distressed that these false rumours 
got abroad. Antony goes on to point out his own and Caesavr’s 
regard for Cicero, and begs him to take no decided step. The 
compliments are a little exaggerated, but the letter was meant 
to inform Cicero courteously that he will not be allowed to leave 
Italy. Writing to Atticus, Cicero says he must lead Antony to 
believe that he is going into retirement at Malta.* He did reply, 
as he had done before, that he intended to be neutral, and that he 
could have gone to Pompey if he had chosen, to which Antony 
answered, in an admonitory tone (παραινετικῶς), that the neutral 
man stays in his country (395. 2)— 

‘I do not presume to judge whether going is right or wrong. Caesar 
has told me to allow no one to leave Italy. You had better send to Caesar 
and ask his permission. I have no doubt you will obtain that permission, 
especially as you promise that you will pay regard to our friendship.’ 

In a further communication Antony said that Cicero had been 
specified by name as one of those whom he was not to allow to 
leave Italy.‘ 
There was no mistaking this. If Cicero was now to leave 
Italy at ail, he must escape in some way, if even in a ‘ punt’ 
({/untriculo); and ‘stealing a passage’ was the plan which he 
regarded with most favour.° But at the same time we frequently 
read that he contemplated more decided measures, which he gene- 
rally speaks of in some such phrase as Caelianum tllud.® It 

' 392.9, sedeo enim πλουδοκῶν. 

* 392. 10, odiosas litteras, i.e. Ep. 391. 

3 392. 10. £397. 1, | 

5 395. 5: 397. 2, πόρον κλεπτέον igitur et occulte in aliquam onerariam 

corrependum, where see note. 

6 -398. 5, 6; 401.2. We adhere to the interpretation of Caelianwm iliud given in 
_ the note to 398. 6, and still think that,the reference is to the Caelius mentioned by 
; d2 


ees Me 


would seem that Cicero actually meditated an appeal to force, 
probably in Sicily ; and, though his language in his letters was 

Plutarch Pomp. 7 (where he is wrongly called KAoiA:os: one Ms. appears to have KoiA- 
Atos: Miinzer in Pauly- Wissowa (iv. 109) supposes him to bea T. Cluilius whose coins of 
the year 94 are still extant). This Caelius resisted Pompey when the latter was 
henchman of the tyrant Sulla; and so now Cicero meditated similar armed resistance: 
to Antony, the henchman of the tyrant Caesar; but for fear of untrustworthy letter- 
carriers he veiled his intentions under obscure language. Ziehen, however, in a 
singularly candid and able discussion (EHphemerides Tullianae, 24-33), argues that 
the reference is to the course of action which M. Caelius Rufus in his letter to Cicero 
of April 16th (383. 2) stigmatized as the height of folly, ad eos fugatos accedere, quos 
resistentis sequi nolueris, summae stultitiae est. But Caelius, in this letter, says nothing: 
about armed escape or armed resistance ; and Ziehen allows (p. 28) that the essence of 
Cicero’s Caelianum was an appeal of some sort to arms. Nor can we think that 398. 6,. 
quo magis efficiendum aliquid est fortuna velim meliore, animo Caeliano, means ‘ in the 
sense that Caelius suggests, but with better fortune than he prophesies’; for Cicero- 
would hardly have used animo in this sense, but rather consilio. That sentence rather 
points to some brave and spirited action on the part of Caelius which turned out 
unsuccessfully. Schmidt explains as Ziehen does, and supposes that Cicero purposely 
used incorrect and mysterious language, as he was referring to a dangerous topic. 
But Ziehen has, to our mind, established beyond yea or nay that Cicero was really 
meditating some coup de main at this time, though he protested to Caelius (394. 7) 
that he was not going to doanything wild or reckless (nos nihil turbulenter, nihil temere 
faciemus). Fortune seemed to be smiling on the Pompeians. News had just arrived 
that the inhabitants of Massilia intended to close their gates against Caesar: cp. 
398. 6; it was stated also that Pompey was meditating a dash up through Illyricum 
and Germany to attack Caesar in Gaul: cp. 386. ὃ; 393.1. The Sicilians had urged 
Cato to make vigorous resistance to the Caesareans, and had promised him every aid; 
and it was announced that Cato had begun to set on foot a levy: cp. 397.2. The 
time and place had thus presented themselves, and we think that Cicero’s designs had 
reference to Sicily: ‘If we once get to Sicily, we shall essay some greater deed’ :. 
397. 2, Sicilia petenda, quam st erimus nactt maiora quaedam consequemur ). Pompey 
had intended to try to defend that island if Domitius should succeed in bringing his 
troops away from Corfinium, but abandoned the idea when the siege began, and the: 
forces of Domitius were no longer available: cp. 333. 7 with 331. 3, and especially 
Schmidt, pp. 187-139. What if Cicero should now make Sicily another centre of 
Pompeian resistance? We are inclined to think that the ‘more important réle’ which, 
as Cicero states in another passage, he may have to assume refers to this projected 
movement in Sicily: cp. 401. 3. There was much to encourage him. Caesar had 
met with considerable opposition at Rome: cp. 382. 8: even Curio at times was not 
very confident: cp. 888. 3; an anti-Caesarean demonstration appears to have taken 
place recently at the Floralia: cp. 398. 6; the feelings of the municipalities in south 
Italy were not very warm to Caesar: cp. 277.1; but, above all, the soldiers were 
wavering: cp. 401. 1, (litterae tuae) nobis magnam spem attulerunt meliorum rerum de 
octo cohortibus : etenim eae quoque quae in his locis sunt labare dicuntur. These were 
most important considerations: and it was probably on account of this disaffection 
that Antony had been recently sent with some kind of military command into 
Campania, and Curio had come down to make speeches: cp. 882.8; 892.10. Accord- 
ingly, itis just possible that the proposal of the three cohorts to surrender Pompeii 



most guarded, his design appears to have been somehow, and in 
some degree, known in the neighbourhood. Cicero was making 
vigorous preparations for departure, and, to avert suspicion, paid’ 
a flying visit to Pompeii on the 12th. No sooner had he arrived 
than a certain Ninnius came to him, and said that the centurions 
of three cohorts intended next day to offer to put Pompeii into his 
hands. Cicero fled next morning before daybreak from Pompeii 
back to Cumae, suspecting a trap.' It is just possible that his 
suspicions were unfounded; but even if they were, we think that 
he was right to refuse to compromise himself for the sake of three 
cohorts. Meanwhile young Hortensius came down to the coast 
with some official command, and was very ‘gushing’ to Cicero ;? 
but he too, as well as Antony, turned out to be a false friend. 
Tullia was confined, apparently at Cumae, on the 19th of May, 
and Cicero probably remained with her until she was well. He 
afterwards went back to Formiae, determined to embark from 
there if possible. Antony was not interested any longer in keep- 
ing Cicero in Italy. ‘The projected movement in Sicily had been 
dangerous; but now that Sicily was in the hands of Curio, Cicero 
was powerless, and he might, for all Antony or Caesar cared, go 
off to Pompey as soon as he pleased. So finally, after many 
delays, Cicero set sail with his brother, son, and nephew from the 
harbour of Caieta, near Formiae, on the 7th of June, after 
having written a farewell letter (405) to Terentia from the ship 
just before starting. 

(402. 4) may have been made in good faith, and was not a crafty device to induce 
"Cicero to take some decided step hostile to Caesar. But even if it was an honest offer, 
- Cicero was not a coward but quite prudent to have nothing to say to it. What, he 

if _ justly asks, are three cohorts, or even more? But the probabilities seem to us to be 

‘| in favour of the ordinary view that it was a trap. The intervention of Allienus, a 

ia ‘partisan of Caesar’s, in the ‘ Caelian business’ seems to show that traps were being 

laid for Cicero: cp. note to 401. 3. 

: But the ‘Caelian exploit’ collapsed: and Ziehen (p. 33) has given a perfectly 

7 "satisfactory explanation why it did collapse. On April 23rd Cato evacuated Sicily 

᾿ without a blow on the approach of Curio; he could easily have held it, and if this 

_ position had been held by him, says Cicero, all the Optimates would have flocked to 

- him: cp. 402. 3. The field whereon the Caelian standard of opposition to the tyrant 

74 ‘was to be unfurled was already in the power of the tyrant’s lieutenant. Curio 

“appears to have delayed informing Cicero of his occupation of Sicily until he had 

“satisfied himself that the Sicilians would make no effective opposition to him. 

_1 402. 4. 2 408. 1, Quem in me incredibilem éxréveturv. 


§2. Tur YEAR oF ANXIETY.} 

After having left Italy Cicero probably remained some time on 
Atticus’s estate in Epirus,’ and seems to have joined Pompey in — 
the autumn or early winter. He was not at all favourably re- 
ceived, and he gave considerable offence by his epigrammatic 
criticism of the plans of action (or inaction) which the Optimates _ 
were adopting; so much so, that Pompey expressed a wish that 
Cicero would go over to the enemy.® But it was sympathy with 
Pompey and gratitude to him personally that brought Cicero into 
his camp; he honestly thought that the war was being conducted 
most inefficiently ; and his gratitude was shown in a substantial way 
by the fact that he put a large portion of the 2,200,000 sesterces, 
which remained in his hands after his Cilician governorship, at the 

1 [In this section and in the Commentary I have availed myself of the permission, 
kindly granted me by Prof. Ridgeway, to make use of ‘* Notes on Cicero ad Atticum xi”’ 
written by me for the volume of ‘‘ Essays and Studies’? presented to him in 1913.— 

Pip. 202,16. 

3 For Cicero’s witticisms in the camp of Epirus cp. Plutarch. Cic. 38 ; Plutarch, 
Apophth. 205 D: Macrob. ii. 3, 7. Plutarch says that they gave great offence. 
In 413. 1 (written in July) Cicero expresses his disapproval of all that has been 
done after Caesar’s defeat at Dyrrhachium, quippe eur nec quae accidunt nec quae 
aguntur ullo modo probentur ; and again, 464. 2, he declares that there was nothing 
‘good’ there except the cause, and censures the over-confidence with which Pompey 
was possessed after the defeat of Caesar. When Cicero came to Pompey’s camp, Cato 
censured him for coming (Plut Cic. 38): ‘he (Cato) could not leave the side in 
politics which he had always taken ; but Cicero, who would have been more useful if 
he had remained as a neutral (ἴσος) at Rome, and shaped his actions by the result, for 
no reason and under no compulsion had ineurred the enmity of Caesar, and come to 
share in great dangers. These words disturbed the resolution of Cicero, as did also 
the fact that he was not employed in any important matter by Pompey. But the cause 
was in himself; for he never denied that he was sorry that he came, and depreciated — 
the resources of Pompey, and covertly showed vexation at his plans, and did not refrain 
from gibes and witty sayings against the allies.” His object no doubt was to urge to 
peace, as he had no hope of victory; and to bring home to the Pompeians, notwith- | 
standing the seemingly great forces they had around them, the hazard of the conflict, 
and the probability of defeat if they did not make the utmost efforts to be well 
prepared, and if they did not protract the war and avoid any decisive engagement — 
(ep. 464. 2). But sarcasm from a man of peace is not the best means to influence 
soldiers. However, all his warnings were justified by the event (488.6). Fora 
moment, but only for a moment, after Caesar’s defeat at Dyrrhachium he hoped for a 
speedy termination of the war (413. 2). Cicero had a rare gift of foreseeing the | 
course of events: see the well-known passage of Nepos, Att. 16. 4. 

§ 2. THE YEAR OF ANXIETY. xlvii 

disposal of Pompey, who was sorely in need of it—the money to 
be regarded as a loan, to be repaid when better times came.! 

From February 5th to June 13th we have no letter from 
Cicero to Atticus. During these months Caesar and Pompey had 
been for a long time posted opposite to one another on the Apsus, 
until Antony arrived with reinforcements in April. By the 
middle of that month Pompey’s camp at Dyrrhachium was block- 
aded, but by the middle of June he had defeated Caesar, and 
forced him to raise the blockade.?, On August 9th the decisive 
battle was fought at Pharsalia. Cicero was not present at that 
battle, owing to illness, which detained him at Dyrrhachium, 
where Cato was in command with fifteen cohorts.’ 

About the 14th Labienus arrived at Dyrrhachium with news 
of the defeat. ‘he corn in the granaries was destroyed, the 
merchant vessels set on fire, and by the light of that conflagration 
the Pompeian soldiers sailed away for Corcyra.*' There a general 
council of war was held, and Cicero, in hopes of peace,’ urged 
surrender; but was very nearly killed by that Hotspur, young 
Pompey, for giving such pusillanimous advice, and was only saved 
by the intervention of Cato.° 

1 411. 8. Shortly before the outbreak of the Civil War Pompey had asked Cicero 
to allow him to regard that money as at his disposal if need arose; and, on obtaining 
Cicero’s consent, had ordered it to be lodged ina temple. These would appear to be 
the real facts of the case, though Cicero, in apologizing to his quaestor, who com- 
plained of the scanty remuneration he had received, states that Pompey ‘took away’ 
(abstulisse) the money from him: ep. 302.9; cp. § 5. But there is a certain amount 
of exaggeration in this language: for the money was still Cicero’s, as is plain 
from 406. 3, for he intended to draw on it in order to repair his credit; and so 
embarrassed were Cicero’s circumstances at this time, that he would have been unable 
to let Pompey have the money were it not that in February, 48, he heard that a 
legacy had been left him: cp. 407.1. Cicero’s finances were, as usual, in a dis- 
ordered state; and he was certainly very straitened for money, so much so that 
sometimes he was in want for even the necessary maintenance of himself and his 
household: 426. 2; 428.4; 429. 3; 486.3: 487. 3; 445.1: ep. 407. 2. 

3 The fixing of these dates by Schmidt. p. 190, is a most masterly discussion. 

3 Plutarch, Cic. 39; Cat. min. 55. 

4 Cp. De Div. i. 68, 69, Paucis sane post diebus ex Pharsalica fuga venisse Labienum 

(sc. audivi): qui cum interitum exercitus nuntiavisset, reliqua vaticinationis brevi esse 

confecta. Nam et ex horreis direptum effusumque frumentum vias omnis angiportusque 

constraverat, et navis subito perterriti metu conscendistis, et noctu. ad oppidum respi- 

 cientes flagrantis onerarias, quas incenderant milites quia sequi noluerant, videbatis. 

Ce tes ὙΤΎΤΟΝ a. 

5 Op. 431. 1, de pace, cuius ego spe in hanc fraudem incidi. 
6 Plut. Cic. 39; Cat. min 56. 


Cicero and his brother separated themselves from the rest of 
the Pompeians, and repaired to Patrae. Here Marcus remained for 
overa month ; but he does not appear to have stayed with his good 
friend Μ᾽. Curius.1 He would have remained there longer but 
for two reasons—first, the arrival of the Pompeian fleet; and 
second, a quarrel with his brother. ‘This quarrel may have been 
due to a number of causes, when we consider the excessively quick 
temper which was the chief failing of Quintus; but there is good — 
evidence that one cause was that Quintus considered that Marcus 
had not given him his share of the money he had made in Cilicia.® 
The quarrel came to a crisis in Patrae, and Cicero felt that he 
could not remain there any longer. He left that town at the 
beginning of October, and arrived about the middle of the month 
in Brundisium. Quintus went to the East with the fleet of the 
Pompeians (416. 4). News of Pompey’s murder reached them in 
the Cyrenaica. Thereupon a split ensued. One party laid down 
their arms, and proceeded to seek pardon from Caesar, some pro- 
ceeding to Greece, to await Caesar’s return thither,‘ some to Asia, 
among these Quintus and his son; the other party, under Cato, 
went on to the province of Africa to continue the war.’ 

In Brundisium Cicero remained for eleven miserable months. 
One of his earliest acts was to write to Caesar, entirely exculpating 
his brother from all responsibilty for their departure from Italy 
the previous year (427, 2). ‘This was a generous act on the part of 
Marcus, who had just parted in anger from Quintus. But his 
own troubles were many. His lictors and retinue as imperator 
must have given rise to many a scoff, though Cicero says that his 
old enemy Vatinius, who was now governor of Brundisium, was 
kind to him (416.4). Early in December Antony was appointed 

1.512. 1, et Patris cum aliquotiens antea tum proxime hoc miserrimo bello domus 
eius (sc. Curd) tota mihi patuit : qua si opus fuisset tum essem usus quam mea. 

* Cicero speaks of the damaging violence (invidiosa atrocitas) which so often 
characterized the utterances of Quintus: Q. Fr. i. 2. 6 (53) : ep. vol. I’, p. 50. 

3 428. 4, δὲ quas habuimus facultates, eas Pompeio tum cum id videbamur sapienter 
facere detulimus : itaque tum et a tuo vilico sumpsimus et aliunde mutuati sumus, cum 
Quintus queritur per litteras sibi nos nihil dedisse, qui neque ab illo rogati sumus neque 
ipst eam pecuniam adspeximus. 

4 These are the Achaici deprecatores, 429.1; 480. 1; 431. 2, 4. 

5 Plut. Cato min. 56. It was at this time that Cato made his great march across 
the desert described by Lucan ix. 411-949; Vell. ii. 54. 3. 


Master of the Horse to Caesar, who was now Dictator.! Antony 
wrote politely to Cicero, saying that he was very sorry, but express 
orders from Caesar forbade any Pompeian to remain in Italy. 
Cicero sent Lamia to Antony, to point out that Caesar had told 
Dolabella to recommend him to come to Italy. Then Antony 
issued Caesar’s orders, specially excepting Cicero and Laelius by 
name, so that Cicero now could not leave Italy, even if he wished 
to do so, without incurring suspicion of having Pompeian sym- 
pathies. It is just possible that Atticus may have used his 
influence to have these exceptions made.’ Late in the same month 
a law appears to have been passed by the new tribunes, giving 
Caesar unlimited power over those who had espoused the Pompeian 
side.* This could make the exceptions in Antony’s edicts nuga- 
tory, and thus render Cicero liable to annoyance from Antony, 
and put him at the mercy of Caesar. 

This was bad enough; but troubles came on Cicero during the 
following months, not ‘as single spies, but in battalions. His 
health began to suffer (416. 3) when he went to Brundisium ; and 
the climate of the place was notoriously bad,‘ so that all through 
the year he was sorely afflicted in mind and body. The Pompeians 
began to reorganize their forces in Africa,’ while Caesar was in far 

from prosperous circumstances at Alexandria. There was bad 

1 On the arrival of the definite news that Pompey had fled to Egypt, about the 
middle of September, the Senate appointed Caesar Dictator for a year. The news of 
this appointment reached Caesar in Egypt about the end of October, and his official 
_ appointment of Antony as Master of the Horse arrived in Rome about the beginning 
of December: cp. Schmidt, pp. 211, 212. On the honours conferred on Caesar when 
the news of his victory at Pharsalia reached Rome, cp. Dio Cass. xlii. 17-20. 

2 In 423. 1, quippe qui exceptionibus edictorum retinear ; quae si non essent sedulitate 
effectae et benevolentia tua liceret mihi abire in solitudines aliquas. M. has ua for tua, 
which has induced Sternkopf (Zur Chronologie und Erklarung der Briefe Ciceros aus 
48 and 47, Dortmund Program, 1891, p. 31) to suggest Vatinii. Vatinius was at this 
time well disposed to Cicero. But would not Cicero have at once leaped to the con- 
¢lusion that it was treachery on the part of Vatinius if he had been instrumental in 
_ procuring those special exceptions? We rather think that wa (in W gua) is a 
corruption of some adjective such as praua. See note. 

3 423. 1: ep. Dio Cass. xlii. 20. 1, τούς τε yap τὰ Tod Πομπηΐον φρονήσαντας 
ἐπέτρεψαν αὐτῷ πᾶν ὅτι wor’ ἂν ἐθελήσῃ δρᾶσαι, οὐχ ὅτι καὶ αὐτὸς map’ ἑαυτοῦ ov 
τοῦτ᾽ ἤδη λαβὼν εἶχεν, ἀλλ᾽ ἵνα καὶ ἐν νόμῳ δή τινι αὐτὸ ποιεῖν δόξῃ. 

4445.2; 446.2: cp. Caes. B. C. iii. 2. 8, 

5 420.3; 425.2; 426.1; 427.3; 429.1, 3; 430. 1. 


news from Spain; Q. Cassius Longinus, who was in command 
there, had been abandoned by his army, and Pompeian influences 
had begun to revive; Gabinius had been unsuccessful in Illyria ; 
Calvinus had been defeated by Pharnaces in Asia!; and in 
Rome and Italy disorder and confusion reigned. Cicero would 
find it hard to justify his conduct to the Pompeians if they 
should in the end prove victorious. But even in his domestic 
life Cicero was sorely afflicted. He had quarrelled with his 
brother, and that brother and his son were writing most cruel 
letters about him, and spreading abroad all sorts of charges 
against him. ‘This, says Cicero, ‘is the bitterest blow of all.”* 
They had gone to Caesar, and their pardon was secure; but 
Cicero did not expect that they would use their influence in his 
favour, and thinks sadly how he would have acted on behalf of 
Quintus if he had the influence with Caesar which Quintus now 
had (420. 7). Young Quintus, who had a supporter in Hirtius, 
gained pardon for his father; but neither father nor son had any 
feeling but hostility towards Marcus. Atticus expected that 
Quintus would plead for his brother, but Quintus does not appear 
to have made any effort in that direction. Caesar at once granted 
everything that Quintus asked, but made no mention of Marcus 
(445. 3). ‘Terentia, too, seemed to be acting with treachery towards 
her husband. In April Cicero heard that she had made a will of 
such a kind that he was compelled to ask Atticus to expostulate 
with her.? He could hardly credit Terentia’s conduct; but 
some months later he had, or fancied he had, reason to believe that 
she had defrauded him out of a paltry sum of a few thousand 
sesterces.t Thus it was that Cicero became alienated from her, 
and finally a divorce took place at the beginning of the next year. 

1 431. 1, where see note. 

2 422. 2, nihil mihi umquam tam incredibile accidit, nihil in his malis tam acerbum : 
423. 2; 425. 1 (young Quintus had actually composed an invective against his eer 
to be delivered before Caesar); 426. 2; 430. 2; 431. 4. 

$431.5; 437.1; 441. 2. 

4 Dr. Luise Nenbaner in the Wiener Studien (xxxi (1909), pp. 211-232) has 
written an able defence of Terentia against the strictures of Boissier (Cicéron et ses 
amis, pp. 100 ff.) and O. ὦ. Schmidt (Cicero und Terentia in ‘N. Jahrbuch’ (1899), 
174-185), which. deserves consideration. Terentia in her opinion was a woman who 

knew her own mind, and acted with courage.and determination when any crisis arose, — 
as, for example, during Cicero’s exile : cp. Fam. xiv. 1 to 4.; and up to the year 48 no 


But the much-loved Tullia was certainly faithful. She came to 
him in June, and did all that an affectionate daughter could do to 

satisfactory evidence of any failure in her duty can be found, except possibly that 
mysteriously alluded to in Att. iv. 1. 8 (90) and 2. 7 (91), which is generally supposed 
to refer to money matters, but which Dr. Neubauer (p. 215) supposes (on account of 
Praeterea in 90. 8) to refer to the quarrel which had occurred during Cicero’s 
absence between the somewhat hard-natured (cp. Plut. Cic. 29, χαλεπὴ . . τὸν τρόπον 
οὖσα) Terentia and the irascible Quintus: cp. Fam. xiv. 1. 4 (82). When the civil 
war broke out, Terentia’s opinion of her husband cannot have risen when he showed, 
as she must have considered, such lack of resolution and firmness in the Pompeian 
cause, with which she sympathized (360. 4). 

The relations of Philotimus with Terentia and her business affairs can have had but 
little to say to the estrangement of Cicero and Terentia, as Cicero kept up intercourse 
with this Philotimus, and even made use of his services (406. 1), after he was well 
aware of his dishonesty (Att. vi. 4 and 5)—which dishonesty had been exhibited in 
nothing that pertained to Terentia, but in the sale of Milo’s property, as Dr. N. (p. 225) 
shows. The withholding part of the dowry which should have been paid to Dolabella 
(407. 2) Dr. N. (p. 229) considers may have been a prudent step, as the divorce of 
Tullia and Dolabella seemed almost certain; and if it did come about, the chance of 
ever getting anything back from Dolabella was decidedly remote. Atticus and even 
Cicero himself appear to have felt the risk that was run in paying Dolabella any of 
Tullia’s dowry (411. 1). And in money matters generally Terentia was the very 
opposite of her husband. She appears, like a true Roman, to have been careful, 
perhaps exacting, as to her rights in this respect: as Dr. N. (p. 230) pleasantly says, 
she was anything but an enthusiastic payer of money, referring to Att. ii. 15. 4 (42), 
Terentiae pergrata est adsiduitas tua et diligentia in controversia Mulviana. Nescit 
omnino te communem causam defendere eorum qui agros publicos possideant. Sed tamen 
tu aliquid publicanis pendis: haec etiam id recusat; and Terentia may well have been 
often indignant at the careless and inconsiderate way in which Cicero squandered what 
he had, and plunged himself repeatedly into debt, the humiliation and indignities of 
which must have been galling to her business-like nature. Dr. N. (p. 229) thinks 
that the 2000 sesterces which Terentia kept back (441. 3) may have been required by 
herself for necessaries ; but even so, we must allow that in this matter she appears to 
have deliberately misinformed her husband of the actual state of his balance—though 
perhaps if we had Terentia’s letter on the matter there might be some explanation. 
Once Cicero began to mistrust his wife he may have misjudged her in other things, as, 
for example, in the matter of the will. (431. 5; 436. 3.; 487. 3; 441..2). In the 
matrimonial quarrels of elderly people there are usnally faults on both sides; and 
there was undoubtedly a considerable difference of temperament between Cicero and 
his wife, which naturally increased with increasing years, and which when trouble 
came upon them would lead each party to view in the worst light any action of the other. 
Dr. N. (p. 222) thinks that Philotimus may have endeavoured to poison Cicero’s mind 
against his wife, in order to shift the blame of his peculations on her.. But this is 
only a surmise from the fact that it was Philotimus who told Cicero. about Terentia’s 
will (481. 5). The supposition that Terentia was ungenerous to Tullia has not a 
particle of evidence to support it from Cicero’s Epistles, though no doubt Plutarch 
(Cic. 41) reports (perhaps from Tiro’s biography) statements to that effect. Quite the 
contrary appears from the letters: cp. 414, quod nostra ttbi gratias agit, id ego.non 


console her father. But the warmer her devotion so much the 
deeper was Cicero’s grief at the untoward fortunes which she 
herself had to bear. Writing to Atticus, he says (432. 1): 

‘1 do not derive that pleasure from her excellent, tender, and affec- 
tionate disposition which I ought to derive from such a peerless child, but 
I am filled with sorrow which passes belief that such a noble nature should 
be plunged in this deep misery—and the fault is not hers ; all the blame 
is mine.’ 

And then there was Tullia’s husband Dolabelia. He had been 
this year playing the extreme radical, and had _ proposed 
all kinds of absurd and revolutionary laws. He posed as the 
successor of Clodius, and set up a statue of that demagogue.’ 
This was especially galling to Cicero. He was further making 
himself notorious by the profligacy of his life and his intrigues 
with the infamous Metella.? It seemed absolutely necessary, in 
point of honour, that he should be divorced from Tullia.? Both 
in public and in private affairs Cicero was overwhelmed with 

miror te mereri ut ea tibi merito tuo gratias agere posstt, which words Schmidt (op. cit., 
p- 180, note 1) seems to regard as having the exact opposite of their obvious meaning. 
Cicero’s idea would (he holds) rather be Quod nostra tebi gratias agit 1d ego non miror : 
illud miror te merert, &. He even thinks that perhaps Cicero may have written this. 
Even if we suppose Cicero to have been guilty of this intolerable rudeness, it would 
be little evidence that Terentia had actually treated Tullia unkindly. If she had 
done so, Cicero would have repeated the charge elsewhere. But no one would naturally 
regard these words as meaning anything else than what they say. If they are 
ironical, we must then regard, as Dr. N. (Ὁ. 227, note 2) justly says, tide enim aeque 
magnae curae esse certo scio, sc. valetudinem Tulliae (417), as also ironical. ‘There is 
really nothing to prove that Terentia did not behave kindly to her daughter. (For this 
reason perhaps the conjecture of Bosius in 432. 1, matra eam for ematiam, need not be 
rejected: see note; but that of Lambinus, eam tibi iam, is simpler and nearer the Mss.) 

But be the rights and the wrongs of the whole case what they may, Cicero 
gradually in 48 and 47 became estranged from his wife, and in 46 finally divorced her. 
But he does not appear to have ever finally repaid her dowry, though he tried to 
induce Atticus to pay it: cp. Att. xvi. 6. 3 (775); 15. 5 (807). Cicero was to the end 
quite incorrigibly lax as regards the actual settlement of his money obligations. 

1 437. 3. In our first edition, published in 1894, we suggested to read de statua 
Clodi for de staturi elodi. 

2. 437. 3: ep. 430. 3. 

3 437. 3. But Tullia’s love seems to have surmounted all the wrongs of her 
husband, and he and she appear to have lived together again in the following summer. 
They were not finally divorced until the late autumn of 46, about three months before 
Tullia’s death: cp. Ep. 501. 

§ 2. THE VEAR- OF ANXIETY. lini 

calamities.! But in his general humiliation he is always blaming 
himself and not his ill-fortune.’ | 

But the principal cause of Cicero’s distress during all these 
months was his constant anxiety as to the manner in which 
Caesar would finally deal with him. Cicero made every legiti- 
mate effort to obtain indulgent treatment at the hands of the 
victorious imperator. Atticus was more than once asked to urge 
Balbus and Oppius to write to Caesar on Cicero’s behalf,? and 
Cicero also himself wrote to Caesar. He mentions with grati- 
tude that M. Terentius Varro Gibba, afterwards quaestor of 
M. Brutus in Cisalpine Gaul (451. 3), brought letters and communi- 
cations for him from Brundisium to Caesar. In April, 47,‘ 
Philotimus carried another letter from Cicero to Alexandria, 
and brought back a note from Caesar which Cicero described as 
‘fairly generous.” It bade Cicero be of good cheer, and assured 
him that his position in the State should be in no way impaired.°® 
As it is quite incredible that Cicero did not inform Atticus of 
the receipt of this communication from Caesar, we must suppose, 
with Sternkopf (p. 40) and Schmidt (p. 229), that a letter to 
Atticus of August 12th has been lost... In August Cicero was. 

1 Yet some friends stood by him. Matius, Lepta, and Trebatius came to see him 
at Brundisium: Fam. xi, 27. 4 (784); 422. 1. Vatinius and Ligurius joined with 
him in indignation at the conduct of Quintus: ep. 423. 2. 

2 423.13; 426.1, 2; 480.2; 441.1, Hu est enim a nobis contracta culpa ut omni 
statu omnique populo eundem exitum habitura videatur: 445. 3. 

3 420.5; 422.1. 

4 Schmidt (p. 227) points out that, as Philotimus was at Rhodes on his return 
journey on May 28th (cp. 487. 2), he must have started from Alexandria not later 
than May 20th, and therefore must have left Brundisium in April. He delayed a 

' long time on his return: cp. 441. 4. 
5 443, litterae satis liberales. 1n June Cicero received a letter, purporting to have 
been sent by Caesar from Alexandria on February 9th, which was written in a cold 
_ and grudging spirit (exigue), and afforded him no consolation (491. 1); and he soon 
᾿ς discovered that it was not genuine (432. 3). It is just possible that it may have 
_ been composed by Balbus and Oppius to raise Cicero’s spirits without committing 
themselves. We know that letters were sometimes composed in other people’s names : 
_ ep. 416. 3; and Caesar may have authorized the cautious Balbus to write letters in 
his name in cases which Balbus thought required this course. But this is merely a 
ἰὼ 6 Cp. Ligar. 7, gui ad me ex Aegypto litteras misit ut essem idem qui fuissem ; 
 Deiot. 38, megue tuis litteris bene sperare non frustra esse iussum. 
ο΄ 7$ternkopf notices that 444, twas litteras ad eas quibus a te proxime consilium 
 petivi vehementer exspecto, does not suit the tenor of 441. Cicero wrote to Terentia 
_ on August 12th (443), and it is probable that he wrote to Atticus on the same day. 

ἘΡΩ͂ λιν λον ἄτι 


disquieted because he heard that Caesar, in graciously pardoning 
Quintus at Antioch, had made no mention of him at all (445. 3); and 
further, because Caesar had sent to Balbus letters of Quintus 
which were bitterly hostile to Marcus, and, in the judgment of the 
latter, the only reason why Caesar could have done so was to 
publish his misery to the world (446. 1). In July Caesar sent a 
message by C. Vibius Pansa, which reached Cicero about the 
beginning of September, permitting him to retain the title of 
imperator and his lictors as long as he pleased. So that Caesar’s 
feelings towards Cicero were, on the whole, favourable.’ After 
the defeat of Pharnaces at Zela, on August 2nd, Caesar hastened 
home, passed through Galatia and Bithynia during that month, 
was at Athens on September Ist, and arrived at Tarentum about 
September 24th. On the 25th he had a cordial interview with 
Cicero, of which Plutarch (Cic. 39) gives an interesting account— 

‘But when it was announced that he had disembarked at Tarentum, 
and was proceeding by land thence to Brundisium, Cicero advanced to 

1 Ligar. 7, gui cum ipse imperator in toto imperio populi Romani unus esset, me 
alterum passus est. We hear no more of these precious lictors after that. Possibly 
when Cicero was permitted to return to Rome he dismissed them, as he would have 
been,;ridiculed if he exhibited them in the vicinity of the city ; besides, all thoughts 
of a triumph must have been discarded long before. 

2 Schmidt argues (p. 172 of his Essay on M. Brutus in ‘ Verhandlungen der 40 
Philologenversammlung,’’ Gérlitz (1889), pp. 165-185) that after the battle of 
Zela Caesar commissioned Brutus (whom Schmidt regards as a nominal republican, but 
really working in concert with the tyrant) to write a reassuring letter to Cicero, in 
which consolation for his troubles and admonitions to co-operate with the Caesarean 
party were judiciously intermingled. As proof of this he adduces Brut. 11, Tum ille 
(sc. Atticus) Legi, inquit, perlibenter epistulam quam ad te Brutus misit ex Asia, qua 
mihi visus est et monere te prudenter et consolari amicissime ; ibid. 330, ea consolatione 
sustentor, quam tu mihi, Brute, adhibuisti tuis suavissimis litteris, quibus me forti animo 
esse oportere censebas, quod ea gessissem quae de me etiam me tacente ipsa loquerentur 
mortuoque viverent ; quae, si recte esset, salute reipublicae, sin secus, interitu ipso 
testimonium meorum de republica consiliorum darent. But the effusive language of this 
passage does not prove that the letter of Brutus was anything more than an ordinary 
letter of consolation, which was probably a little less cold than the usual compositions of 
that reserved aristocrat, and which perhaps stated, though not quite definitely, that 
Caesar was well-disposed to Cicero. We know that Cicero was a little afraid of 
Brutus, and we may be sure that in a work dedicated to him, and called by his name, 
he would lay undue emphasis on any trifling act of kindness which that austere and 
selfish noble had been gracious enough to perform. And lastly, we must not take 
Cicero’s rhetoric too literally, as he uses almost equally effusive language about the 
consolation afforded him by the Annals of Atticus, § 14, istum ipsum librum mihi 
saluti fuisse. 


meet him, not being altogether without hope, but feeling shame in the 
presence of many persons at being uncertain how he would be greeted by 
a man who was an enemy and victorious. But there was no necessity for 
him to do or to say anything unworthy; for when Caesar saw Cicero 
coming to meet him far before all the rest, he got down from his carriage 
and embraced him, and walked several stadia in private conversation 
with him.’ 

After this interview Cicero proceeded at once towards Rome. 
He was at Venusia on October 1st.1. He was at Tusculum probably 
on the 7th or 8th, and soon afterwards re-entered the city. 

§ 8, Cicero ΑΝῸ Cassar. 

On his return to Rome Cicero’s correspondence ceases for a 
time. Both his family and Atticus were there, and there were 
hardly any other persons with whom he cared at that time to keep 
up intercourse by letter. He renewed his friendship, as he says 
himself, with his old friends his books,” and spent some months in 
their pleasant company, with a heart at ease perhaps, but hardly 
happy. He could not, of course, be idle, and during this period 
composed, at the instigation of M. Brutus, his celebrated history 
of Roman eloquence, which he called by the name of that dis- 
tinguished nobleman, and dedicated to him.® 

1 Ep. 449. ‘This letter is the last extant one to Terentia. ‘A gentleman,’ said 
Mr. Long, ‘ would write a more civil letter to his housekeeper.’ Cicero appears to 
have divorced Terentia shortly after his return to Rome. Plutarch (Cic. 41) 
professes to give ‘ the most decent reasons’ (εὐπρεπέσταται προφάσεις) for this divorce, 
and they are as follows:—‘(1) He was neglected by her during the war, so that he set 
out without even the necessary supplies for his journey, and when he returned again 
to Italy he did not find her well-disposed to him; (2) For she did not come to him 
_ when he was staying for a long time ut Brundisium. (3) And when his daughter, who 
was a young girl (παιδίσκῃ νέᾳ: Tullia was over 30) went to him, she did not give 
her suitable escort or supplies. (4) Further, she despoiled and emptied Cicero's 
house, (5) in addition to incurring many large debts.’ The first charge is contra- 
_ dicted by the tone of 405. As regards (2), Terentia appears to-have been willing to 
- go to her husband, but he expressly forbade her to do so: cp. 415. There is 
᾿ nothing about (8) in 432, which tells of Tullia’s visit; but no doubt there was, or 
_ Cicero fancied there was, something in the vague charges (4) and (5): ep. pp. 1-lii. 

2 Fam. ix. 1. 2 (456). 
8 It is not possible here to discuss the very original view of Schmidt, that Brutus, 
uggesting this work to Cicero, was acting under orders from Caesar, who wished 



But the clash of arms still continued. Caesar hardly remained 
two months in the city. Late in November, 47, he started for 
Africa, where the Republicans had been gaining strength ever 
since the death of Curio in September, 49; landed there on 
January Ist, 46; fought an indecisive battle at Ruspina with 
the Pompeians on January 4th; but did not succeed in effecting 
their final defeat until April 6th, on the field of Thapsus. News 
of that victory reached Rome about the 20th, and for the next 
three weeks gloomy messages were constantly arriving with such 
tidings as the suicide of Cato, the deaths of Petreius and Juba, the 
executions of Afranius and Sulla, and the murder of young Lucius 
Caesar. The state of exultation on the one side, and the in- 
creasing despair on the other, may be seen in the letters of Cicero 
to Varro (Fam ix. 2-7), which belong to this period. Caesar did 
not leave Africa until June 18th, when he sailed for Sardinia, 
where he remained about twelve days. On June 27th he left 
Sardinia, and, after a coast-voyage, which was much delayed by 
storms, he reached Rome on July 25th.’ 

In the beginning of June Cicero went to Tusculum for a short 
time. During this visit he made the first sketch of his Cato. 
This work was suggested by Brutus. In the Orato Cicero says 
(§ 35):— 

‘[ never would have undertaken the Cato, fearing, as | did, the spirit 

of the times, which was hostile to true greatness, were it not that I 

thought it a sin to refuse you when you urged me to the task, and recalled 
to me the loved memory of the man himself.” 

the great orator to write an important work in defence of Caesarism. But whatever 
may have been the motive of Brutus in making the suggestion, it is quite certain, as 
Schmidt has pointed out, that Cicero’s Brutus has no Caesarean tendency at all. To 
take one example— Brutus himself is represented (ὁ 250) as delivering a panegyric on 
M. Marcellus, who, ‘in this disaster sent by fate, in which we are plunged, finds 
consolation during his exile in the consciousness of having done right, and in the renewal 
of his philosophical studies.” The work was written with thoroughly republican 
sentiments, and fully in accordance with Cicero’s real feelings. 

' Bell. Afr. 87-96. 

2 Bell. Afric. 98. 

3 With rare learning Schmidt (p. 244) quotes a fragment of a letter from Cicero to 
Brutus which is found in Quintilian (v. 10. 9), in which Cicero says: ‘ you are afraid 
lest I should transfer from that work (probably the Brutus) into my Cato some 
injudicious remarks, though the subject was not similar’ (veritus fortasse ne nos in 
Catonem nostrum transferremus illim mali quid etsi argumentum simile non erat). 

cooly hilar 


Writing to Atticus, Cicero said (469. 2) that it was a πρόβλημα 
᾿Αρχιμήδειον to write adequately on such a theme without giving 
offence to the dominant party. ‘The only proper panegyric of 
that great man will be an eloquent exposition of his perception 
that the present state of things would come to pass, of his struggles 
against its being brought to pass, and of his death, so that he 
might not see it when finally it had been brought to pass.’ 
On these lines the Cato was written in the summer, but was not 
published when written, for at that time Cicero was anxious to 
keep on good terms with the Caesareans. ‘ ‘lhe work that remains 
for me,’ he says to Paetus, ‘is not foolishly to say any rash word, 
or do any rash deed against the dominant party.” 

Cicero returned to Rome on the 16th, but at the beginning of 
July went back again to Tusculum, where he completed his Cato. 
Dolabella and Hirtius (who had recently returned from Africa) 
appear to have stayed at Tusculum from about the 7th to the 
24th of July. They used to spend their mornings in rhetorical 
exercises, under the direction of Cicero, ‘turned schoolmaster now, 
like Dionysius of Syracuse’ (as he says himself, 473. 1), and their 
evenings in feasting, when Cicero became the pupil, and was 
instructed by Hirtius in the Institutes of the Art of giving a good 
dinner.? Cicero writes pleasant letters to Paetus and Volumnius 
‘about his mode of life at this time, and excuses himself for his 
gaiety with the reflection that he had done all that a good citizen 
could be expected to do During July, while he was giving 
rhetorical lessons to Dolabella and Hirtius, Cicero wrote his 
Orator, which was composed immediately after the Cato, but 
‘was not published until the close of the year. When Caesar’s 
‘arrival was imminent, about July 24th, Cicero, as he says, ‘sent’ 

1 472. 5. The Cato was published late in the year 46, when Caesar had already 
departed for Spain. Schmidt (p. 243) holds that the Cato was a ‘second chance’ 
which Caesar and Brutus gave Cicero of writing a Caesarean pamphlet. If so, we 
can hardly imagine that, after their previous failure in the Brutus, Brutus himself 
‘would not have asked to see the work before publication, and, when he saw the lines 
on which it was written, would not have used his influence to ensure that it should 
“never see the light. 

2 472.7; 473. 3, disce a me προλεγομένας quas quaeris. 
3 472. 5, ergo in officio boni civis certe non sum reprehendendus, 
4 532. 4; 534. 4. 
VOL. Iv. e 


Dolabella and Hirtius to meet him,’ and returned himself to 
Rome. He remained in the city until Caesar started for Spain 
in the early winter. 

During the two months which followed his return to Rome 

Cicero was on friendly and intimate terms with the leading 

Caesareans, but he had not the entrée to Caesar’s court—we must 
eall it so.2 He used to attend the Senate, but he never spoke at 

its meetings. In a letter to Paetus he gives an interesting account. 

of his mode of life at this time (475. 3) :— 

‘In the morning I receive visitors at my house—many republicans, 
but they are depressed ; and these exultant victors, who, however, show 
me, at allevents, the most courteous and affectionate (peramanter) respect. 
When the stream of visitors has passed I piunge into literary work, and 
write or read. Some people, too, callon me to listen to discourses which I 
give, thinking me a learned man, because I am a little more learned 
than they are.’ 

At the same time Cicero used the considerable influence he had 
with the Caesareans to try to effect the restoration of several of 
the exiled Pompeians; and he wrote many letters of consolation 
and encouragement to such of them as were his friends—to 
Nigidius Figulus, Marcellus, Ligarius, and others? Letters of 
condolence are proverbially trite—‘ common is the common-place,’ 

and certainly Cicero’s letters of condolence are common-place in. 

ideas: the wretchedness of things at Rome, the satisfaction of a 

good conscience, the probability of a speedy return, and so forth.‘ 

1473.1, Cum essem 1 otiosus in Tusculano propterea quod phil obviam miseram, 

ut eddem me quam maxime conciliarent familiari suo. 
2 Cp. 486. 6, nos cura et dolore proximi sumus, precibus tardiores, quod ius adeundi, 

cum ἐρδὺ ΕΜΕΗΝΝ eguerimus, non habemus ; also 489. 3; 492. 2; 498. 2, atque 

omnem adeundi et conveniendi illius indignitatem et molestiam pertulissem. 

3 Fam. iv. 13 (483) ; iv. 8 (485); vi. 13 (489), 

4 Dr, Mahaffy (Greek World under Roman Sway, Ὁ. 124) notices that Cicero does 
not suggest to any of his correspondents any definite line of work or investigation 
(e.g. the study of Greek art or Greek history) in which they might usefully spend 

their time, and profit by their enforced residence in foreign lands, Perhaps Cicero 

felt that his friends would be as little able to apply themselves to literary or scientific 
study as he himself was during his exile, or during the year of anxiety at Brundisium, 
Certain of the exiles did devote themselves to philosophy and other intellectual 
pursuits, e.g. Marcellus and Servius Sulpicius (Brut. 250 and 156). And however 
ready the average Roman aristocrat was to steal Greek statues and pictures, he would 

. § 3. CICERO AND CAESAR. lix 

But the richness and variety of language with which Cicero 
dilates on such constantly recurring themes are perfectly marvel- 
lous: and if this variety of expression is anywhere surpassed, it is 
only by Cicero himself, in the commendatory letters of which we 
possess such numbers in the thirteenth book ad Familiares. 

So passed August and a considerable portion of September. 
About the middle of that month an important event took place. 
In the Senate L. Piso made the proposal that M. Marcellus’ 
be restored; and when his brother C. Marcellus fell on his knees 
before Caesar, and all the Senators rose in their places and 
seconded the request, Caesar pointed out the bitter hostility which 
M. Marcellus had always exhibited towards him, but he left it to the 
Senate to pass what decree it pleased on the subject. The ques- 
tion was put to the senators one by one, and the great majority, 
in voting ay, thanked Caesar for his restoration of Marcellus. 
Cicero, with his impressionable and impulsive nature, was carried 
away with an enthusiastic hope that this was the first sign of an 
intention on the part of Caesar to restore its authority to the 
Senate, and to govern henceforth constitutionally as its princeps. 
Cicero had intended never to speak in Caesar’s Senate; but the 
generosity shown on this occasion swept away the barriers of his 
reserve, and he poured out the full torrent of bis gratitude and 
his expectations in the speech now known as that Pio Marcello. 
None of Cicero’s orations is pitched in a higher key; but few 
who grasp the situation and know Cicero’s character, so naturally 
impulsive, so enthusiastic for every noble action, and thrilling 
with hopes of the revival of the free State,> can think that the 

probably have considered a study of Greek art somewhat unworthy of the dignity of 
a Roman noble. Dr. Mahaffy (p. 139) notices Cicero’s affectation that he knew but 
little of Greek art (Verr. iv. 5); and Cicero does urge them to the study of literature, 
in which great Romans might legitimately take interest: 488. 12 (Caecina); 490, 5 
(Ampius Balbus), Sed est unum perfugium_doctrina ac litterae quibus semper usi sumus ¢ 
quae secundis rebus delectationem modo habere videbantur, nune vero etiam salutem: 
495. 3 (Servius Sulpicius). Cicero was very sensitive himself, to the historical 
associations connected with localities; see Fin, v, 2-5. 

1 See below, p. lxxxvii. : 

2 Cp. 495. 4. From the subject-matter it should rather be called De Marcello. 

3 Cp. Mare, 27, hic restat actus, in hoc elaborandum est ut rempublicam constituas ; 
29, nisi belli civilis incendium salute patriae restinxeris: cp. Fam. xiii. 68. 2 (482) (to 
_ Servilius Isauricus), written shortly after the speech, Sperare tamen videor Caesari, 
ἣ 62 


praise of Caesar in that oration passes beyond the bounds set by 
honesty and self-respect.' ‘I venture to assert, Caesar, that no 
laurel you have ever won is nobler than that which you have won 
to-day. . . . All other victors in civil wars you have surpassed in 
justice and mercy, but to-day you have surpassed yourself.’ 
Cicero entertained high hopes now, but they lasted little more 
than a fortnight. The Ludi Victoriae Caesaris were first cele- 
brated about September 24, 8.0. 40. At these games Caesar 
collegae nostro, fore curae et esse ut habeamus aliquam rempublicam; 495. 3 (to 

Servius Sulpicius), ita pulcher hic dies visus est ut speciem aliquam viderer videre quasr 
reviviscentis reipublicae. 

1 Plutarch (Cic. 40) appears to have held a different view when referring to 

another occasion on which Cicero spoke before Caesar. Plutarch says : ‘ Cicero rarely 
went down to the city, and that only to flatter Caesar (θεραπείας ἕνεκα τοῦ Καίσαρος) ; 
and he was foremost among those who spoke in favour of the honours given to him and 
who were eager always to be saying something original about the man and his deeds. 
An example is his remark about the statues of Pompey which Caesar ordered to be 
set up after they had been taken away and thrown down, and they were set up. For 
Cicero said that by this act of generosity Caesar erected the statues of Pompey, but 

firmly rooted his own’ (ὅτε ταύτῃ τῇ φιλανθρωπίᾳ Καῖσαρ τοὺς μὲν Πομπηΐου ἵστησι,. 
τοὺς δ᾽ αὑτοῦ πήγνυσιν ἀνδριάντας). This remark has a most Ciceronian ring. It was. 

made doubtless soon after the pardon of Marcellus, when Cicero had high hopes that 
Caesar would restore its authority to the Senate; and it is probable that Plutarch has 
referred speeches made by Cicero during this short period to the whole time during 
which Caesar remained at Rome. 

* Marcell. §§ 4,12. The genuineness of this speech, which Wolf disputed, is now 

very generally acknowledged. Its few flaws of expression (see Mr. Fausset’s intro- 
duction to his ed. of the speech) may be due to Cicero’s having never revised a first 
draft of his speech, and to this rough draft having been published by Tiro only after 
Cicero’s death. ‘The speedy disillusionment of Cicero’s hopes that Caesar would restore 

the republic may have restrained him from publishing during his lifetime this. 

extremely laudatory effusion. But Cicero was sincere and actually palpitating with 

hope when he delivered it; and in that frame of mind such an enthusiastic nature. 
as Cicero’s could not refrain from what calmer judgment would regard as excessive: 

flattery. Schmidt (p. 525) admirably points out that Cicero gives his own opinion 
as to the extent to which flattery might be carried in the sacred cause of peace,. 
340(a). 1, Cum autem ad eam (sc. pucem) hortarer eum praesertim hominem (sc. 
Caesarem) non videbar ullo modo facilius moturus quam si id, quod eum hortarer, 
conventre eius sapientiae dicerem. Ham si ‘admirabilem’ dizi, quoniam eum ad salutem: 
patriae hortabar, non sum veritus ne viderer adsentart, cut tali in re libenter mead 
pedes abiecissem. 

3 In after years they appear in the Calendars as being celebrated from July 20th 
to 30th. But they originally lasted only one day, viz., July 28 or 24; so that it has 
been fairly argued that in 46, ‘the year of confusion,’ they were celebrated on the 
day which corresponded to July 23 or 24 in the unreformed Calendar: i.e. to 
Sept. 24 or 25 (Mommsen) or Sept. 23 or 24 (Groebe). See Mommsen in C. I. L. i.*, 
p- 322 (=p. 397, ed. 1), and Dict. Antiq. 5. v. Lup Vicrortaz CaEsanis. 

rt 3S slap asic animales 


compelled Laberius, a Roman knight, to appear on the stage, ‘ as 
a penalty for his republican candour, and evidently on account 
of his sharp tongue,’ and the low-born Publilius Syrus was 
awarded the prize. It was perhaps shortly after this that, in 
writing to Oornificius,? Cicero declares that he has grown 
so callous, that he can tolerate such tyrannical indignities. He is, 
however, still full of admiration for Caesar personally, and throws 
all the blame of such actions on the necessities of Caesar’s position. 
He considers, as before, that the wretched state of affairs at Rome 
is due, not to the fault of the conqueror, ‘ nothing could be more 
moderate than he is, but to the victory itself, which in civil war is 
always outrageous (énsolens).”> About November 26th Cicero 
spoke in Caesar’s house,‘ advocating the restoration of Ligarius. 
‘Caesar refused courteously, stating apparently that he would hold 
a formal trial of Ligarius in the Forum. Allowing the due 
interval of a ¢rinundinum, the trial of Ligarius, at which Cicero 
delivered the extant speech Pro Ligario,? must have taken place 
some time about the middle or latter end of the first intercalary 

' Teuffel (ed. Schwabe), § 192. ὃ. 

2 Fam xii. 18. 2 (670). In drawing up the list of letters for the year 708 (46) we 
omitted, we now think erroneously, Fam. xii. 18 and 19(670, 671.) We did so, as we 
thought that the games at which Laberius appeared were held in 45, and in this we 

“followed the lead of such eminent scholars as Teuffel (ed. Schwabe) (1. c.), Wordsworth 
(Fragments and Specimens, p. 604), and Watson (ed. 4), p. 486. Schanz (ᾧ 88) 
seems to be of the same opinion. But there does not appear to be any objection to 
supposing that Laberius appeared upon the stage in 46. Further, Caesar was absent 
from Rome when the games were celebrated in 45; and it is unlikely that he would 
have determined to humiliate Laberius in games at which he himself was not present. 
Lastly, by supposing that the games in question were those of 46, we obtain a very 
satisfactory reason for the despair which fell upon Cicero so soon after the pardon of 
Marcellus: cp. 488. 4; 495. 2. 

3 iv, 4, 2 (495); Fam. xii. 18. 2 (670). 

4 This passage, 498. 2, is interesting, as showing that Caesar was now virtually 
monarch, and his house his court: see especially cwm venissem mane ad Caesarem 
atque omnem adeundi et conveniendi illius indignitatem et molestiam pertulissem: cp. 
p. lviii. Ε 

5 On the great admiration entertained by the ancients for this speech, see below, 
p. lxxxiy. Even Drumann is constrained into praising Cicero for it, ‘ Ouly a Cicero,’ 
he says (iii. 637, ed. Groebe), ‘could have cumbined in such trying circumstances 
the dignity and independence of the republican with the elegance (Feinheit) and 

_reserve of the courtier.’ 

6 In this year 46, in order to bring the calendar into accord with the actual 


Soon after this, probably about the beginning of the second 
intercalary month, Caesar left for Spain. Before leaving he had 
commissioned his Master of the Horse, M. Lepidus, consul for the 
year 46, to procure his election as consul without colleague for 45. 
Tribunes of the people and plebeian aediles appear to have been 
chosen for 45, but no other magistrates were elected before Caesar 
left Rome. Cicero asks Atticus to find out from his brother-in- 
law (or father-in-law) Pilius, whether Caesar is going to hold the | 
elections in the Field of Fennel (i.e. in Spain), or in the Field of 
Mars.t Caesar did not hold any elections at all, either in the 
Field of Fennel or in the Field of Mars, but left the administra- 
tion of Rome in the hands of eight (or six) praefecti urbis,? with 
pro-praetorian powers, all nominally subject to Lepidus (ep. 
Ferrero 11, Ὁ. 321). The real administration, however, at least in 
all civil matters, was in the hands of Balbus and Oppius.? Any 
hope which Cicero may have entertained that the government of 
the Senate was likely to be restored must have now utterly 

But it was a great relief to Cicero that the ‘ prefect of morals,’ 
as he calls Caesar, had departed,‘ and he was able to leave Rome. 
In the first instance he went to Tusculum, and made what arrange- 
ments he could in reference to the repayment of T'ullia’s dowry 
by Dolabella. That shows that the divorce had been effected (501). 
He published his Cato, and made preparations for publishing his 
Orator (499. 3.) He was apparently in some doubt whether to 
permit young Cicero to accompany Dolabella to Spain, and serve in 
Caesar’s army there, or to send him to study at Athens; and we 
have an interesting sketch of a conversation between father and 

seasons, Caesar added two intercalary months of 29 and 28 days between November 
and December, and also ten days; these ten days it is supposed were added to the 
second intercalary month, so that the latter reaily had 38 days. 
1 Ep. 501, where see note. 
? Dio Cass. xlili. 28.2, τὴν πόλιν τῷ τε Λεπίδῳ καὶ πολιανόμοις τισὶν ὄκτω ὥς 
τισι δοκεῖ, ἤ ἕξ, ὧς μᾶλλον πεπίστευται, ἐπιτρέψας. The very essence of ἃ praefectus: 
was that he was not an independent magistrate. 
3 Cp. 527. 1, guod omnibus rebus perspexeram quae Balbus et Oppius absente Caesare 
᾿ egissent ea solere illi rata esse. 
4 Cp. 481. 5, guamdiu hic erit noster hic praefectus moribus parebo auctoritati tune, 
i.e. to stay in Rome, See note on this passage. : 


son on the point (500. 1). He finally decided to send him to 
Athens (501). Towards the end of the second intercalary month 
Cicero went on a short tour of a few weeks round his estates in 
Campania, where he saw Paetus and M. Marius, and returned to 
Rome about the beginning of December (505). The chief subject 
of his deliberations now was whom he should take as his second 
wife. The energetic Postumia (502), wife of Servius Sulpicius, 
appears to have exerted herself in this matter. After due con- 
sideration had been bestowed on the daughter of Pompey and 
another lady, of whom Cicero says that ‘he never saw anything 
more hideous’ (foedius), he finally married, solely for her money, 
his rich ward Publilia, who was a mere child, and could not possibly 
be a suitable companion for the sexagenarian statesman and philo- 
sopher.. During December and the early part of January Cicero 
was in Rome, on account of the delicate health of Tullia (534. 5). 
About the middle of January she bore a son, who was called 
Lentulus. As soon as she was able to move Cicero brought her 
down to Tusculum., There early in February she died. This was 
perhaps the severest blow which Cicero had as yet experienced in 
his long and chequered life. But the account of his grief and 
prostration at this loss is to be found in the next volume. 

1 Cicero incurred much censure for this marriage (Plut. Cic. 41; Dio Cass. xlvi. 
- 18.4; Quintilian vi. 3. 75) ; and he deserved it. Dio Cassius (lvii. 15) says that Vibius 
Rufus, who lived in the reign of Tiberius, married Cicero’s widow. This was probably 
Publilia ; surely not Terentia, though she did live to be 103 (Val. Max. viii. 13. 6), 



1. Garus TREBONIUS. 

Gaius Trebonius was quaestor in 60, and supported the consuls 
Afranius and Metellus Scipio in opposing the tribune Herennius, 
who had brought forward a law on the subject of the transference 
of Clodius to the plebeians.! In 55 he was tribune, and in the 
interests of the triumvirs proposed the well-known Trebonian law, 
that Syria should be given to Cassius, and the two Spains to 
Pompey.’ In return probably for this good service, Caesar made 
him one of his legati in Gaul, and from 54 to 49 he appears to 
have served in the army there.? At the outbreak of the Civil 
War he remained in the province, and probably had some conflicts 
with the Pompeian Afranius in the Pyrenees, and certainly 
besieged Massilia from the land side‘ In 48 he was praetor 
urbanus, and opposed with firmness and judgment the wild schemes 
of Caelius.° Caesar thus formed a high opinion of ‘T'rebonius ; 
and accordingly Cicero, when at Brundisium, urged Atticus to ask 
‘Trebonius to write to Caesar, saying that Cicero’s whole conduct 
at that time was regulated in accordance with his advice.° 
‘l'rebonius vacated his office as praetor on December 29th, 48, and 
was sent to Spain early in 47 as successor to Q. Cassius Longinus, 

1 Fam. xv. 21. 2 (450). @-Cp. vol. {1.5 p. Ixi, 

3 Caesar B. G. v. 17. 2; vi. 89. 1; vii. 11. 3; viii. 54. 4, and often. The Ὁ. 
Trebonius called egues Romanus in vi. 40. 4 is a different man from our C. Trebonius 
the legatus. 

4 333.7; Caes. B. C.i. 36. 5. 

5 Dio Cass. xlii. 22. 2, and vol. 111.? p. lvii. 

6418.3: cp. 450. 2, ut haee recentia, guae meminero semper, obliviscar, quae tua 
sollicitudo de mein armis, quae laetitia in reditu, quae cura, qui dolor, cum ad te curae et 
dolores mei perferrentur, Brundisium denique te ad me venturum fuisse nisi subito in 
Hispaniam missus esses. As Trebonius was praetor in 48, and accordingly in Italy 
during that year, if we accept the reading C. Trebonius for C. Treboni u. of M in Att. 
xi. 20. 1 (444), and do not read with Schmidt (p. 231) C. Treboni ἰ, (= libertus), we 
must take the C. Trebonius mentioned there to be a different man from the praetor. 


who had mismanaged Caesar’s cause gravely in that province.’ 
_ Trebonius governed Spain until June, 46, when he was driven 
out? by the leaders of the Pompeian party, Q. Aponius and T. 

Quintius Scapula; but he did not on that account forfeit the good 
opinion of Caesar. He appears to have made a journey towards 

Spain at the end of 46. During this journey he had an interview 

with Antony at Narbo, in the course of which 'T'rebonius sounded 
Antony on the subject of the conspiracy. Antony refused to have 
any connexion with the plot, but did not disclose it to Caesar.’ 

It was during this absence of 'l'rebonius from Rome that Cicero 

tia 0) Bye Ole aie Ὁ ἘΝ δι. 

_ wrote both Fam. xv. 20 (702) and 21 (450) to him. Just before 

starting he sent Cicero a collection he had made of ‘ Ciceroniana.’ 

This delicate flattery called forth an excellent letter from Cicero 

(450).4 Though Trebonius was already meditating treachery to 
Caesar, he did not refuse to allow Caesar to make him consul 
suffectus in October, 45 (Ὁ. I. L. 1.2 p. 158), and the province of 
Asia was decreed to him for the following year.° 

On the Ides of March the duty assigned to Trebonius was to 
keep Antony away from the actual scene of the murder.’ Shortly 
after the murder Trebonius repaired secretly to his province.’ 
During his journey he wrote in May an interesting letter to Cicero 
from Athens (Fam. xii. 16 (736)). It tells that he had met young 
Cicero, who was studying there, and that, as the young man had 
expressed a wish to see Asia, he had asked him to come on a visit, 
and to bring his tutor, the eminent philosopher Cratippus, along 

1 Tt must have been in 47 and not in 46 that Trebonius was sent to govern Spain: 
because Lepidus was there when Trebonius arrived (Bell. Alex. 64. 2), and Lepidus was 
in Rome on January Ist, 46, as consul. For the dates of the governorship of Spain by 

_ Trebonius cp: Sternkopf, Jabrdbuch, 1893, pp. 424-432, an able and convincing 


3 Dio Cass, xliii. 29. ὃ. 

3 Cic. Phil. ii. 34; Plut. Ant. 18. 

4 We were wrong in attributing 702 to a time after Caesar’s death. We have 
been convinced by Sternkopf’s reasoning, and have corrected the dating in vol. v, 

ΠΡ. 246, ed. 2. 

5 Dio Cass. xliii. 46. 2: ep. Appian, B. C. iii. 2. 
5 Cic. Phil. ii. 34; xiii. 22. In Plut. Caes. 66 this duty is said to have been und er- 
taken by Brutus Albinus, i.e. Decimus Brutus; in Plut. Ant. 13 by ‘some of the 

- ¢onspirators.’ 

7 Att, xiv. 10. 1 (718). 


with him, ‘so that you must not think that he is going to have a 
holiday from his studies in Asia.’ Trebonius also sent Cicero 

some satirical verses against Antony, written in rather ‘broad’ — 
language in the style of Lucilius, which he had composed during 
some leisure hours on ship-board.' He helped Brutus and Cassius _ 
with money when they went to their provinces,? and he would | 

doubtless have been a strong support to the republican cause, 




but he was treacherously murdered by Dolabella at Smyrna early 

in February, 43.° 

Besides the two letters mentioned above (450, 702), Cicero 
wrote to T'rebonius another extant letter, Fam. x, 28 (819), in the 
beginning of February, 43, which, however, cannot have reached 

him. ‘This is the letter which begins with the celebrated words. 

Quam vellem adillas pulcherrimas epulas me Idibus Martiis invitasses : 
reliquiarum nihil haberemus. 

It is interesting to see the extreme views taken of the character 
of Trebonius by men of different parties. To Cicero he is (Phil. 
ΧΙ, 1) optimus civis moderatissimusque homo; and (ib. 11) ‘ Everyone 
knows his judgment, intellect, culture, blameless life, and the 
greatness of soul he has shown in the liberation of his country.’ 
Yo Antony (Phil. xiii, 22) it is a source of exultation that this 
wicked man (scederatum) met his due within a year of his crime; 
and Velleius (ii. 69. 1) regards him as a monster of ingratitude 
(tngratissumum) because he allowed himself to be advanced by 

Caesar to the dignity of consulship, and yet took part in his — 



M. ‘Terentius Varro was born at Reate in 116. He first 
appears as triumvir monetalis in 94. He subsequently went 
through the usual series of magistracies, and was quaestor, tri- 

bune, and praetor, the latter probably in 76.4 He was considered — 
the most learned of the Romans.’ He was trained under Aelius © 

1 Fam. xii. 16. 2, ὃ (736). 2 Dio xlvii. 21. 3; 26.1. 

8 Cic. Phil. xi, 1-8; xii. 12. 1 (856); 14. 5 (883); 15. 4 (882). 

* Goll. xii. 12, 6. 

5 Superlatives are generally used when any allusion is made to Varro’s learning : 

Att. xili. 18 (630), πολυγραφώτατος : Dion. Hal. Antiq. ii. 21, πολυπειρότατος ; Quintil. — 


Stilo, and attended the lectures of Antiochus.! Though princi- 
pally a student, Varro did not shrink from military duties, and in 
67, during the Mithridatic war and the war against the Pirates, 

we find him in command over Sicily and the Ionian Sea as far 
-as Acarnania, and he obtained from Pompey the honour of a 

‘naval crown.’? At the outbreak of the Civil War he was general 
of the Pompeian forces in Further Spain, where he had been since 
δῦ. Caesar speaks with disparagement of Varro’s time-serving 
conduct in that country.’ During the campaign in Thessaly 

Varro was with Cicero at Dyrrhachium.‘ His villa at Casinum 

was plundered by Antony when the latter was governor of Italy 

in 47.5 Caesar, as was his wont, forgave Varro, and appointed 
him librarian of his new Palatine Library.° Varro was proscribed 
during the triumvirate in 48, but he was concealed by the help of 

Fufius Calenus and the loyalty of his own and Calenus’ slaves, 
and so escaped death.” He lived till 27, when he died at the age of 
-eighty-nine, working and writing up to the very end of his life.® 

On his philosophical views see Dr. Reid’s ed. of Cicero’s 

Academica (p. 50) and St. Augustine (Civ. Dei, xix. 1-3); and on 
bis multifarious learning an eloquent and sympathetic description 
in Mommsen, R. H. iv. 591-598, and a detailed account in Teuffel, 
S8§ 164-169, and Schanz, δὲ 183-198. Of his literary works, his 
Menippean satires, written in a medley of prose and verse, are 
much the most interesting. It would appear that he was austere, 
and not very straightforward. Cicero evidently did not like him, 
and did not care for his company. On one occasion, as we read, 
Varro dropped in on Cicero, and Cicero could not help urging him 

Χ. 1. 95, vir Romanorum eruditissimus. Plurimos hie libros et doctissimos composuit 
peritissimus linguae Latinae et omnis antiquitatis et rerum Graecarum nostrarumque ; 
Gell. iv. 9.1, Figulus, homo, ut ego arbitror, iuata M. Varronem doctissimus; Plutarch 
Rom. 12, ἄνδρα Ῥωμαίων ἐν ἱστορίᾳ βιβλιακωτατον ; Augustine, Civ. Dei. vi. 2, homo 

omnium facile acutissimus et sine ulla dubitatione doctissimus : cp. also Cic. Acad. i. 9. 

1 Cic. Brut. 205; Acad. i. 12. 

2 Pliny, H. N. iii. 101; vii. 115; Appian Mithr. 95. 
3. Caes. B. C. ii. 17-20, especially c. 17. 4 De Div. i. 68; ii. 114. 
5. Phil. ii, 103-105. 6 Suet. Iul. 44. 2. 

_ 7 Appian, B. C. iv. 47 fin., says that the friends of Varro were eager to give him 
shelter, and contended with one another for the privilege of doing so—which shows 
him in a more attractive light than one would gather from Cicero. 

8 Val. Max. viii. 7. 3. 


to stay: ‘but I did not,’ he says, ‘quite tear his cloak’ in the 
effort to keep him from leaving. He describes him in one place 
as ‘having a most extraordinary character, as you know, all twists — 
and contortions’; in another, by the line in which Patroclus | 
describes Achilles, ‘a terrible man, readily would he blame even 
one that was blameless.’ ? : 
Cicero during his exile was urged by Atticus to write to Varro | 
a letter of thanks for his exertions on his behalf, and Cicero 
promised to do so; but he does not seem to have believed that 
those exertions were very strenuous.? His letters to Varro are, 
as Dr. Reid says, ‘cold, forced, and artificial’; and the trepidation 
which Cicero exhibited with regard to the dedication of the - 
Academica to Varro shows that the relations between the two men | 
were strained, and anything but cordial. On the dedication of tlie | 
Academica to Varro ep. vol. V.2 p. xix, note 3, and the references | 
quoted there. | 


3. GnaEus Domirius AHENOBARBUS. 

Cn. Domitius was son of L. Domitius, who commanded at) 
Corfinium, and Porcia, sister of Cato. We first hear of him 88. 
accusing the son of Cn. Saturninus, who appears to have been: 
instrumental in effecting the rejection of the elder Domitius in his | 
candidature for the augurate: cp. Fam. viii. 14. 1 (280). He) 
was taken prisoner with his father at Corfinium, but spared by | 
Caesar.4 On March 8th, 49, he passed through Formiae, on his, 
way to Naples to see his mother, and spread the report that the, 
elder Domitius was at Rome (358. 1. He did not follow his) 
tather to Massilia, but probably served under Pompey in the, 
campaign in Greece and afterwards under his uncle Cato in 

1 Att. xiii, 33. 4 (636), De Varrone loguebamur : lupus in fabula. Venit enim ad) 
me, et quidem id temporis ut retinendus esset. Sed ego ita ἐσὲ ut non scinderem, 
paenulam. Dr. Reid notices (Acad. p. 35 n, 1) that on matters of literary taste Cicero’ 
and Varro differed toto caelo, e.g. 499.1, Habes Hegesiae genus quod Varro laudat, and 
cp. Brut. 286 ; Orat. 226 (where see Sir J. Sandys’ learned note). 

2 Att. ii, 25. 1 (52), mirabdiliter moratus est, sicut nosti, ἕλικτα καὶ οὐδέν : Atte 
xiii. 25. 3 (642): cp. Hom, II. xi. 654, δεινὸς ἀνήρ, τάχα κεν καὶ ἀναίτιον ἀντιόῳτο. | 

3 Att. iii. 8. 3 (64) : ep. 15. 3. (73); 18.1 (76). ; 

4 Caes. B: C. i. 23. 1. 



Africa. After the collapse of the Pompeians in that country he 
returned to Italy; in his despair he appears to have meditated 
throwing in his lot with the remnant of the Pompeian party in 
Spain ; and we have a letter (Ip. 465) written to him by Cicero, 
probably at the instance of the relatives of Domitius, shortly after 
the Battle of Thapsus, dissuading him from such an ill-judged act. 
Domitius seems not to have been pardoned,' and to have lived 
in obscurity in Italy during the following years. In August, 45, 
Cicero asked Atticus to forward to Domitius the /audatio he wrote 
on his mother Porcia (Att. xiii. 48. 2 (656) ; 37. 3 (657)). 

| It is an undecided question whether he was one of the con- 
spirators against Caesar or not. Both Cicero (Phil. ii. 27) and 
Dio Cassius (xlviii. 7.5; 29. 2) maintain that he was one of them, 
and Halm thought so too, rejecting the statement to the contrary 
by Suetonius (Nero 3), on the ground that flatterers probably 
had a motive for clearing the memory of Nero’s great-grandfather. 
iBut why are we to suppose that Suetonius follows flatterers of 
)Nero here when he certainly does not follow them elsewhere? ‘The 
icontemporary of Domitius, L. Cocceius Nerva (ep. Appian, v. 62), 
swas of the same opinion as Suetonius; and with them Drumann 
{iii2 25) agrees, on the grounds that Domitius is not specially 
/mentioned as one of those who, after the murder of Caesar, went 
up to the Capitol, and that the story of his participation in the 
conspiracy is very likely to have arisen from his relationship to, 
and connexion with, Brutus and Cassius.’ 

But, be that as it may, he certainly espoused the cause of the 
republicans, and in the summer of 44 collected some ships, and 
‘sailed with Brutus and Cassius to the Hast. In his absence he was 
a candidate for a place in the College of Pontiffs (ad Brut. 1. 5. ὃ 
(852); 14. 1 (913)). He succeeded next year in detaching a 
squadron of cavalry from Dolabella.’ He was accordingly ranked 
{/as one of the special enemies of the triumvirs, and was proscribed 
by the Lex Pedia, but managed to escape being put to death. 

1 This is apparently what Cicero means by spoliatio dignitatis (Phil. ii. 27). 
_ * Porcia, wife of Brutus, was niece of his mother; and Cassius was married to 
‘ the half-sister of Brutus. . 
3 8 Att. xvi. 4. 4 (771); Phil. x. 13, On. Domitius adulescens summa virtute, 
} gravitate, constantia. 


In 42 in conjunction with Statius Murcus he defeated on the day © 
of the Battle of Philippi Domitius Calvinus, who tried to sail out — 
of Brundisium ; and for this victory he was saluted as imperator,' — 
After the defeat of Brutus and Cassius, when Statius Murcus joined © 

Sext. Pompey, Domitius continued to carry on the war indepen- 
dently for two years with such success that in 40, through the 
mediation of Asinius Pollio, he became reconciled to Antony on 

equal terms (Appian v. 50; ὅδ); but when Octavius complained | 

that connexion with one of the proscribed persons was a breach 
of faith, Antony appointed Domitius to the province of Bithynia, 
which he administered from 40 to 35 8.0. (ib. 63). In 39, when a 
treaty was made with Sext. Pompey, provision was also made for 
the restoration of Domitius, and the consulship promised him for 
32 (ib. 73). He accompanied Antony on his Parthian expedition 
in 36, and addressed the soldiers when Antony was ashamed to 
appear before them (Plut. Ant. 40). It,was owing in a considerable 
measure to Domitius, who incurred in the matter some danger 
from the treachery of one Curius, that Sextus Pompey was 
captured in 35 (Appian v. 137). In 32 he obtained the consul- 
ship, and did his best to moderate the violent proceedings of 
his colleague Sosius.? When the breach between Antony and 
Octavian occurred, Domitius went to Antony at Ephesus ;* and 
such was the disgust felt by many of the officers and soldiers at 
Antony’s subservience to Cleopatra, that they urged Domitius to 
take the chief command.‘ But his health was broken down; he 
could not accept the offer, so he merely left Antony’s camp. 
Antony sent his goods after him, not with ‘gentle adieus and 

1 Appian, B. C. iv. 86, 100, 108, 115, 116. The exploits of Domitius as com- 
mander of the fleet are celebrated on coins, which style him imperator, and acknow- 
ledge Antony as his general: so that these coins would seem to have been struck after 
his reconciliation with Antony: cp. Gardthausen, Augustus i, p. 214, note 8 (=i. (2), 
p- 101). A coin also records his rebuilding, while imperator, of the temple of 
Neptune: cp. Plin. H. N. xxxvi. 26; also Babelon, Monnaies romaines, i. 466-7: 
cp. 178. 

* Dio Cass. 1. 2. 2, 3. This Sosius was praetor in 49; cp. 337. 1; 353. 2. 

3 Dio Cass. 1. 2.6; Suet. Aug. 17. 

4 Suet. Nero 3. Plutarch (Ant. 56) says that Domitius urged Antony to send 
Cleopatra back to Egypt away from the camp. Velleius (ii. 84. 8) tells us that ‘ the 
illustrious Cn. Domitius was the only one of the Antonian party who never greeted 
Cleopatra as queen, but always addressed her by her own name Cleopatra.’ 

ate ery Simm as Speer ter bt 


greetings, but with a scoff at his amorous propensities.’ He 

died shortly after the Battle of Actium. 

Domitius appears to have been a manly and energetic soldier, 
and was doubtless, as Suetonius says, the best of the family of 
the Domitii;? but he was hardly, we think, as interesting as 
Shakespeare has pourtrayed him in Antony and Cleopatra.’ Schoell 
and Wissowa (cp. PW iv, 1833) suppose him to be the hero of 
the drama of Curiatius Maternus mentioned in Tac. Dial. 3. So 
does Gudeman. The ordinary view supposes that it was his 

father; but the son’s career was certainly more striking and 

romantic than the father’s. 

4. Lucius Cornextius BALBus. 

This able man of business was not a native Roman. He was 
born at Gades, about 100, of a good family. As soon as oppor- 
tunity was granted him he devoted himself to the interests of the 
Romans, and did them good service in the Sertorian War. During 
that period his merits were recognized by Metellus, Memmius the 
brother-in-law of Pompey, and Pompey himself; and by the help 
of the latter, he and his brother and nephew obtained Roman citizen- 
ship—a grant which was definitely ratified by the Lex Cornelia 
Gellia, passed in 72. ‘lhe cognomen Balbus was a very common 
one, appearing in several families, such as the Ampii, Atii, Laelii 
Lucilii, Nonii, Octavii, &c., and possibly was a near equivalent of a 
Punic name;‘ or it may have been a name given to foreigners from 
their imperfect pronunciation of Latin. He adopted the prenomen 
and nomen Lucius Cornelius, perhaps from the L. Cornelius who 
was in old times (about 200 8.0.) a patron of Gades ;° or possibly 

1 Plut. Ant. 63; Dio Cass. 1. 18.6; Suet. Nero’ ὃ fin., (Domitius) transiit ad 
Augustum et in paucis diebus obiit, nonnulia et ipse infamia aspersus. ~Nam Antonius 
eum desiderio amicae Serviliae Naidis transfugisse iactavit. 

2 Suet. Nero 3, (L. Domitius) reliquit filium omnibus gentis suae procul dubio 
praeferendum—which indeed is not saying much for him. 

® The original evidence for the events of the life of Domitius has been collected 
by Drumann, 1115, 24-28. 

4 It has been said that Balbus was the name of a mountain near Carthage, but the 

true reading in Livy xxix. 31. 8, is Bedium. Possibly it should be Belum, connected 
with ‘ Baal.’ 

5 Cic. Balb. 41. 


he adopted the nomen from the Cornelius who was joint proposer 
of the law of 72, and the prenomen from the other proposer, 
Lucius Gellius. The view of Manutius (on Att, ix. 7 b. 2), adopted 
by Miinzer in Pauly-Wissowa iv. 1261, attributes it to L. Cornelius 
Lentulus, consul in 49, who may have served in the Sertorian 
War, and recommended Balbus for citizenship. In 346.2, Balbus 
calls him Lentuluwm meum: ep. 354. 2. 

In the year 70, when the censorship was restored, Balbus | 
became a citizen, and was enrolled in one of the city tribes. 
Soon afterwards he accused a member of the aristocratic tribus 
Clustumina of ambitus, and having secured a condemnation, 
obtained, in accordance with the laws, the place in that tribe 
which the convicted man had occupied.1 He soon became so 
intimate with Pompey and his circle, and was so highly esteemed 
by them, that he was adopted by Pompey’s confidential friend, 
Theophanes of Mytilene, who had himself some time previously 
been enfranchised by Pompey.’ 

Balbus had the thoroughly mercantile gift of forming exten- 
sive connexions, and during the years which followed his enfran- 
chisement we may be well assured that he made his mark in Rome. 
Caesar, when he became propraetor of Farther Spain, especially 
perceived in him a valuable assistant, and in 61 he appointed 
Balbus his praefectus fabrum ;? and again in 58, when he became 
proconsul of Gaul, he re-appointed him to that position. As early 
as 60 it would appear that Balbus was in the most intimate con- 
nexion with Caesar ;* and during most of Caesar’s campaigns in 
Gaul he acted as Caesar’s agent at Rome, and as such rapidly rose 
to be a power in the city. He appears to have been one of the 
accusers of L. Valerius Flaccus, whom Cicero defended in 59, and 

1 Cie; Balb. 57. 

‘2 Hence by Capitolinus (Maximus et Balbinus, 7. 3) Balbus is called Balbus 
Cornelius Theofanes: cp. Balb. 56; Att. vil. 7. 6 (298), adoptatum Gaditanum a 

> Balbus may have already come into connexion with Caesar during the latter’s 
quaestorship in Spain in 68 B.c. 

* Att. 11. 3. 3 (29), ‘Caesar,’ says Cicero, ‘fully expects me to support his 
agrarian law ’—nam fuit apud me Cornelius—hune dico Balbum, Caesaris familiarem : 
is affirmabat illum omnibus in rebus meo et Pompei consilio usurum daturumque operam 
ut cum Pompeio Crassum coniungeret. 

pipe ΤΕΣ “δι τέσ ἃ αν τ ϑα 



strangely, too, to have been subsequently left by Flaccus sole heir 
of his property.’ But, no matter how carefully he endeavoured to 
create no enemies, the influential foreigner could not escape 
being regarded with jealousy by the haughty Roman nobles. 
The result was that an attempt was made to deprive Balbus of 
his Roman citizenship, and thereby to teach the upstart and 
alien to remember that the rod could be laid upon his back; 
and this course had the further object in the feeling that Caesar 
would be annoyed by an outrage perpetrated on his trusty 

Balbus was accused in 56 by a fellow-townsman, and defended 
by Pompey, Crassus and Cicero. The speech which Cicero de- 
livered on this occasion is still extant. The prosecutor urged 
mainly two points—(1) that the Gaditanes had a treaty with 
Rome, and such people could not be regarded as having the 
franchise unless their State adopted it ; (2) that, whereas in many 

treaties with other States it was explicitly stated that Rome 

should not have the power to make any of the members of those 
other States citizens, it may be considered as a general rule that 

- Rome has no such power. ‘lo the first point the answer is, that 
it is true that whole communities cannot be regarded as possessing 
_ the citizenship unless they adopt it; but that it does not follow 
that the adoption by the community is necessary to allow indi- 

vidual citizens to accept the grant; and it is quite absurd to 
suppose that Rome is to be debarred, unless in special exceptional 
cases, from bestowing the honour of her citizenship on individual 
foreigners who have done her good service, As regards (2), the 
answer is quite simple, and just the reverse of what the prosecutor 
urged. If Rome is expressly forbidden by treaties to grant 
citizenship to members of certain States, she has perfect liberty 
to grant her franchise in cases where no such restriction is found. 
Now no such restriction is found in the vase of the treaty with 

1 Schol. Bob., p. 228. 15 Or. and Val. Max. vii. 8. 7. 

2 Plin, H. N. vii. 1386, Fuit οὐ Balbus Cornelius maior consul, sed accusatus idque de 
wre virgarum in eum iudice in consilium misso, primus externorum atque etiam in oceano 
genitorum usus illo honore (i.e. consulship), guem maiores Latio quoque negaverint. We 
remember that Marcellus some years later grievously insulted Caesar by actually 
scourging a Transpadane: cp. Att. v. 11. 2 (200). 

VOL. IV. fe 



Gades.! Cicero’s case was a good one, and deservedly successful, 
though not argued quite as lucidly as is Cicero’s wont. But there 
is one point in the speech which is worth remarking, and that is 
the way in which Cicero, while showing that it is pure jealousy 
which has prompted the accusation, yet cannot himself refrain 
from striking a blow at the upstart. ‘Balbus,’ he says, ‘is 
accused of having a landed estate. True, but estates pass by 
purchase to complete strangers, often to men of the very lowest 
rank. Balbus must have winced; but he, doubtless, bore it 
with a patient shrug, for ‘sufferance was the badge of all his 

We next hear of Balbus as continuing to be Caesar’s agent in 
Rome, and as furthering the interests of Quintus Cicero® and 
Trebatius,t who were at that time serving under Caesar in Gaul. 
Marcus Cicero says, ‘I regard him as the apple of my eye.” In 
54 Balbus made (as Dr. Reid most acutely sees) two journeys to 
Caesar in Gaul. He was gradually becoming more and more 
attached to Caesar, and drawing away from Pompey. In 51 he 
expostulated with Metellus Scipio, who proposed that the question 
of depriving Caesar of his provinces should .be discussed on the 
Kalends of March, 50.7. In the matter of Cicero’s triumph he 
declared that Curio’s conduct would certainly not meet with the 
approval of Caesar. Just before the Civil War broke out he 
appears to have intended to lay before Scipio certain information 
received from Caesar, and thus to have been in intimate connexion 
with the Pompeians.? At the same time Balbus, as well as 
Caesar, wrote persuasive letters to Cicero, urging him to take 
Caesar’s side, but Cicero would not deviate a finger’s breadth 

1 We need not discuss other very questionable arguments put forward by Cicero, 
such as that a law can override obligations made by treaty. The various intricacies of 
the case are admirably set forth in Dr. Reid’s Introduction to his edition of the speech. 

2 Balb. 56, saepe ad infimos pervenire. 

3 Q. Fr. ii. 10. 4 (133) ; iii. 1. 12 (148). 

Kam. yi. 6. 1 (136); 7. 1 (137); 9.1 (145); 16. 3 (167); 18. 3 (178). 

5 Q. Fr. iii. 1. 9 (148), in oculis fero. 

6 Possibly the letter from Cicero to Caesar, which is found in Nonius 287. 25 (Balbum 
quanti faciam quamque ei me totum dicaverim ex ipso scies), may have been brought to 
Caesar by Balbus in one of these journeys. 

7 Fam. viii. 9. 5 (211): ep. vol III. p. lxxii. 

8. Fam. viii. 11. 2 (267). 9 Att. vii. 4. 2 (295). 




- from the honourable course,' though he pretended to be troubled 

about some money he owed Caesar. ‘If I make a brilliant speech 
in the Senate in defence of the constitution, your Tartessian 
friend (Balbus) will meet me at the door, and politely ask me for 
‘payment of that money.” 

We have thus seen Balbus as the agent of Caesar and devoted 
to his interests, but at the same time in friendly connexion with 
decided members of the Pompeian party. ‘l'his capacity for 

Keeping on good terms with both sides, but on the best terms 

with the side which was likely to win, was a gift which Balbus 
(like Atticus) possessed in full measure. Thus, when the rupture 
came, he acted as agent both for Caesar and for Lentulus, the 
consul for 49 (346. 2); and owing to the obligations he was 
under to members of both parties, Caesar magnanimously allowed 
him to take no active part in the war, and to continue to act as 
agent for the Pompeians as well as for himself (354. 2). , 

He frequently corresponded with Cicero, and we have some of 
his letters of this period still extant; also letters which Cicero 
wrote to him and Oppius.? At the end of February, 49, he wrote 
an effusive letter (346) to Cicero, begging him to use his influence 
to bring about peace—a letter by which Cicero thought Balbus 
meant to ridicule him. Some days later, however, Cicero wrote 
to him and Oppius, asking what were Caesar’s real plans with 
regard to the treatment of Pompey. They replied (851) cautiously 
that they did not know, and in the circumstances advised Cicero 
to remain neutral. The letter reads to us sincere; but this 
is not the case with another (written a few days later, about 
March 8th, when they knew that Caesar earnestly desired peace), 
in which Balbus urged Cicero to act as he had done himself, and 

1 Att. vii. 3. 11 (294), Ile (sc. Caesar) mihi litteras blandas mittit : facit idem pro 
40 Balbus : mihi certum est ab honestissima sententia digitum nusquam, 

2 Att. vii. 3. 11 (294). 

3 Gellius xvii. 9. 1-4, says that Caesar used a cypher in writing to his agents— 
Libri sunt epistularum C. Caesaris ad C. Oppium et Balbum Cornelium, qui rebus eius 
absentis curabant. In his epistulis quibusdam in locis inveniuntur litterae singulariae 
sine coagmentis syllabarum quas tu putes positas incondite; nam verba ex his litteris 
confici nulla possunt. rat autem conventum inter eos clandestinum de commutando situ 
litterarum ; ut in scripto quidem alia aliae locum et nomen teneret, sed in legendo locus 
cuigque suus et potestas restitueretur : quaenam vero littera pro qua scriberetur, ante its, 
sicuti dizi, complacebat, gui hane scribendi latebram parabant. 



to serve two masters ; also to ask Caesar for a special guard, as in © 

the Milonian crisis he had asked for one from Pompey. Balbus 
is characteristically over-effusive in his general statements when 
he says, ‘If I know Caesar at all, I pledge my word that he will 
regard your dignity as more important than his own interests” 
(354, 2). About March 10th Balbus sent Cicero Caesar’s famous 
letter (347) written from Arpi on March Ist, in which he says his 
new plan for victory is to erect the strong bulwarks of mercy and 
generosity. On the 20th of March he wrote to Cicero, declaring 
that he was tortured with anxiety and fear that all negotiations for 
peace would break down (370). Cicero considered this gross 
insincerity, and regarded the obvious adoption by Balbus of 
Caesar’s side as rank ingratitude to Pompey.! After Cicero’s. 

rejection of Caesar’s request to attend the meeting of the Senate | 

on April 1st, he still kept up intercourse with Balbus, and even 
condescended to ask Atticus to clear the mind of Balbus of some 
suspicion he had that Cicero was going to Join Pompey (404. 2). 
But he evidently dishked the man, and was intensely annoyed 
at his efforts to become a senator.’ 

During the following years Balbus still retained the confidence 
of Caesar, and conducted his business in Rome ;* and accordingly,. 

1 371. 8, habeo a Balbo litteras (Ep. 370) quarum ad te exemplum misi; lege, 
quaeso, et illud infimum caput ipsius Balbi optimi, cut Gnaeus noster locum οὐδὲ hortos: 
aedificaret dedit, quem cui nostrum non saepe praetulit 2 Itague miser torquetur. 

2 396. 4, Etiamne Balbus in senatum ire cogitet 2—Schmidt (p. 174) supposes that: 
Balbus is a mistake here for Oppius, who was made a senator about this time: cp.. 
394. 7. He holds that the facts related in Fam. viii. 11. 2 (267), Att. vii. 3. 11 (294); 
prove that Balbus was already a senator. But it is quite possible that a conversation 
between Balbus and Curio, held in the office of the former, may have become public; 
and in the other case, probably Balbus may be regarded as having been among the 
audience who thronged the doors of the senate-house, and who appear to have been able 
to recognize what course proceedings were taking: cp. Fam. x. 2. 1 (788). 
Schmidt’s other supposition (p. 174), that there was a special symbol to express Balbus: 
et Oppius, owing to the frequency with which these names are conjoined, and that 
hence the mistake arose, cannot be accepted until definite proof is adduced that there was. 
such asymbol used in the manuscripts. Far better is Schmidt’s other proposal (p. 177), 
to read in 396. 4 Balbus minor, for this Balbus had not as yet held a magistracy: cp. 
Fam. x. 32. 1 (892). But we see no valid reason for supposing that the elder Balbus. 
was a senator before this time. If he were not a senator, Schmidt’s view (p. 165), 
that the emptus pacificator of 378. 3 was the elder Balbus, can hardly be right; and 
few will follow him in supposing that Reginus in 397. 1 means ‘creature of the 
monarch” (Kénigsknecht), and refers to one of the Balbi. 

3 The Cornelius Balbus mentioned in Caes. B. C. iii. 19. 6 is almost certainly 
Balbus minor: cp. Vell. ii. 51. 3. 

ΕΠ - 



when Cicero returned to Brundisium, he used what influence he 
had with Balbus to obtain lenient treatment from Caesar. Though 
at first the letters of Balbus were reassuring,' he does not appear 
to have done much for Cicero at this time, and, as he was uncertain 
about Caesar’s feelings towards Cicero, he gradually began to — 
hold out less and less hope.? In June, 47, Cicero wrote to 
Balbus and.Oppius, as well as to Antony, asking for permission 
to leave Brundisium; but they were unable to accede to his 
request, as they had no instructions from their master on the 
subject. | 

On Caesar’s return Balbus was doubtless amply rewarded for 
his faithful stewardship, and began to live in a grander style than 
heretofore. Cicero complains that he is building new mansions 
during the crisis of the State—‘for what does le care?’* and 
refers elsewhere to his intemperate habits, whence perhaps the 
gout from which Balbus suffered. When Caesar left for Spain, 
Balbus and Oppius were virtually given complete authority to act 
on his behalf, according to their discretion.® They were almost 
despots; for Caesar was sure to confirm all their acts (478. 1; 
527. 1); so that, however much Cicero instinctively disliked 
Balbus, it was necessary to keep on good terms with him. So he 
frequently wrote to him, received letters from him, and had 
business dealings with him.’ He wrote to him also in the interests 
of many of his friends whose pardon he desired to secure.’ Cicero 
showed him and Oppius the letter to Caesar which he wrote in 
May, 45, and they suggested so many alterations that Cicero 

1418.3: Cicero repeatedly asks Atticus to urge Balbus to press his case with 
Caesar: 420.4; 422.1, 2. 

2423. 1: cp. 429. 2. 

3459.2. On aedificare as a term of reproach cp. Mayor on Juv. xiv. 86. We 
heay of an architect of Balbus, one Corumbus, being expected by Cicero in April, 44, 
ep. Att. xiv. 3. 1 (705). 

4 Fam. ix. 17. 1 (480); vi. 19. 2 (648) ; xvi. 28. 1 (754); Att. xiii. 475. 1 (654). 

5 Fam. vi. 18. 1 (534): ep. Tacitus Ann. xii, 60. 5, C. Oppius et Cornelius Balbus 
primi Caesaris opibus potuere condiciones pacis et arbitria belli tractare. 

6 480.1; Att. xii. 19. 2 (552); 12. 1 (556); 44. 4 (590); xiii, 21. 26 (632) ; 

| 37. 4 (657); 45. 1 (662); 46. 3 (663); 50. 3 (667). 


Τρ.5. 483. 5 (for Nigidius Figulus) ; 490. 2 (for Ampius Balbus); 498, 2 (for 
Ligarius) ; 527. 1 (for Caecina). He does not always specify Balbus and Oppius, 
but they are plainly included in the familiares Caesaris of whom he gives a list in 
490. 2, viz. Pansa, Hirtius, Balbus, Oppius, Matius, (Curtius) Postumus. 


decided not to send it at all.1 But they spoke very warmly of 
Cicero’s speech for Ligarius, and sent it to Caesar when published ; 
they showed Cicero a letter of Caesar’s in which he praised the 
style of Cicero’s Cato, and they transmitted to Caesar Cicero’s. 
complimentary remarks on Caesar’s Anti-Cato.? 

Judging from his character and from that of Caesar, we should 
say that there was no truth whatsoever in the story that Balbus. 
induced Caesar not to rise to meet the Senate when the latter 
came to inform him of extravagant honours which they had paid 
him (Plut. Caes. 60; Suet. Iul. 78). It was doubtless a story 
which was invented by the jealousy of his enemies. On the death 
of Caesar the importance of Balbus vanished. But with keen. 
judgment he attached himself to Octavius, and was probably one 
of the first to greet the young man as Caesar.* In the summer 
of 44 he frequently met Cicero in Campania, and afterwards con- 
tinued to write to him from Rome.* During that period we find 
him on confidential terms with the leading Caesareans, and 
especially with Hirtius.’ On one occasion we find Cicero speaking 
severely of his insincerity—‘ Good heavens! how readily you can 
see that he is afraid of peace ; and you know how guarded he is 
(quam tectus), yet for all that he began to tell me the designs of 
Antony. He complained of the hatred felt towards him, and his 
whole speech led me to be believe that he was devoted to Antony 3 
in short, he is utterly insincere’ (quid quaerts ? nihil sinceri).® 

In 40 Balbus was made consud suffectus, and according to Pliny 

1 Att. xili. 27. 1 (603); 28. 2. (604); 31. 3 (607): cp. Vol. V.? pp. xxi, xxil. 

2 Att. xiii. 19. 2 (631); 46. 2 (663); 50. 1 (667). 

3 Att. xiv. 10. 3 (713); 11. 2 (714). 

4 Att. xv. 4b. 5 (735); 5. 2 (737); 6.4 (738) 8.1 (741); 9. 1 (742); xvi 11. 8 
(799). In July of that year Cicero asked Balbus to help him financially: Att. xvi. 
3. 5 (773). 

5 Att. xiv. 20. 4 (727); 21. 4 (728). Balbus urged Hirtius to write a continuation 
of Caesar’s ‘Commentaries on the Gallic War,’ and Hirtius did write the 8th book 
and dedicated it to Balbus. The so-called ‘ Diary of Balbus’ mentioned by Sidonius 
Apollinaris (ix. 14. 7, gui Balbi ephemeridem . . . adaequaverit) has been supposed to 
be this work of Hirtius: cp. Teuffel-Schwabe, § 196.1. But it was rather of the 
nature of memoirs of his time; and hence Capitolinus, Max. et Balb. 7. 3, calls him 
historiae scriptor. Perhaps Suet. Iul, 81 may contain an extract from this diary of 
Balbus. That Balbus liked learned men may be seen from his friendship with Varro 
(470. 1). ΡΗΣ 

6 Att. xiv. 21. 2 (728). 


he was the first foreigner who attained this dignity.’ He wasa 
close friend of Atticus, and was called along with Agrippa and 
Peducaeus to visit him when near death (Nepos Att. 21. 4). The 
date of his death is unknown. By his will he left all his property 
to the people, 25 denarii to each Roman citizen (Dio Cass. xlviii. 
32. 2). 

Caution was the main characteristic of Balbus. ‘You know 
how guarded he is,’ said Cicero, and to an impulsive and expan- 
sive nature like Cicero’s guardedness often appeared as insincerity. 
He was a thorough man of business, and he always enjoyed the 
full confidence of Caesar. His sound judgment and tact, which 
were troubled with no ideals or ambitions beyond self-advance- 
ment, enabled him to steer his course successfully in a troublous 
time, and to obtain great power and influence. As Miinzer says 
(in PW iv. 1268), Balbus stood to Caesar much as Maecenas did 
to Augustus; but he never attained the same social position or 
had the distinction of Maecenas. Still he was a signally successful 
man. But worldly success is not the main thing to strive for ; 
and we must endorse, in reference to this Balbus, words used by 
Cicero in the same connexion—‘ Ὁ a seeker after truth does it 
not appear that for a man whose aim is pleasure, and not right, 
viait is the word ? ” 

1 Pliny H. N. vii. 186, quoted on p. Ixxiii; Dio Cass. xlviii. 32.2; C. I. L. x. 3854, 
(Capua) L. Cornelio L. [ f.] Balbo cos. patr[ono] d. ὁ. d. (= de conscriptorum decreto). 
In a passage of Vell. ii. 51. 8, which refers mainly to Balbus minor, that man is 
described as one who in triumphum et pontificatum assurgeret fieretque ex privato 
consularis, which seems as if Velleius confused the two men. The elder Balbus was 
the consul, the younger the pontiff and the triumphator—the first foreigner who had 
a triumph, and the last private man who was granted that honour. Groag (in PW 
iv. 1270), however, thinks that it is more probable that the younger Balbus was 
enrolled among the consulares by Augustus than that Velleius blundered. It is to 
this Balbus minor, who governed Spain about 40 or 39, that the Spanish coin which 
has Balbus pro pr. belongs. The club on this coin refers to the Hercules of Gades : 
see Babelon i. 429. 

2 459. 2, Verum si quaeris, homini non recta sed voluptaria guaerentt nonne 



5. Gaius OPppius. 

The shadow follows the man. The junior partner of Balbus, 
the Spaniard, appears to have been the Roman knight, Gaius 
Oppius. He is nearly always mentioned in connexion with 
Balbus; but in 54 he is mentioned by himself as a friend of 
Caesar’s: cp. Att. iv. 16.8 (144); Q. Fr. 111. 1. 8, 10, 18 (148), 
and, as has been noticed, there was some talk of his being made a 
senator in May, 49.1 We hear of a conversation which he alone 
had with Atticus in June, 47 ;? but elsewhere during these years 
he is always mentioned along with Balbus. ‘They would seem to 
have dissolved partnership after the death of Caesar, for they 
appear to have separately espoused the cause of Octavian,’ and we 
find references to Oppius without Balbus at this time.* Cicero, 
just before starting for Greece in July, 44, wrote a most admirably 
phrased letter to him, expressing gratitude for the many services 
which Oppius had done him during his chequered life, and especially 
for his friendship since the death of Caesar, and asking Oppius to 
look after his interests.© Oppius appears to have written a ‘ very 
kind’ (perhumana) letter in reply. He urged Cicero strongly 
in the autumn of 44 to support the cause of Octavian and the 
veterans.’ Oppius was something of a literary man; and in the 
second century the credit of having written the treatises on the 
Alexandrian, African, and Spanish wars was divided between him 
and Hirtius.6 There is some reason to allow this as regards the 
account of the Alexandrian War; but the books on the African 
and Spanish Wars were written by men of quite inferior culture, 
and actual participants in those campaigns.’ Oppius is said to 

1 394. 7: cp. 396.4. Yetsee Tacitus Ann. xii. 60. 5, quoted on p. Ixxvii, note 5. 
2 439.2; 484. 2. 
3 Att. xiv. 10. 3 (713); xvi. 15. 8 (807). 

4 Att. xvi. 2. 5 (772), ne necesse habueris reddere litteras . .. Oppio quidem utique, 

quem tibt amicissimum cognovrt. 

5 Fam. xi. 29. 3 (762). It looks as if those interests were financial, as Atticus is 
to tell him what they were: cp. Cicero’s request to Balbus, Att. xvi. 3. 5 (773). We 
find that Cicero previously had money dealings with Oppius, Att. v. 1. 2 (184); 
4. 3 (187). 

6 Att. xvi. 12 1 (800). 7 Att. xvi. 15. 3 (807). 8 Suet. Tul. 56. 1. 

9 Cp. Teuffel (ed. Schwabe), § 197. 3, 6. If Hirtius did not compose the account 


have also written lives of Scipio Africanus, Marius, Cassius, 
Pompey,! and Caesar. From the latter work Suetonius and 
Plutarch appear to have derived some of the materials for their 
biographies.? Plutarch, in his Life of Caesar (c. 17: ep. Suet. 
Tul. 72), tells a pretty story relative to this Oppius—‘ Once upon 
a journey Caesar was driven by a storm to seek shelter in a poor 
man’s cabin, where he found only one room, barely able to hold a 
single person. Turniug to his friends, he said that, while honours 
should be given to the noble, necessaries should be given to the 
feeble, and ordered Oppius to sleep in the room, while he and 
his companions slept in the porch of the door.’ 

6. Tirus Ampius BaLBus. 

This headstrong man was tribune in 63, but, though supported 
by Pompey, did not gain the aedileship. He was praetor in 59, 
and was proconsul of Asia in 57.2 He was a devoted satellite 
of Pompey’s, and, along with Labienus, had proposed that at the 
games Pompey should wear a golden crown, and the triumphal 
dress, and in the theatre the toga praetexta and a laurel crown.’ 
When the Civil War broke out in 49, he was so very vigorous in 
raising a levy for Pompey, that he was called the Clarion of the 
Civil War (tuba belli civilis).? Next year we hear of his endea- 
vouring to plunder the ‘'emple of Diana at Ephesus, but he was 
prevented by Caesar’s approach; yet he was pardoned by Caesar 
in 46, through the intercession of Cimber, Pansa, and Cicero.° 
Cicero (509) speaks of the friendly relations between himself and 

of the Alexandrian War, the author was probably Oppius. W6lfflin-Miodonski in 

‘their ed. of Bell. Afr. suppose that Asinius Pollio edited what material Caesar had 

left, and himself composed Bell. Africum. The question of the authorship of these 
commentaries is not yet settled. See also Schanz, § 122. 

1Cp. Plut. Pomp. 10, where he tells of a deed of treacherous cruelty done by 
Pompey ; but Plutarch adds that one must be cautious about believing Oppius when 
he speaks about friends or enemies of Caesar. 

2 Plutarch (Caes. 17) also relates on the authority of Oppius that Caesar practised 
himself in dictating letters, even when riding, to more than two scribes. Oppius also 
wrote a book to prove that Caesar was not the father of Cleopatra’s son Caesarion 
(Suet. Iul. 43). 

3 Plane. 25 and Schol. Bob. p. 257 ed. Or.; Fam. i. 3. 2 (97); iii. 7. 5 (244) and 
note there. 
4 Vell. ii. 40. 4. 5 327.2; 490. 3. 6 Caes. B. C. iii. 105 ; 490. 2. 


Ampius; and commends his freedman Menander to Servilius 
Isauricus, Governor of Asia, in 47. His wife was called Eppuleia 
(490. 3). His name appears in two decrees of the Senate of the 
year 49 quoted by Josephus Ant. xiv. 229, 238, where Borghesi 
corrected “Amwmioc to ΓΑμπιος. Ampius appears to have written 
biographies of eminent men, and Suetonius notices a very violent 
statement of Caesar’s, which, he says, was recorded by T. Ampius.* 
He was engaged in some lawsuit at some uncertain date in which 
Pompey and Cicero spoke on his behalf (Cic. Leg. ii. 6). At 
what time Cicero wrote the speech for T. Ampius noticed by 
Quintilian (111. 8. 50) is not clearly ascertained. 


Caerellia was a wealthy and cultivated lady, with whom 
Cicero was on intimate terms of friendship. We read that she 
copied out the De Finibus, having apparently obtained that 
work, against Cicero’s wishes, from the copyists of Atticus.? 
When introducing her to Servilius, Cicero calls her ‘ my intimate 
friend’ (necessaria). She was very rich, and had property even in 
Asia.’ Cicero appears to have borrowed some money from her, 
which Atticus thought was inconsistent with his dignity.‘ 

1490. 5; Suet. Iul. 77, nihil esse rempublicam, appellationem modo sine corpore 
ac specie. Sullam nescire litteras qui dictaturam deposuerit. Ὁ 

2 Att. xiii. 21. 5 (632); 22. 3 (635). 

3 Fam. xiii. 72 (511). 

4 Att. xii. 51. 3 (598). It was absurdly supposed in later ages that Cicero had 
an intrigue with her, though she was reputed to be seventy years of age: cp. Calenus 
in Dio Cass. xlvi. 18. 4, οὐδ᾽ ἐκείνην (Publiliam) μέντοι κατέσχες ἵνα Κερελλίαν ἐπ᾽ 
ἀδείας ἔχῃς, ἣν τοσούτῳ πρεσβυτέραν σαυτοῦ οὖσαν ἐμοιχεύσας bow νεωτέραν τὴν κόρην 
ἔγημας, πρὸς ἣν καὶ αὐτὴν τοιαύτας ἐπιστολὰς γράφεις οἵας ἂν γράψειεν ἀνὴρ σκωπτόλη“. 
ἀθυρόγλωσσος πρὸς yuvaika ἑβδομηκοντοῦτιν πληκτιζόμενος. Cicero undoubtedly 
carried on a correspondence with Caerellia (Quintil. vi. 3. 112), and it is argued that. 
in Ausonius Idyll. 13 (p. 118, ed. Peiper) we should read meminerint eruditi in 
praeceptis Ciceronis (MS. omnibus) exstare severitatem, in epistulis ad Caerelliam 
subesse petulantiam. But this charge is sufficiently refuted, if refutation is needed, 
by the fact that Publilia, Cicero’s second wife, whom he divorced so unfeelingly, asked 
Caerellia to reconcile her to Cicero (Att. xv. 1. 4 (730): cp. xiv. 19. 4 (725)). 


8. Quintus Ligarius. 

Quintus Ligarius was a Sabine by extraction.’ We first hear 
of him in 50 as legatus of C. Considius Longus in Africa. On 
the departure of Considius to stand for the consulship, Ligarius 
took temporary command of the province when the Civil War 
broke out. Inasmuch as L. Aelius Tubero,? the governor appointed 
by the Senate, did not come, while a former propraetor of Africa, 
P. Attius Varus, who had been defeated by Caesar near Auximum,. 
did come, and was warmly received by the provincials, Ligarius. 
received the latter, acknowledged him as governor, and finally, 
when Tubero at last arrived, would not allow him to set foot in 
the province, or even to land his son who was suffering from some 
illness, or to take in water.* Hence arose a bitter enmity between 
Tubero and Ligarius. 

In 49 Ligarius fought with Varus against C. Curio; and in 
46 against Caesar at T‘hapsus. Caesar pardoned him, but refused 
to allow him to return to Italy.* A scholiast, cited by Gronovius, 
in a graphic introduction to the Pro Ligario, says that Caesar 
was especially hostile to his enemies in Africa, not only because 
they brought him into serious peril, but principally because he 
considered that they were fighting, not from devotion to Pompey, 
but from sheer obstinacy.? The two brothers of Ligarius and his. 
uncle ‘I’. Brocchus, as well as Cicero, were earnest in their efforts 
to secure his restoration. In an audience which was granted 
them on November 26th, 46, Caesar spoke very courteously, but 
refused their petition,’ deciding apparently that the case of 

1 Cic, Lig. 32. 

2 Cicero B.C. i. 380. 2. We hear of L. Aclius Tubero in Cicero’s letter to- 
Quintus i. 1, 10 (30) as a historian. 

* Caes. i. 31. 2, 3;, Pomponius in Dig. i. 2. 2. 46. 

4 Bell, Afr. 89. 5: cp. Ep. 489. 3. 

> Orelli, p. 415 (Stangl 291. 22), guia iam non pro Pompeio pugnabant sed pertinacia = 
unde inexorabilis vel maxime fuerat his qui in Africa contra Caesarem <arma> sump- 
serant, according to a probable restoration: cp. Ep. 489. 3, Africanae causae iratior 
diutius velle videtur eos habere solilicitos a quibus se putat diuturnioribus esse molestiis. 

6 Fam, vi. 14. 2 (498), 

Ligarius should come to a formal trial. Accordingly, shortly — 
afterwards Quintus,! the son of L. Tubero, prosecuted Ligarius on 
a charge of perduellio for his conduct in Africa? The charge was , 
that Ligarius, by persisting in continuing the war after the death — 
of Pompey, had virtually taken the side of Juba, a foreign king, 
against tome.’ Cicero defended him in a tactful and eloquent 
speech, which is extant. It is the only example among Cicero’s 
orations of an appeal for mercy (deprecatio).4 It succeeded in 
moving Caesar so effectually, that he allowed Ligarius to return.® 
In the Caesarean circle Cicero’s speech for Ligarius was regarded 

as a masterpiece,’ and in after ages it was held in the highest 

esteem, as we may judge from the many quotations which are 
made from it by Quintilian.’ ἢ 


1 For the subsequent distinction of Quintus Tubero as a lawyer, see Pomponius 
in Digest i. 2. 2. 46. 

2 The scholiast is fairly vivid here—Cum Caesar vellet paene ignoscere surrexit 
Tubero cut iam indulgentiam dederat et divit ‘In Africa fuit’; scit enim quia eos 
snaxime exsecrabatur qui in Africa fuerant. 

3 Quintilian xi. 1. 80, Tudero iuvenem se patri haesisse, illum a senatu missum non 
ad bellum sed ad frumentum coemendum ait, ut primum licuertt, a partibus recessisse : 
Ligarium et perseverasse et non pro On. Pompeio, inter quem et Caesarem dignitatis 

JSuerit contentio, cum salvam uterque remp. vellet, sed pro Iuba atque Afris inimicissiinis 
populo Romano stetisse. This is a strong point, and Cicero does not deal with it. Cicero 
himself highly disapproved of Juba being brought into the war: 464. 3; 470. 3: ep. 
418. 2 (where see note) ; 420. 3. 

+ Pomponius (ὦ. 6.) calls it puleherrima. 

5 Plutarch gives a most graphic account of Cicero’s speech (Cic. 39)—‘ There is a 
story too that, when Quintus Ligarius was put on trial for being one of Caesar’s 
enemies, and Cicero was his advocate, Caesar said to his friends, ‘‘ Why should we not 
hear a speech of Cicero’s after a long time, since Ligarius has been long since adjudged 
a villain and an enemy?’’ But when Cicero, at the commencement of his speech, 
began to move him in a remarkable manner, and the oration, as it went on, was varied 
in emotions and wondrous in charm (πάθει Te ποικίλος καὶ χάριτι θαυμαστὸς), Caesar’s 
face often changed colour, and he was evidently subject to every possible movement of 
mind. But when finally the orator touched on the Battle of Pharsalia, Caesar’s 
emotions got the better of him (ἐκπαθῆ γενόμενον), his body trembled, and he let some 
papers fall from his hands. Accordingly he acquitted Ligarius of the charge per- 
force (βεβιασμένος).᾽ Drumann (vi. 273, note 70) speaks of this as a ‘legend,’ and 
supposes that Caesar induced Tubero to attack Ligarius in order that he (Caesar) 
might pardon Ligarius, and so acquire popularity, which he needed now that he was 
on the point of leaving for the Spanish campaign. 

6 Att. xiii. 19. 2 (631). Ligarianam, ut video, praeciare auctoritas tua commendavit. 
Seripsit enim ad me Balbus et Oppius mirifice se probare, ob eamque causam ad Caesarem 
eam 86 oratiunculam misisse. ' 

7 He quotes sixteen passages, many of them more than once (see Halm’s Index). 

9. AULUS CAECINA. lxxxv 

Ligarius was thus allowed to return, but he ‘bore Caesar 
hard’; so, like a true Roman noble, he accepted the favour, but 
repaid it by conspiracy against his generous opponent.’ Plutarch 
(Brut. 11) tells a story, which Shakespeare has introduced into 
Julius Caesar (ii, 1. 310 ff.) that at the time of the conspiracy 
Ligarius was lying ill in bed, and that Brutus, having come to 
visit him, said, ‘ Ligarius, at what a time you are sick.’ Straight- 
way raising himself on his elbow, and laying hold of the hand of 
Brutus, Ligarius answered, ‘ But if you, Brutus, are designing 
anything worthy of yourself, I am well.’ It would appear that 
Ligarius perished during the proscriptions. The gruesome story 
of the deaths of several of the Ligarii is told by Appian, B. C. iv. 
22, 23. Most probably Q, Ligarius was one of them, One 
relative, Publius Ligarius, had been put to death by Caesar because, 
after having been released when he surrendered with Afranius in 

Spain in 49, he again took up arms against Caesar (Bell. Afr. 
64. 1). 


Aulus Caecina, the correspondent of Cicero, was son of the 
Caecina, or Ceicna, of Volaterrae in Etruria, whose case Cicero 
conducted in 69 in the speech Pro Caecina, which has come down 
to us. This younger Caecina fought on the side of Pompey, and 
after the African campaign was granted his life by Caesar,’ but 
he was not allowed to return to Italy, most probably because 
during the war he wrote a violent invective against Caesar. 
Caesar bore this, says Suetonius, as any ordinary citizen would 

bear it; but this is questionable,* for Caesar was, as Mr. Jeans 

justly says, at this time more afraid of republican writers than of 
republican warriors, Caecina wrote a most abject palinode, which 

he called his ‘ Remonstrances’ ;* but Caesar apparently did not 



1 Appian, B. C. ii. 113, * Bell. Afr. 89. 5. 

3 Suet. ul. 75.5, Aulique Caecinae criminosissimo libro et Pitholai carminibus male- 
dicentissimis laveratam existimationem suam civili animo tulit. 

4 488, 8, Liber Querelarum. Wieland supposes that this was a collection of poems, 

like Ovid’s Zristia; Teuffel (δ 199. 5) says it was a prose work, poseibly in the form 


of a letter to Caesar. Schanz (ᾧ 201, 2) also holds that it was in prose. This is 

probable from the contrast with the poems of Pitholaus in Suetonius, 7. ὁ. 


pay any heed to the work, notwithstanding the anxious care with 
which it was composed,' for he did not allow him to return to 

Italy. During the latter part of 46 Caecina was in Sicily, and — 
Cicero wrote for him a commendatory letter to Furfanius, the” 

proconsul of that province.? Early in 45 Caecina left for Asia, 
‘as he was not allowed to remain any longer so near Rome as 
Sicily, and Cicero gave him a letter of introduction to Servilius 

the governor.® We read of a Caecina who was in Rome in 43, 


but that may have been his son. Nothing more is known — 

about the life of Caecina. Besides his ‘ Remonstrances,’ Caecina 
was author of a work on the Etruscan system of augury (De 
Etrusca disciplina), which is mentioned by Pliny,’ from which 
Seneca quotes passages about the different kinds of flashes of 
lightning. Cicero wrote to Caecina three extant letters—Fam vi. 
5 (533), 6 (488), ὃ (527), and Caecina wrote one to Cicero, v1. 
7 (832). 

10. Marcus Craupius MARcELLUS. 

Marcus Marcellus may, perhaps, have been quaestor along with 
Cato in 65. In 63 he apprised Cicero of plots of the Catilinarians 
against his life (Cic. Cat. i. 21). He may have been candidate 
for the curule aedileship in 56, but apparently he was not a very 
vigorous canvasser, for Cicero, who was his next-door neighbour, 
complained that at the time of his candidature his snoring was so 

loud that it was quite audible.” In 56 he defended Milo ona 

1 532. 8, 4, a long passage well worth reading. 
2 Fam. vi. 9 (628). ; 

3 Fam. xiii. 66 (506). Caecina appears to have had some banking business in | 

Asia: 506.2; 527. 2. 

4 Fam. x. 25. 3 (880): for Caecina’s son cp. 488. 13. The Caecina quidam Vola- 
terranus in Att. xvi. 8. 2 (797) can hardly have been this young Caecina. 

5 Hist. Nat. i. 10, p. 10, ed. Jan. : ep. Cic. Fam. vi. 5. 3 (488) ; Seneca, Quaest. 
Nat. ii. 39 ff.: Pliny ii. 137 ff. Caecina was an authority in this department of 


6 Plut. Cat. min. 18. We are there told, what is surprising, that when Marcellus — 

was by himself he was easily led by others through false shame (ὑπ᾽ αἰδοῦς), and 
required Cato to keep him from being misled. Possibly this statement might refer to 

some other Marcellus. ᾿ 
7 Att. iv. 8. 5 (92), Marcellus candidatus ita stertebat ut ego vicinus audirem. But 

this may, perhaps, be the C. Marcellus who was afterwards consul in 50, who was in 

that year, 57, a candidate for the aedileship. 


charge of vis brought by Clodius.' In 54 he, with five other 
advocates, defended Scaurus,? and he appeared for Milo in 52 
when he was accused de ambitu before Aulus Torquatus.* In 
Milo’s trial for the murder of Clodius he also was one of his 
defenders, and cross-examined witnesses We have already 
given an account’ of his actions from his consulship in 51 to the 
outbreak of the Civil War, 49. He left Italy with Pompey, not 
very willingly, and was no very zealous prosecutor of the war. 
He did not consider that Pompey’s generalship was good or that he 
had a sufficient number of troops or troops of the right sort. He 
and his cousin, C. Marcellus, would have remained in Italy, says 
Cicero (353. 4), had they not feared the sword of Caesar. After 
the Battle of Pharsalia he gave up the struggle, and retired to 
Mytilene, where he studied philosophy under Cratippus the 
Peripatetic.’ The scene in the Senate at which the return of 
Marcellus was voted has been already described (p. lix). He 
does not appear to have been very anxious to return, as may be 
seen both from his letter of thanks to Cicero, and also by the fact 
that he did not make any haste to leave Mytilene.® On his 

τ Fx, i.os 2 (102). 

2 Asconius 18, ed. KS = 20 ed Clark. 

3 Asconius 34 KS = 39 Clark. 

4 Asconius 30. 35 KS = 34. 40 Clark. 

5 Vol. III, Introd., ὁ 3, pp. lxvii—-xcix, ed. 2. 

5 Cp. 486. 2, Sed idem etiam illa vidi neque te consilium civilis belli ita gerendi nec 
copias Cn. Pompei nec genus exercitus probare semperque summe difidere. No doubt he 
considered that Pompey’s forces were too heterogeneous; as, indeed, they were: cp. 
Caes. B. C. iii. 3 and 4. 

7 Cic. Brut. 250, Vidi (sc. Brutus) enim Mytilenis nuper virum atque, ut dixi, vidi 

plane virum. Itaqueeum eum antea tui (sc. Ciceronis) similem in dicendo viderim, tum 

vero nunc ὦ doctissimo viro tibique, ut intellexi, amicissimo Cratippo instructum omni copia 
mulio videbam similiorem; Senec. ad Helv. 9. 4, Brutus in eo libro quem de virtute 
composuit (this work was dedicated to Cicero, Fin. i. 8; Tusc. v. 1) ait se Marcellum 
vidisse Mytilenis exulantem et, quantum modo natura hominis pateretur, beatissime 

 wiventem neque umquam cupidiorem bonarum artium quam illo tempore ; ttaque adicit 

Ss τς anno ele pits 

visum sibi se magis in exilium ire qui sine illo rediturus esset, quam illum in exilio 

relingui. O fortunatiorem Marcellum eo tempore quo exilium suum Bruto adprobavit 

quam quo reipublicae consulatum! The rest of the chapter, too, is worth reading. 

8 496.2; 536. 1. 7.5. Bossier (Cicéron et ses Amis, p. 286) notices that the reason 
for the very pressing manner in which Cicero urges Marcellus to return was that if 
many eminent Pompeians returned to Rome and acquiesced in Caesar’s supremacy, less 
fensure would fall on those who, like Cicero himself, had already accepted the 
victor’s clemency. 


journey home he was murdered in the Piraeus by one Magius Cilo,. 
in May, 45. Servius Sulpicius relates in a letter to Cicero the. 
circumstances of the murder.’ Servius had his body burned in the 
Academy at Athens, and got the Athenians to raise a marble 
monument to him there. 

Marcellus appears to have been an average specimen of the 
better class of ltoman aristocrat, respectable, ponderous, and in a. 

a ΕΞ 

measure capable, but intolerant, hard, and somewhat ungracious. 

Caelius says he was slow and inefficient,’ and Cicero gives as a 
reason why Magius Cilo murdered Marcellus, that Cilo, being in 
debt, made some request to Marcellus, and that the latter, true to 
his character, replied with considerable determination.’ Cicero 
says he was a most excellent orator, and he is one of the few 
then living orators mentioned in the Brutus. 

11. Pusuius Nicipius Figuuus. 

Nigidius Figulus was considered the most learned man in 
Rome after Varro.2 He was the chief exponent of what was 
called the New Pythagoreanism, and was especially distinguished 
in physical science and astronomy, which studies, however, with 
him degenerated into magic and astrology. Apuleius relates that 
by means of incantations he inspired certain boys so that they 
were able to indicate where certain stolen money was.’ Lucan 
(i. 639 ff.) intreduces him as making a long astrological speech at 
the beginning of the Civil War. Nigidius, however, was not a 
mere ancient Paracelsus. He felt it to be the Roman’s and the 

1 Fam. iv. 12 (613), where see notes. 

2 Fam. viii. 10. 3 (226), Nosti Marcellum quam tardus et parum efficax sit. 

3 Att. xiii. 10. 3 (624), credo eum petisse Marcello aliquid, et illum, ut erat, 
constantius respondisse. 

4 Brut. 250, lectis utitur verbis et frequentibus sententiis et splendore vocis et digni- 
tate motus fit speciosum et inlustre quod dicit : omniaque sic suppetunt ut et nullam 
deesse virtutem oratoris putem. Dio Cass. (xl. 58,3) says he was elected consul διὰ τὴν 
τῶν λόγων δύναμιν. 7 

5 Gell. iv. 9. 1. 

6 Suet. Aug. 94. 5; Dio Cass. xlv. 1, 3; Apuleius Apol. 42; Mommsen, R. H. 
iv. (2) 562-8; Zeller, Philosophie der Griechen 111, (2), p. 109, ed. 4; Teuffel- 
Schwabe, § 170; Schanz, § 181. 


| Pythagorean’s duty to take an active part. in public life, ‘and thus 
he rendered’ good service to Cicero) during: the Catilinarian con- 
| spiracy, took a vigorous part. in polities, and was praetor in 58. 
He stood with Pompey in the Civil War, and died in exile, 45. 
In 46 Cicero wrote him a very elaborate letter of consolation (483), 
in which he holds out some faint hope of restoration, and promise 
to use all his efforts to effect that end. 

We fancy that the man was much greater than his studies. 
His works on grammar, according to Gellius, were too obscure and 
‘minute to be useful, and his etymologies were especially absurd, 
eg. he derived frater from fere alter.2 However, Cicero speaks 
warmly of him, and considers him to have been an acute and 
hard-working investigator of the more recondite departments of 

12, Servius Surpicius RuFus. 

Servius Sulpicius Rufus, of the Lemonian tribe, was born in 105. 
His father was of equestrian rank, but his grandfather was an 
ordinary citizen. He early devoted himself to the study of oratory 
and law, and, along with Cicero, attended the lectures of Molon 
at Rhodes. On his return to Rome he directed his attention 
especially to jurisprudence, choosing to be first in this secondary 
porenit rather than second in the primary department of oratory.° 

1 Sull. 42 ; Plut. Cic. 20; Att.-ii. 2.3 {28); Ὁ. Fr. i. 2. 16 (53). 

2 Att. vil. 24 (323). 

3 Gell. xiii. 10.4: cp. xvii. 7.5; xix. 14. 3, where ere are given of his 
discussions. See also Hertz, Index to Gellius, Vol. II, p. 475. The learned editor of 
his fragments, A. Swoboda, confesses that they are disappointing. 

4 Tim. 1, Fuit enim vir ilie cum ceteris artibus quae quidem dignae libero essent 
ornatus omnibus tum dcer investigator et diligens earum rerum quae a natura involutae 

5 Brut. 151, videtur mihi in secunda arte primus esse maluisse quam in prima 
secundus. Pomponius, in the Digest (1, 2, 2, 43), says that his deep study of juris- 

prudence arose from a rebuke administered by Mucius Scaevola for his. ignorance in 
- failing to understand a legal opinion which Mucius had given him: Sulpicius was 
quite the foremost lawyer of his own day: cp. Cic. Leg. i. 17, αὖ e0 uno nune ius civile 
summa auctoritate et-scientia sustinetur. .We have.a decision which he. gave in the 
causa Siliana, Fam, vii.'21 (760). . He was also a tolerable speaker and well versed in 
_ literature. (Brut. 153). Three speeches of his. were extant in Quintilian’s time (x. 
_ 7.30). Besides the speech against Murena; ‘his speech in: defence of Aufidia against 
i Messalla was especially famous: cp. Quintil. vi; 1..20; x.1. 22, 116. 
εἰ VOL. IV. 



But he did not shrink from political life, and in 74 was quaestor 
of Ostia, and in 65 praetor: during the tenure of this office he 
presided over the court for peculation.' In 63 he stood for the con-, 
sulship, but was defeated by Licinius Murena, probably owing his 
failure to the bribery of the latter. At any rate, Sulpicius and 
Cato prosecuted Murena for bribery. Cicero defended Murena in 

a lively speech, which is still extant, and obtained his acquittal, 

virtually by the argument that the State required men of action, 
like Murena, in the crisis of the Catilinarian conspiracy, rather 
than students of the stamp of Sulpicius.2 He was mentioned as 
a possible candidate for the consulship for 58: ep. Att. ii. 5, 2 (32). 
We hardly hear again of Sulpicius till 52, when, as Interrex, he 
nominated Pompey as sole consul.? In 51 he at length attained 
to the consulship, but showed no particular activity in that 
magistracy ;* Cicero complained that he prevented the raising of 
reinforcements in Italy for the armies of Cicero and Bibulus.* 
During the early part of the Civil War Sulpicius was one of 
those undecided Pompeians who left Rome with the other senators, 
but very soon returned to the city ; and he attended Caesar’s senate 
of April 1st,° but he appears to have spoken with some freedom 
there.” He had both correspondence and some interviews with 
Cicero during April and May.’ The son of Sulpicius, ike many 
young men of the time, threw himself energetically into Caesar’s 
cause, and served with the army that blockaded Brundisium.® 
For this Sulpicius incurred much odium with the Pompeians, 
though the blame was due possibly rather to Postumia, the restless 
and energetic wife of Sulpicius. On May 8th Sulpicius had an 

1 Cic. Muren. 18. 42. 

2 See Mr. Heitland’s admirable Introduction to his edition of the ὅκα ἢ for 

3 Asconius 31 KS = 36 Clark. 

4 Itemque Servius, quam cunctator, says Caelius, Fam. viii. 10. ὃ (226). 

5 Fam. iii. 3. 1 (191). 

6 398.3; 381. 2. 

7 387. 1 and note. See also Dr. Sihler, Cicero of Arpinum, p. 314, note. 

8 Epp. 387 and 389, addressed to Servius. Postumia and young Servius desired 
that Cicero and the elder Servius should have a meeting: 393. 3; 395. 3; 398.4, 
Servium exspecto nec ab eo quidquam ὑγιές ; 400. 1, Servius . . . postridie ad me sini 
Ne diutius te teneam nullius consilt exitum invenimus: cp. 401. 1. 

9 376.2; 377.2; 381.2; 388.2; 400.3. _ 

ee Cg a ρα τ ee Ty 


interview with Cicero, who appears to have despised him somewhat 
for his timidity, his tears, and his desire ‘to die in his bed’ ;! but 

‘the man of law was positive on one point, that if the exiles were 
restored he would leave Italy, and go into exile. 

After the Battle of Pharsalia Sulpicius lived at Samos, and 
Brutus attended lectures which he gave there on the connexion of 
pontifical with civil law.” In 46 Caesar set him over the province 
of Achaea. He was no doubt far from being satisfied with his 
position, as there were many Pompeians in Greece who could give 
him trouble.2 While he was there Cicero wrote him several 
letters of introduction.« We have also two letters written by 
Servius to Cicero from Athens during his administration there— 
one the celebrated letter of consolation on the death of Tullia 
(Fam. iv. 5, Ep. 555); the other the account of the murder of 
Marcellus (Fam. iv. 12, Ep. 613). 

Times of trouble and excitement were not at all suited to 
Sulpicius, and accordingly we find him plunged in grief and 
alarm at the events which occurred after the murder of Caesar. 
His proposal that no law containing any decree or grant of Caesar 
be posted after the Ides of March was well received. Towards 
the end of May he endeavoured to bring about some compromise 
between the contending parties, in a manner which Cicero ridiculed.” 
His high character and the universal respect in which he was held 
led to his being selected with two others, by the Senate, as 
ambassadors to Antony, when the latter was encamped before 
Mutina, in January, 43. Sulpicius, though in ill-health, went on 

1 Att. x. 14.1 (400), Nunquam vidi hominem perturbatiorem metu... Atque haec 
ita multis cum lacrimis loguebatur ut ego mirarer eas tam diuturna miseria non exaruisse 
. . . § 9, sed est tardus ad exeundum ‘ multo 86 in suo lectulo malle quidguid foret’.... 
Unum illud firmissime adseverabat, si damnati restituerentur, in exsilium se iturum. 

2 Brut. 156. 

3 Bardt compares his serving under Caesar to the action of the half-hearted jurist 
Whitelocke who went as Cromwell’s ambassador to Christina of Sweden. 

4 Fam. xiii. 17-28 a (512-524). 

5 Att. xiv. 18. 3 (726) in May, Servius proficiscens quod desperanter tecum locutus 
est minime miror, neque et quidquam in desperatione concedo; 19. 4 (725), Servi 
orationem cognosco ; in qua plus timoris video quam consili. 

* Pri.’ i. 9: 

7 Att. xv. 7 (739), Servius vero pacificator cum librartolo suo videntur obisse lega- 
Lionem et omnis captiunculas pertimescere. 


=i want - 


the embassy, but died before he could return. Pansa. proposed 
that he should be honoured with a public funeral, and that: his 
statue should be erected on the Rostra ; and Cicero, in supporting ' 
that proposal, pronounced an meaieit panegyric on. his old - 
friend, which has come down to us as the Ninth Philippic. This — 
panegyric was thoroughly sincere; and Cicero, in letters written 
after the death of Sulpicius, deplored the serious loss which the 
republican party had sustained by his death. 

Sulpicius was a man of peace, and, like Pegasus fdas 
Domitian, was a most excellent and a most upright interpreter of 
the laws; but he thought that in those dreadful times all matters 
should be treated by Justice without her sword.2 He was a very 
great jurist, and his legal writings were most important and 
extensive.» Mr. Long, in the Dict. Biogr. (11. 947), has a very 
warm encomium on him, and concludes by expressing as his 
opinion that ‘perhaps of all the men of his age, or of any age, he 
was, as an orator, a jurist, and an advocate, without an equal or 
a rival.’ 

13. AuLtus Manuius TorQuatus. 

The Aulus ‘Torquatus to whom Cicero addresses the first four | 
letters of the sixth book ad Familiares was perhaps son of the A. 
Torquatus who was propraetor of Africain 77.4. He was president 
of the court before which Milo was tried,’ and so was probably | 
praetor.’ He appears to have shown Cicero considerable kindness | 
at the time of his exile; but when governor of Cilicia Cicero was | 
compelled, on principle, to refuse a request which 'orquatus made, 
that a friend of his, who was a negotiator, should be made a prefect 

1 Fam. x. 28. 8 (819); xii. 5. 3 (821). 
2 Juvenal iv. 79: 
Optimus atque 
Interpres legu sanctissimus omnia, quamquam 
Temporibus diris, tractanda putabat anerms 
3 Op. Dig. 1. 2. 2, 43, 44; Teuffel- Schwabe, δ 174, 2-4 ; Schanz, § 198. 
4 Cic. Plane. 27. 
5 Ascon. pp. 34, 48 KS (= 39, 54 Clark). 
© Yet cp. Mommsen, St. R. ii.? 92, note 4. 


in Cicero’s province.!’: In January, 49, he wrote Cicero a statement 
about Caesar’s gladiators, which afterwards turned out to be 

|| erroneous (310. 2). Torquatus followed the Pompeians into Greece | 

some time after the main body of senators had departed (3863.1). He 
was apparently forbidden to return to Italy at the conclusion of 
the war, and was at the end of 46 living in exile at Athens. It is 
possible that he may have been allowed to return to Italy in 
45, but not to have been allowed to return to Rome.? Cicero 
mentions him with considerable feeling in the De Finibus, and ° 
calls him ‘a most excellent man, and strongly attached to myself.’ 
He was a great friend of Atticus, and was helped by him after the 
Battle of Philippi,‘ in which he appears to have been engaged on 
the side of Brutus and Cassius. 

14. Pusiius Servitius VatTia ]SAURICUS. 

‘This P. Servilius was son of the Servilius who first acquired 
the title of Isauricus by his victory over the pirates in 78. He 
seemed to be a staunch aristocrat in his younger days, and a 
follower of Cato,> but he was a very poor pupil, as all through 
life he was only an opportunist. He was praetor in δά, and 
prevented Pomptinus from gaining a triumph.’ Six years later, 

however, he appears as a Caesarean, and was consul with Caesar 

in 48, in which capacity he resisted the absurd disturbances raised 
by Caelius.’ In November of that year Cicero asked Atticus to 
have a letter written to Servilius on his behalf (416. 3). In 46° 
he was governor of Asia, and Cicero wrote several letters of 

1 Att. v. 21. 10 (250); vi. 1. 6 (252). ec 

2 Cp. Att. xiii. 9. 1 (623) and note. Possibly he may have received full pardon ; 
and the matter in which Dolabella’s services were asked was about the restoration of 
his property. The question is uncertain. 

3 Fin. ii. 72, Vir optimus nostrique amantissimus, A. Torquatus, ver satur ‘ante 
oculos: cuius quantum studium fuerit et quam insigne tempor ibus illis quae 
nota sunt omnibus scire neeesse est utrumque vestrum : cp. Att. v. 1.5 (185), A. Torquatum 
amantissime dimisi Menturnis, optimum virum. 

4 Nepos Att. 11 and 15. 

5 Att. i. 19. 9 (25); ii. 1. 10 (27); Q. Fr. ii. 3. 2 (102). 

6 Q. Fr. iii. 4. 6 (152); Att. iv. 18. 4 (154). 

7 Vol. iii. p. lvii, ed. 2. 

8 Lange, Rom. Alt. iii.? 442. 


introduction to him.’ In the same year he was probably made 4 

augur.” In 44, 48, he stood by the Senate against Antony, 
and often appears in the debates of the time. Cicero generally 
praises him, but sometimes thought that he was too mild towards. 
Antony and his crew.* He voted in favour of granting a public 
funeral to Servius Sulpicius, but against erecting a statue to him.* 
It was proposed, against the advice of Cicero, that Servilius, though 
holding no magistracy, should be entrusted with the conduct of 
the war against Dolabella.* In April, 43, Cicero had a violent 
contention with him in the Senate,° because he opposed the grant 
of honours to Plancus, who was, perhaps, his personal enemy. 
After the Battle of Forum Gallorum he proposed that the dress 
of peace be resumed and a public thanksgiving held in honour of 
the victory. Cicero in the Fourteenth Philippic welcomed the 
latter proposal, but deprecated the resumption of the ¢oga until the 
siege of Mutina had been raised. Afterwards Servilius deserted 
the Senatorial party, attached himself to Octavian, as the latter 
promised to marry his daughter, and was by him reconciled to: 
Antony.’ Octavian did not marry Servilia, but compensated her 
father by investing him with the consulship for 41 along with 
L. Antonius. He was too indolent (ἡσυχαίτερός πως ὧν) either 
to side with or to oppose his colleague when the latter stirred up: 
the war at Pernsia.’ We do not hear anything further about him ; 
but, from his general character and desire for quietness, we are 
led to think it is most probable that he died in his bed. 

1 Fam, xiii, 66-72 (482, 506-511). 

2 See Introductory note to 482. 1. 

* Pam, sii. 2..1 {790}: Pail. vil, 27 5 a. ὃ; σὶν 7, 11. 

+ Phil, tx. 14. 

* Phil, xi, 19, 

6 Ad Brut. ii. 2. 3 (839), ego hic cum homine furioso satis habeo negoti, Servilio ; 
Fam, x. 12, 3, 4 (838). 

7 Suet. Aug. 62. 1, 

8 Dio Cass. xlviii. 4. 1; 13. 4. 





15. Pusuius Οὐκ Νεισσ DoLABELLA.! 

Dolabella was born about 69.323 He was son probably of the 
P. Cornelius Dolabella who was praetor in that year (Caee. 23). 
He must have spent a very wild youth, for before he was 
eighteen years of age he had apparently been twice tried on a 
capital charge, and only escaped by the advocacy of Cicero.? In 
51 he was quindecemvir, and next year accused Appius Claudius 
of extortion in Cilicia. Cicero wrote from Cilicia to Appius, 
expressing great indignation at the recklessness of Dolabella, but 
found it difficult to persuade that noble of his sincerity, as Cicero’s 
family had meanwhile betrothed Tullia to Dolabella.® Cicero 
himself wished that ‘ullia should marry Tiberius Claudius Nero ; 
but Dolabella, who is universally allowed to have had most 
attractive manners,’ appears to have won Tullia’s affection, and to 
have obtained ‘Terentia’s support in his suit, notwithstanding his 
‘ wild oats.” He was about nineteen and '‘l'ullia twenty-eight at 

τ Drumann-Groebe ii. 486-497 ; Miinzer in Pauly- Wissowa iv. 1300-1308. 

+ App. B. GC. 1.129, 3 Fam. ili. 10. 5 (261). 

4 Fam. viii. 4. 1 (206); 6. 1 (242). 

5 Fam. 111, 12, 2 (275): ep. ib. 10, 1. 4 (261). Dolabella -had been previously 
married to Fabia. She appears to have been the lady who said that she was 
thirty years of age, and of whom Cicero replied that he really ought to be aware of 
that fact, as he had been hearing her assert it for the previous twenty years (Quintil. 
vi. ὃ. 73). Fabia left Dolabella at the time of the prosecution of Appius: cp. Fam. 
viii. 6. 1 (242). He seems to have had a son by Fabia who, owing to a certain liking 
he had for Cleopatra (οὗτος εἶχε πρὸς τὴν Κλεοπάτραν οὐκ ἀηδῶς, Plut. Ant. 84), told 
her that Octavian intended to lead her in triumph, and thus precipitated her death. He 
appears in Shakespeare’s Antony and Cleopatra (v. 2. 64 ff.) as being gradually induced 
to give her that information. It is to this young man of twenty that Cleopatra 
declaims her dream, ‘ I dreamed there was an Emperor Antony,’ &c. 

6 Att. vii. 8. 12 (294), gener est suavis mihi, Tulliae, Terentiae ; Caesar ap. Att. ix, 
16, ὃ (374), Dolabella tuo nihil scito mihi esse iucundius, He appears to have been 
small of stature. On one occasion Cicero, seeing Dolabella equipped in full military 
costume, scoffingly asked him who had tied him to his long sword (Macrob. ii. 3. 3). 
7 Att. vi. 6. 1 (276) mulieres quidem valde inteltego delectari obsequio et comitate 
adulescentis ; cetera noli ἐξακανθίζειν. Dolabella was very much in debt at this time, 
and probably wanted to get Tullia’s dowry, though we need not suppose that Tullia’s 

own personality had no influence on the young man. At the end of 50 Dolabella was 


left a legacy by a certain Livia on condition that he would change his name, Att. vii. 
8. 3 (299) ; but as he did not change his same) we may suppose that he did not get 
the inheritance, ~ 

ΧΟΥΪ δου ΟΣ ΤΟ ΟΙΤΤΟΝ λυ (οἱ 

this time. ‘This connexion with Cicero’s family just at the time 
of his accusation of Appius may have been formed by Dolabella 

with a view to rendering Cicero’s support of Appius less ener getic | 
than it would otherwise have been. Appius was acquitted, and — 

Cicero acquiesced in his new son-in-law; though his character was 
none of the best, hopes were entertained that Tullia would reform 
him.’ Cicero, in after. days, says Dolabella’s character was as 

vicious as could possibly be, but that at the time of the marriage 

he did not know that it was so bad.? 

But his debts were enormous (cp. 394. 5), and accordingly 
he joined Caesar’s party, not from principle, but solely from a 
hope that Caesar would cancel all debts. His letters to Cicero 

during the first few months of 49 appear to have been, like those ΟΣ β 

the other: young Caesareans, Caelius and Curio, very ‘cock-sure ’ 

in their expression of the certainty of Pompey’s defeat. He wrote 
to Cicero early in February, telling of the total loss of Picenum, 
but saying that Caesar was satisfied with Cicero’s conduct (319. 2, 3). 
In March his letters from Brundisium related ‘simple horrors,’ and 
breathed ‘simple war.’ Cicero generally expresses grief that 
Dolabella should have Br Caesar’s side: but he was glad 
enough at times to reflect that Dolabella was in that commander’s 
camp, and would use his influence on behalf of Cicero’s family if 
serious dangers arose. When Dolabella returned:to Rome from 
Brundisium with Caesar in April, he was beset by his creditors, 
and subjected to no little worry (394. 5). After that he was put 
in command ofa squadron of ships in the Adriatic, but: was 
defeated by Pompey’ s admirals, Octavius and Libo; but he was 

not taken prisoner, as C. Antonius was. He was in Caesar’s 

camp in Epirus i in May, 48, and wrote a letter to Cicero, which 
is extant, urging him to retire from the conflict:” He fought 
at Pharsalia, but did not follow Caesar to Egypt. After. the 
battle Caesar told him to inform Cicero that he might return. to 

Italy as soon as he'pleased (420. 2). Dolabella himself returned to 

oot dal Wade 5. aie 5 ee Pit xi 10... 
“3 Att. ix. 13,-§1 (369), mera seelera ; ὁ 8 (370), merum bellum. ᾿ 
ΠΑ 907-3; 212. δ. ; 

“5 Dio Cass. ‘xii, 40.1: Suet. Tal. 36. The text of Appian ii. 47. 118 ancertain. 

“6 Fam. ix. 9 (409). ° “This letter, though a little laboured, is ‘expressed in kindly 


Rome, possibly owing to ill-health (op. 419) : but, as no cancelling of 
debts had taken place, he was again assailed by his creditors. 70 
extricate himself from his financial difficulties, he induced a certain 
plebeian, named: Lentulus, to adopt him,’ so that he might be 
eligible for the tribunate, and Dolabella’s popularity sueceeded in 
obtaining that magistracy for 47. He then. attempted to carry 
out the same radical’ programme which Caelius had supported 
a year ‘before, and proposed abolition of debts and reduction of 
house rents.. Owing to the perilous. position of Caesar in 
Alexandria and the uncertain news that came from that quarter, 
the time seemed favourable for such schemes.- Violent disorders 
ensued. -Dolabella was in a measure resisted- by Trebellius, but 
at length Antony, who was in command in Italy at this time, put 
down Dolabella’s revolution with a vigorous hand.? (See above, 
p. 11.) Cicero expresses the utmost grief at these wild doings 
of his son-in-law,? and felt constrained, in the midst of all his 
troubles, and notwithstanding the fear he had in doing so .(489), 
to take measures for divorcing Dolabella from 'Tullia—not merely 
on political grounds, but also because Dolabella’s amours with the 
notorious Cecilia Metella and other women were barefaced and 
flagrant, and-he was believed to have had an intrigue even with 
Antony’s wife, Antonia.‘ | 
Notwithstanding this extravagant and revolutionary conduct 
of Dolabella, he did not apparently in the least forfeit the goodwill 
of Caesar,’ and served in his army during the African campaign. 
On his return, in July, 46, Dolabella lived for some weeks at 
Tusculum’ on’ friendly terms with Cicero, and practised rhetoric 
under /his tuition... He also renewed his connexion with Tullia, 
as the divorce had never been formally executed ; but towards 

1 Hence Cicero calls Tullia’s son by Dolabella ere puer, Ati. xii. 28. 3 1664), 
where see Introductory note, ed. 2; 80. 1 (567); cp. Macrob. ii. 3.3; Ascon. p. 5, 
ed. Clark. ᾿ : 

2 Dio Cass. xlii. 29- 33; Livy, Epit. cxiii. 

3 427.4; 429.2; 430. 3; 437. 3. 

4 437.3; Phil. ii. 99; Plut. Ant. 10. 

5 Dio (xlii. 33 fin.) says that Caesar’s motive for pardoning Dolabella was Seat 
tude for his having espoused his cause at the beginning of the Civil War. Plutarch 
(Ant. 10), however, attributes it to a wish to humiliate Antony, who, by- his 
licentiousness, had allowed military discipline i in Italy to be completely relaxed. 

© 472.73 474. 2; Quintilian xii. 11. 6. eae. 2» 


the close of the year the separation was finally effected. In | 
December he followed Caesar into Spain, and was wounded in . 

that campaign.’ Cicero wrote some letters to him there, viz., 

5387, 543 (recommending to his consideration two Pompeian 
prisoners), and Fam. ix. 11 (576), after the news of the Battle of 

Munda had arrived. Dolabella wrote to Cicero some account of | 

the slanders against his uncle that young Quintus was spreading | 

broadcast,” and also a letter of condolence on the occasion of the 
death of Tullia, whose love he had so ill-deserved, and whose life 
he had so grievously embittered? The extraordinary unconcern 

with which marriage connexions were broken off, as well as the | 

absence of any ill-feeling between the families of the separated 
parties, is a remarkable feature in the social life of Rome. All 
Dolabella’s profligacy was forgotten and forgiven, and Cicero 
remained on friendly terms with him,‘ his chief matter of concern 
being how to extract Tullia’s dowry from such an impecunious 
person.’ On his return he visited Cicero at Tusculum, and interested 
himself in the pardon of T'rebianus and Torquatus. He went on to 
Baiae, and Cicero sent to him there his recently published speech 
for Deiotarus.® Muiinzer (in Pauly-Wissowa iv. 13804) notices that 
Dolabella appears to have become a rich man after the Spanish 
campaign, as we hear of his owning villas.’ 

Caesar had promised Dolabella the consulship for 44, but he 
took it himself instead on the 1st of January, along with Antony, 
intending that Dolabella should have it when he himself went to 
the Parthian War. This was opposed by Antony, and the contest 
between the two subsisted up to the Ides of March, on which day 
it was to be decided.® On that day, after the murder of Caesar, 

1 Phil. di, 7; 

4 Fam. ix. 11. 2 (576) ; Att. xii. 38. 2 (681). 

3 Fam. ix. 11. 1 (576). 

4. For example, he wrote him a most merry letter, Fam ix. 10 (537) in January, 
45, Cicero says, not quite truthfully, that he did not know how vicious Dolabella. 
was. But we may believe him when he goes on to say that he would probably never 
have become estranged from him if he had not owe himself an enemy of the State 
(Pil, x1, 10), 

5501; 534. 5: ep. olan ἀτισία, Att. xiv. 19, 1 (725), if that redial is 

6 Fam. vi. 11 (622); Att. xiii, 9, 1 (623); Fam. ix. 12 (680), 

7 Att. xiii. 52. 2'(679) ; xv. 13. 5 (794): ep. Phil. xiii, 11. 

8 Phil. ii. 79 f., 82, 88; Plut, Ant. 11, 


‘Dolabella came forth with all the insignia of consul, and joined 
the tyrannicides.’ Naturally he supported the proposal to confirm 
‘Caesar’s acts which was made on the 17th, in the Temple of 
Tellus, because it was on Caesar’s individual promise that he, who 
had never been praetor,? and was only twenty-five years of age 
(eighteen years under consular age), should hold the consulship. 
‘In April he and Antony brought in a law for assignations of land 
to the veterans, and acted as commissioners of the land law of. 
L. Antonius.? Towards the end of April Dolabella put down with 
great determination the riotous assemblies which were meeting 
around the altar which had been erected where Caesar’s body was 
burned.‘ Cicero wrote an enthusiastic letter of commendation 
(Fam. ix. 14 = Att. xiv. 17a (722)) to Dolabella for this ‘ heroic 
exploit, and later he took some credit to himself that he had 
been instrumental in urging Dolabella to this course.? ‘The un- 
emotional Atticus deprecated such extravagant eulogy, and advised 
Cicero rather to urge Dolabella to pay him his debts.?. On June 2 
‘he got the province of Syria for five years, and immediately gave 
Cicero a post as one of his /egati. This was a mere sinecure, but 
would admit of Cicero’s coming to or going from Rome as he 
pleased.* Dolabella, however, did not leave Rome for some time, 
and he presided at the Senate on September 2, when Cicero delivered 
the First Philippic. About the end of October he left for his 
province. He spent November and December on the journey 
through Greece to the Hellespont, and about the end of the year 
reached Asia, after having lost a considerable portion of his troops, 
who deserted to Brutus.” 

1 Appian ii. 119, 122; Dio Cass. xliv. 22. 1. 2 Dio Cass. xlii. 33, 3. 

3 Phil. viii. 25 (see vol. V, p. Ixvi, note lL; Phil. xi. 13), 

* Att. xiv. 15. 1 (720) and often in subsequent letters: Phil. i. 30; Dio Cass. 

‘Kliv. 51, 2. 

_ Att. xiv. 16,2 (721), O Dolabellae nostri magnam ἀριστείαν | essen est ava- 
θεώρησις ! pe 

6 Att. xvi. 15. 1 (807), cum eam (remp. ) me aire defendere coepisset, 
' 7 Att. xiv. 19. ὅ (725), Tibi vero adsentior maiorem ἘΠΕῚ eius fore, st — quod 
 debuit dissolverit, 

ὃ Att. xv. 11. 4 (744), Dolabella me sibi legavit a. d. iti Noes 19. 2, Dolabella 
_ mandata habebo quae mihi videbuntur, id est, nihil. 
9. He was at Baiae on the way to the East about. October 28 : Att, xv. 18a. 5 (795). 
10 Phil. x. 13; Plut. Brut, 23,1, It was during this journey when at Argos that 




At this time Asia was being adininistered by Trebonius, who 
would. not: allow Dolabella to enter Pergamum ‘or ‘Smyrna, but. 

gave him provisions and a free passage, and promised him | 
admission into’ Ephesus. Dolabella went. on his: way, but. at | 

night returned to Smyrna, murdered Trebonius in his bed, and. 

exposed his head in publie.!| This occurred about the middle of 

January. On the news of this reaching Rome about the middle 
of February, the Senate, on the motion of Fufius Calenus, 

declared Dolabella a public enemy.? In the Eleventh Philippic 
Cicero recommended that Syria, the province of Dolabella, shouid 
be assigned to Cassius, and that he should be ordered to execute 
vengeance on Dolabella. Dolabella seems to have extorted great 
sums from many of the towns of Asia, though some states 
voluntarily joined him, e.g. Rhodes.2 He had two legions of 
infantry; but he lost much of his cavalry by desertion, and his 
fleet was destroyed, and the Egyptian legions of his officer 
A. Allienus went over to Cassius,‘ who, after the death of 
the consuls at Mutina, had been appointed by the Senate 
to oppose him. In his march through Cilicia he received help 
from Tarsus, but was refused admission to Antioch. With 
forces reduced owing to losses and desertion he threw himself into 
Laodicea,> where he was at last, about the end of July, mainly 
owing to lack of provisions, rendered unable to make any further 
resistance to the superior forces-of Cassius, and he died by the 
hand of one of his trusty servants,° at the age of twenty-six. 

His life was little else than tumult. He had attractive 
manners,’ and was personally brave; but: there is nothing more 
to be said in his favour. He was sensual, ruthless, and utterly 
unprincipled. Of the picturesque trio of able young men of the 

Dolabella bought ‘ Seius’s horse,’ which had indeed a marvellous pedigree, but.always 
brought ill-luck to its owner. Cassius got it afterwards: cp. Gellius iii. 9. 4. 

‘ Appian iii. 26; Dio Cass. xlvii. 29. ὃ. 

e Pile ΧΙ. 16. 

3 Fam. xii..15. 1, 2 (882). 

4 Fam. xii. 14. 6 (883); 15. 5, 6 (882); 12. 1 (856). 

5 Fam. xii, 14. 4:(883).. : | 

6 Appian iv. 62; Dio Cass. xivii..30. . . | 

7 Caésar evidently li liked διπι: cp. Att. ix. a 3 (Gr) Dolabelia tuo nihil scito mihi 
esse iucundius, 5. INGE Gee Doge τ δ 


day, Curio, Caelius, Dolabella, he was the worst. And to think, 
O gracious Heaven! as Cicero said, that he was Tullia’s husband.! 

16. Quintus CoRNIFIC1Us.” 

This Quintus Cornificius was the son of the Q. Cornificius who 
was tribune in 69, and was a candidate for consulship in 63: cp. 
Att.i.1.1(10). In his custody Cethegus was placed when arrested 
(Sallust Cat. 47. 4). He was a manof stern and upright character 
(1 Verr. i. 30: ep. Asconius, p. 82. 12, ed. Clark, sobrius e¢ sanctus 
vir), and was the first who brought forward in the Senate the 
scandal about Clodius and the Bona Dea: ep. Att.i. 15. 3 (19). 
The Cornificia mentioned in Att. xiii. 29. 1 (604) was probably 
his daughter, but was much older than his son. 

We first hear of young Cornificius in April, 50, as becoming 
engaged to the daughter of the notorious Aurelia Orestilla : ep. 
Fam. viii. 7. 2 (243). He obtained the quaestorship in 48. In 
that year Caesar sent him with pro-praetorian powers to I]lyricum, 
where he acted with watchfulness, prudence, and vigour, both 
before and after the unsuccessful intervention of Gabinius in that 
quarter. He co-operated with Vatinius (who succeeded Gabinius) 
in his vigorous actions against the Pompeian fleet under Octavius ; 
and when these were crowned with success in the battle off the 

island of ‘Tauris, he received back his province. In 47 he 

returned to Rome and was chosen Praetor and Augur (C. I. L. vi. 
1300 a). In his first two letters Cicero styles him Codlega (i.e. in 
the Augurate), but afterwards when the novelty wore off he 
omitted the title. During the next year he appears to have been 
in Rome as Praetor ; and it was during this stay in the city that he 
and Cicero, two Mterary men with similar tastes and many interests 


1. Phil. xi. 10, Et hie, ἢ immortales, aliquando Suit meus. 

2 See excellent accounts of this interesting man by Drumann, ii, pp. 531-535 
(ed. Groebe), by F. L. Ganter in Philologus, 1894, pp. 1382-146, and by Miinzer in 
Pauly- Wissowa iv. 1624-1628. Asallthe letters to Cornificius are together, Fam. eh 
17-30, we need only refer to them by the number of the letter, not adding ‘ Fam. xii.’ 
in each case. 

3, We made a careless mistake in stating in our note .on 604. [29]. 1, ed. 2, that 
Cornificius was a judge in the,trial of Verres, |As tribune: he wasinot a aidewd in that 
trial; 1 Verr, i. 30. ' Kayser considers that he was the author of the Bet. ad ψνμας 

4 See details of these operations in Bell. Alex. 42-47. 


in common, appear to have become intimate, and Cicero certainly - 

liked his company: 18.1, 2 (670). If Κορφίνιος is a mistake for 

Κορνιφίκιος in Plut. Caes. 51. 2, as it certainly is in ¢ 43. 1, it | 
would appear that Cornificius incurred considerable unpopularity — 

by ‘doing-up’ (oxevwpovpevoc) the house of Pompey, and rebuilding 
it as not being good enough for him: ‘for the Romans were 
annoyed at these things.’ | 

About March in 46 Cornificius was sent off to the East 

apparently as governor of Cilicia'—and it is at this point that 
Cicero’s correspondence with him begins. It consists of fifteen 
letters, Fam. xii. 17 to 30 (Ep. 22 is really two letters which have 
been handed down as one). ‘They are in chronological order, 
except that Ep. 22, §§ 3, 4, snould come after Ep. 23, as is con- 
vincingly proved by Ganter (p. 140): the first was written in 
September, 46, and the last in June, 43. Cicero did not expect 
that Cornificius would have any trouble in the East; but when 
he got out there he found that the adventurer, Caecilius Bassus,’ 
had killed Sext. Julius Caesar, a young relative of the Dictator 
(whom he had left as Governor of Syria (quaestor pro praetore : 
cp. ταμίᾳ, Dio Cass. xlvii. 26. 3) when he himself proceeded to 
the campaign against Pharnaces), gained over his soldiers, and 
occupied Apamea (about July). When this occurred, Caesar 
appointed Cornificius, who was in the neighbouring province, as 
temporary Governor of Syria until he could send reinforcements 
and make other arrangements. But Cornificius had wholly 
inadequate forces, especially in view of a possible attack by the 
Parthians: 19. 2. (671); and he acted on the defensive (as is 
implied in Dio Cass. xlvii. 27. 1) until a new temporary governor 

1 This is the view now held, which was first advocated by Holzl ( Fasti praetorii). 
Cornificius was sent out before Caecilius Bassus began his rebellion; and his subse- 
quent temporary appointment to Syria can only have taken place after the death 
(about July) of the former governor, Sextus Julius Caesar. During the latter part 
of 47, Cilicia may have been governed by C. Sextilius Rufus as guaestor pro praetore: 
cp. Fam.- xiii. 48 (929); who was left in command, as Cicero left his quaestor, 
Coelius Caldus (Fam. ii. 15. 4, Ep. 273), to administer the province when he himself 
returned to Rome. 

218.1 (670). We are satisfied now that Epp. 18 and 19 (670, 671) really belong 
to 46 (the former having been written about October, and the latter in November) ; 
and that it was at the games of 46 that Laberius was compelled to appear on the 
stage: cp. p. ΙΧ]. 


(perhaps he was Antistius Vetus) came with additional forces. He 
returned to Rome during the winter, and was Praetor in 46. 
L. Volcatius Tullus, Praetor in 46 (455, 1), appears to have been 
Governor of Syria in 45, with Antistius Vetus as one of his officers : 
Att. xiv. 9. 38 (712). On one of the days immediately succeeding 
‘the Ides of March, 44, Cornificius was appointed by the Senate, 
with the concurrence of Antony, doubtless on the basis of the acta 
Caesaris, to be Governor of Africa Vetus, whither he went in the 
summer of 44; and it is to this time that we may assign the 
journey he made to South Italy which is mentioned in the little 
note Ep. 20 (930). The rest of his history is associated with the 
Province of Africa. 
He adhéred to the Senate, and thus incurred the hostility of 
Antony, who declaimed against him at a meeting held in Septem- 
ber, 44: cp. 22. 1 (813); and at the evening session of the Senate 
on November 28th (Phil. iii. 26) Antony carried a new distribution 
of the provinces, in which Cornificius was dispossessed, and his 
predecessor, C. Calvisius Sabinus, a devoted Caesarean (Nic. Dam. 
26. 2), appointed in his stead. Cicero in Phil. 111. 26 ironically says 
Calvisius, with prophetic insight that he would return, left two of 
his /egati at Utica. So we are not surprised to discover indica- 
tions that Cornificius found troublesome and disaffected elements 
in the province, such as apparently was Sempronius: 22. 4, (813) : 
ep. 23. 1 (792); 25. 3-5 (825) ἃ and we even hear of actual force 
being used to threaten Lilybaeum : 28. 1 (828). Cicero considers 
that Cornificius had not been sufficiently’ strong in punishing 
such disloyalty: cp. 23.1 (792) ; 22. 4 (818); 28. 1 (828): ep. 30. 7 
(899). Cornificius appears to have been a proud man, and Cicero 
represents the annoyances he was subjected to as insults to his 
dignity, in order thereby to stimulate him to severity: ep. 23. 1. 
(792); 28. 1 (828); but Cornificius, with his wonted prudence, was 

unwilling to be too unrestrained in his punishments (28. 1 (828), 
nimis liber in ulciscendo). On the 20th of December, the Senate 
annulled the assignment of Africa Vetus to Calvisius, which 

1 We think it possible that the Sempronianum senatus consultum, 29. 2 (831), may, 
_ perhaps, mean a decree concerning this Sempronius, and need not imply that it was 
_ some Sempronius who moved it. Movers of decrees in the Senate were not indicated 
at this time: see note to the passage. 


had been made by Antony on November 28 (Phil. iii. 26), and 
ordered that Cornificius should stay in his province until super- 
seied: ep. 22. 3 (813); Phil. iii. 38. Cicero is constantly urging — 
Cornificius to maintain his ‘dignity’ and strenuously support the 
republic, i.e. the Senatorial policy,' which shows, as might be 
expected from one of Caesar’s approved officers, that he was not 
an uncompromising supporter of the party which Cicero was then 
leading. When his term of office had expired in March, 43, his 
imperium was prolonged by a decree couched in very complimentary 
terms: cp. 25. 2 (825); and one of the three legions held by the 
Governor of Africa Nova (i.e. Numidia), T’. Sextius, was given to 
Cornificius, the other two being recalled to Italy (Appian iii. 85); 
but Appian is wrong in placing this order for recall after’ the 
junction of Antony and Lepidus (May 29). The African legions 
were expected at the end of May:cp. Fam. xi. 14. 3 (886). 
Calvisius then gave up all pretensions to be Governor of the 
province, and entered the city, thereby resigning his tperium :, 
see 25. 2 (825). The last extant letter to Cornificius was written 
in June, 43. It is in answer to a letter of complaint that Cicero 
wrote to him only to introduce litigants,’ and that what he really 
wants, to wit, money, Cicero does not send. We admire the 
command of temper with which Cicero replies. In April Cicero 
told Cornificius to raise a loan if he could not order contributions 
of money in virtue of the decree of the Senate which appointed, 

1 22. 4 (818); 24.1 (817): compare 25. 5 (825), Quam ob rem, mi Quinte, con-. 
scende nobiscum et quidem ad puppim. Una navis est iam bonorum omnium quam 
quidem nos damus operam ut rectam tenéamus, utinam prospero cursu! Sed quicunque 
venti erunt, ars nostra certe non aberit. Similar language in Att. vii. 3. 5 (294), mihi) 
σκάφος unum erit quod a Pompeio gubernabitur. 

2 In the correspondence there are several letters of recommendation to Cees 
21 (698) asks for lictors to be given to his friend Anicius, a senator who had gone to 
Africa: on a legatio libera: 24. 8 (817), if ὁ 3 is not a separate letter, recommends ) 
Pinarius ; 26 (829) the heirs of Turius; 27 (830) Sex. Aufidius; 29 (831) is for. 
Cicero’s good friend Lamia. Cornificius had thought that Lamia had taken part in 
the drafting of ἃ decree of the Senate which reflected on him. Cicero says that‘ 
Lamia was not in Rome at all at the time ; and besides all the decrees of the Senate: 
which were supposed to have been then passed were forgeries. This is an important 
passage, even though highly coloured : cp. note to 481. 4, We think that Cornificins 
was too ready to complain that Cicero did not write to him; for Cicero: frequently - 
declares that he sent letters. on all possible oncanlond ἃς 18. 1 by SOB in & Stig 
30. 1 (899). otha? Jn) OF esos Sea 25 


him : 28. 2 (828). But now in June he can offer no suggestion 
about money ; even in Italy he fears that they cannot raise any 
without having recourse to the ¢ributum. Pansa, who was so 
kindly disposed to Cornificius,’ might have had sufficient influence 
to secure a grant for him; but Pansa was no more, and Cicero 
could do nothing (30.4.6), Cornificius, judging from his position 
in Illyricum (B. Alex. 43), in Syria, 19. 2 (671), and now in 
Africa, seemed fated always to receive inadequate support from 
his superiors. 

When the ‘T'riumvirate was established, Cornificius did not 
desert the Senatorial side. He received proscribed men into Africa 
(Appian iv. 36), sent reinforcements to Sextus Pompeius (Dio 

Cass. xlviii. 17 fin.), and refused to give up Africa Vetus to 11". 
Sextius, basing his refusal on the decree of the Senate of December 
20th, 44. Sextius and he accordingly went to war.’ Sextius invaded 
Africa Vetus, but was compelled to retire. Cornificius and his 
legates, Ventidius (not the notorious Ventidius) and 1). Laelius (ep. 
331.1), replied with vigour by invading Africa Nova, and Laelius 
laid siege to Cirta.* But the Numidian prince Arabio (see note 
to Att. xv. 17. 1 (749), ed. 2), who had killed that able leader 
of condottiert, P. Sittius, and taken over his soldiers, appeared 
unexpectedly on the side of Sextius.* Ventidius was slain and the 
Senatorial armies were driven back into Africa Vetus, and finally 
a decisive victory was won at Utica. Laelius and Cornificius 
acted with bravery and ability in the engagement: but the 
Numidian cavalry of Arabio, and the agility of some of his troops 

1 If a man is to be judged by his friends, Cornificius was a good man. Cicero 

speaks warmly of Tratorius, 23. 4 (792) ; Chaerippus (30. 4) ; and all men spoke well 
of Pansa (541. 3), though Cicero at times was censorious ; cp. Att. xvi. 1. 4 (769). 

2 The details of this war are to be found in Dio Cass. xlviii. 21, and more fully 
in Appian iv. 53-56. 

3 For this victory Cornificius struck coins which still exist with the head of 
Jupiter Ammon on the obverse. See Babelon i. 434. As Juno Sospita of Lanuvium 
appears on the reverse, that learned numismatist thinks that Cornificius must have 
been born at Lanuvium. 

4 The reason assigned is that he held that the Pompeian side was ‘ unmitigatedly 
unlucky ’ (ὡς ἀτυχούσης ἀμειλίκτω5), Appian iv. 54 fin. Conversely we are told that 
the misfortunes of, Gabinius in Illyria were conjectured to be due to his excessive 

- trust in the luck of Caesar (B. Alex. 48. 1). 
VOL. IV. h 


who seized the camp of Cornificius when the latter went to the 
help of Laelius, decided the battle. Cornificius fell fighting, and, 
when defeat was certain, Laelius killed himself. The soldiers of 
Cornificius were not very trustworthy, and he is said (in Jerome's 
Chronicle, a. 1976) to have called them ‘ hares in helmets’ (epores 

Cornificius was something of a literary man: hence his attrac- 
tion to Cicero: and as he also took part in public affairs, he was 
naturally an orator (ep. 18.1 (670), vos magnos oratores). He was 
also a critic of oratorical style, being apparently an Atticist (note to 
493.2). But it isin poetry that we hear principally of his literary 
performances ;! and one of the most pathetic poems of Catullus, 
written in deep dejection, complains that in his trouble Cornificius 
had sent him no line of comfort, ‘I feel angered with thee, dear 
friend of mine, to treat me 80. (Send me) just one little line of 
comfort, a sadder strain than the dirges of Simonides.’ Ovid 
speaks of him with other νεώτεροι (ep. Att. vil. 2. 1, Hp. 293) as 
composing erotic trifles Tyrist. 11.436, Cinna quoque his comes est 
Cinnaque procacior Anser, Et leve Cornifici parque Catonts (Valerius 
Cato) opus. Some commentators on Vergil speak of him as being 
the poet indicated by Codrus in the Eclogues, who was said to be 
a friend® and also an enemy*—he may have been both at different 

1 The complete poetical works of Cornificius which have come down to us are in 
Macrobius vi. 5. 13 (Cornificius in Glauco ‘ centauros foedare bimembris,’? which shows 
that Vergil was not the first (Aen. viii. 293) to use that epithet of the Centaurs; in 
the same writer, vi. 4. 12, item apud Cornificiwm ‘ deducta mihi voce garrienti’—a use of 
deductus applied to what had a ‘thin’ sound before Vergil (Ecl. 6. 5); and in Servius 
on Georg. 1. 55, Cornificius ‘ut folia quae frugibus arboreis tegmina gignuntur,’ which 
is in some metre of which we cannot feel sure. We do not think that even a zoologist, 
who can construct the lion from a claw (ἐξ ὄνυχος τὸν λέοντα); could with this material 
reconstruct the poet Cornificius. 

* Catull. 38. 6, Jrascor tibi: sie meos amores! Paulum quidiubet allocutionis 
Maestius lacrimis Simonideis. For meos amores cp. Att. li. 19. 2 (46), Pompeius, 
nostri amores. 

3 Schol. Veron. on ἘΠῚ]. 7.22, Codrum plerique Vergilium accipiunt, alii Cornificium, 
nonnulli Heivium Cinnam de quo bene sentit. 

* Schol. Bern. ἘΠ]. 7, Introd., Allegorice certamen poetarum intelligitur. Corydon 
enim Vergilium, Thyrsis Cornificium inimicum Vergilii, Meliboeus Cornelium Gallium 
poetam optimum tudicantem inter eos significat. Daphnis vero allegorice Caesarem: cp. 
the same Scholiast’s note on Eel. 7. 26 (rwmpantur ut ilia Codro). | 

Pee St ee ae ον 
ay 4 bo faa 4 


times, as artists do sometimes quarrel with one another—though 
we think the evidence is against Cornificius ever having been an. 

; enemy of Vergil. But this question we may leave to Vergilian 

scholars, and ‘hope that they may prove conclusively that there 
never was any falling out between two such excellent men as 

Vergil and Cornificius. 

Parum fortis videtur (Cicero) quibusdam, quibus optime respondit 1986, 

non se timidum in susciprendis sed in providendis perreulis. 

QUINTILIAN xii. 1. 17. 

me ΤΣ ΤΠ] 








EPP. 301-414. 
ἊΣ 1). C. .Φ . . . e .Φ 705, 706 
Bor , : : ᾿ : 49, 48 

AET, CIC. ° . Φ . ° Si; 58 


EPP. 301-405. 

A. τὺ 7055 π΄ Ὁ ΟΣ AEDT. CIC. 57; 


THoveH Cicero’s correspondence during this year extends over only five 
months and a-half, still we have a great number of letters, especially letters” 

to Atticus. The theme which runs through nearly all of them is anxious 
deliberation as to what course he should adopt in the crisis (ep. Plut, Cie. 37) ;__ 

how he should decide between, on the one hand, his long connexion with the 
Optimates and his personal regard for and gratitude to Pompey, and, on the 
other, his fear that the victory would be with Caesar. Cicero’s sympathies | 
undoubtedly lay with the Optimates, or, rather, with the principles they | 
represented, and his conscience always pointed out to him that, if no com-_ 
promise could be effected, he must cast in his lot with them; and he ultimately | 
obeyed his conscience; but he was not for an instant blind to the inefficiency, | 

violence, and selfishness which characterized their words and deeds. | 

“ ἾἌ ὥς νὰ, 5 
ee ee ee ag ere ie ee eee ee 




AT PaTRAE (FAM. XVI. 11). 

| BEFORE ROME; JANUARY 123 A. U. C. 705; B.C. 493 AET. CIC. 57. 

M. Cicero Tironem rogat ut valetudini operam det : de suo ad urbem adventu, de 

t rbato rei publicae statu, de triumpho ac Campana praefectura. 


1. Erst opportunitatem operae tuae omnibus locis desidero, tamen 
hon tam mea quam tua causa doleo te non valere. Sed quoniam 
quartanam conversa vis est morbi—sic enim scribit Curius— 
pero te diligentia adhibita iam firmiorem fore. Modo fac, id 
uod est humanitatis tuae, ne quid aliud cures hoc tempore nisi 
0 quam commodissime convalescas. Non ignoro quantum ex 
desiderio labores, sed erunt omnia facilia, si valebis. Festinare te 
nolo, ne nauseae molestiam suscipias aeger et periculose hieme 
haviges. 2. Kgo ad urbem accessi pridie Nonas Ianuar. Obviam 
mihi sic est proditum ut nihil posset fieri ornatius. Sed incidi in 
ipsam flammam civilis discordiae vel potius belli, cui cum cuperem 

SHRERET mem” amr RDB” pm: 55s Meg PRB rrsnmere 
a aad 2 ΩΣ ΠΡ ΤῊΣ 

δ Στ ως ΠΠ δ΄ ΣΝ 

4 Q. 4.1 Quintigue, ‘Quintus, father Curius] abanker at Patrae, and close 
‘and son.’ friend of Cicero: cp. Introd. to Ep. 477. 
1. opportunitatem] ‘although at every 2. Obviam .. . ornatius] ‘ Nothing 

_ turn I miss your ever-seasonable assis- could have been more complimentary 
{1 . Dr. Reid, on Lael. 22, remarks than the reception I met with.’ A similar 
ἐξ ἢ opportunitas is ‘opportuneness,’ compliment was paid to Cicero when he 
~ rather than ‘ opportunity.’ returned to Rome on August 31, 44 
Ἢ prerienee) sc. febrim. For the (Plut. Cic. 43): ep. vol. V*, p. xciii, 
ellipse cp. Hor. Sat. ii. 3, 290. note 1. 

6 EP. 301 (FAM. XVI. 11). 

mederi et, ut arbitror, possem, cupiditates certorum hominum—_ 
nam ex utraque parte sunt qui pugnare cupiant—impedimento 
mihi fuerunt. Omnino et ipse Caesar, amicus noster, minacis 

ad senatum et acerbas litteras miserat et erat adhuc impudens | 

qui exercitum et provinciam invito senatu teneret, et Curio meus 
illum incitabat. Antonius quidem noster et Q. Cassius nulla vi 
expulsi ad Caesarem cum Curione profecti erant, postea quam 

senatus consulibus, praetoribus, tribunis pl. et nobis qui pro coss. © 

sumus negotium dederat ut curaremus NE QUID RES PUBLICA 
DETRIMENTL CAPERET. 9. Numquam maiore in periculo civitas 
fuit: numquam improbi cives habuerunt paratiorem ducem. 
Omnino ex hac quoque parte diligentissime comparatur. Id fit 
auctoritate et studio Pompei nostri, qui Caesarem sero coepit 
timere. Nobis inter has turbas senatus tamen frequens flagitavit 
triumphum, sed Lentulus consul, quo maius suum beneficium 

faceret, simul atque expedisset quae essent necessaria de re publica — 
dixit se relaturum. Nos agimus nihil cupide eoque est nostra — 

pluris auctoritas. 
partem tueretur: 

certorum}| We may translate ‘ certain.’ 
The epithet signifies that the author 
knows exactly who are the men re- 
ferred to (the expression therein differing 
from mescio qui), but does not wish 
to specify them further: cp. Sest. 41, 
Mare. 16, Deiot. 11. 

Omnino| ‘tosum up,’ ‘looking on the 
whole affair’: see Dr. Reid on Lael. 78. 

amicus noster| Note how Cicero indi- 
cates the perplexity he was in because he 
was friendly with both sides: ep. below 
Curio meus, Antonius noster. By meus a 
closer friendship is marked than by noster. 

minacis .. . et acerbas litteras] cp. 
Appian, B.C. ii. 82, περιεῖχε δὲ ἡ γραφὴ 
κατάλογόν τε σεμνὸν ὧν ἐξ ἀρχῆς ὁ 
Καῖσαρ ἐπεπράχει, καὶ πρόκλησιν ὅτι θέλοι 
Πομπηίῳ συναποθέσθαι, ἄρχοντος δ᾽ ἔτι 
ἐκείνου οὔτε ἀποθήσεσθαι καὶ τιμωρὸς 
αὐτίκα τε τῇ πατρίδι καὶ ἑαυτῷ κατὰ 
τάχος ἀφίξεσθαι. 

adhue| ‘even still,’ erat being the 
epistolary imperfect. For adhue with the 
imperfect cp. 408. 3; Fin. iii. 40; 
Fam. x. 13. 4 (900). For adhue with the 
pluperfect the Thesaurus (s. v. adhuc 
655. 41) quotes many examples: e.g. 
358. 2; 897.1; 428.1; 489. 1. 

Italiae regiones discriptae sunt quam quisque 
nos Capuam sumpsimus. 

Laee te scire volui. 

provinciam| Boot alters (Obs. Crit. 26) | 

to provincias, as Caesar held two pro- — 
and Gallia — 

vinces, Galiia Citerior 

Ulterior (cp. 312. 3, Galiias, ib. 4). But 

the idea is not so much ‘ Ais province ’ as © 
‘a province ’—the illegality is a general — 
one, the retention of an army and a pro- | 

vince against the will of the Senate. 

nulla vi] ep. vol. 1112, pp. ci, cii. 

senatus ...CAPERET]| Groebe (iii. 726) 
appeals to this passage and to Dio Cassius 
xli. ὃ. ὃ to prove that the decretum 
tumultus was passed before the date of 
this letter (so too Nissen, p. 92), and 
probably on January 7. Holzapfel 
(Klio iv. 331) and Ferrero (ii. 227), how- 
ever, follow Plutarch (Pomp. 61; Caes. 
33) in placing it on January 17. Schmidt 
(p. 118) places it on January 14, when 
the news of the fall of Ariminum reached 
Rome. See Introduction 1, § 1 init. 

3. quo maius... relaturum] ‘ that he 
might bring his own service into greater 
prominence, said that, as soon as he had 
got through the urgent matters of State, 

he would bring forward a motion on the > 

No. 1. 

See Addenda to Comm. 

we ee Ps 

UP. 302 (FAM. V. 20). 7 

τὰ etiam atque etiam cura ut valeas litterasque ad me mittas 
“quotienscumque habebis cui des. Etiam atque etiam vale, D. 
_pridie Idus Ian. 


302. CICERO 1Ὸ MESCINIUS RUFUS (Fam. v. 20). 

AET. CIC. 57. 

] — Excusat se M. Cicero Rufo quod ante eius reditum rationes provinciales, in quibus 
4116 quaedam vel addita vel immutata cupiebat, ad aerarium rettulerit. 


1. Quoguo modo potuissem, te convenissem, si eo quo consti- 
_tueras venire voluisses. Qua re etsi mei commodi causa com- 
j -movere me noluisti, tamen ita existimes velim me antelaturum 
[ fuisse, si ad me misisses, voluntatem tuam commodo meo. Ad ea 
quae scripsisti commodius equidem possem de singulis ad te rebus 
_scribere, si M. Tullius, scriba meus, adesset : a quo mihi explora- 
tum est in rationibus dumtaxat referendis—de ceteris rebus 
_adfirmare non possum—nihil eum fecisse scientem quod esset 


contra aut rem aut existimationem tuam: dein, si rationum 

Rufo| This Mescinius Rufus was one 

| of the quaestors of Cicero in Cilicia; and 
ἢ has been described (Att. vi. 3, 1, ep. 264) 

as levis libidinosus tagax. The present 

: Blotter is in answer to a letter from Rufus 
to Cicero, in which he complained of 
- ‘various 
E Cicero, both in the haste with which he 
᾿ sent to the Treasury the public accounts 
4 Self, and in the accounts themselves. 
- must remember that the quaestor was 

irregularities committed by 

without any interview with Rufus him- 

' responsible to the State, 80 that 
_ the complaints of Rufus were not 
_ necessarily vexatious. But, on _ the 

' other hand, no one can suppose for 
ἃ moment anything like dishonesty on 
_ Cicero’s part. 
_ due at worst to carelessness. 
- hated accounts, as so many literary men 
_ do. He always had the most hazy notion 
as to the state of his own personal money 
affairs, and must have proved a great 
trial in this respect to the business-like 

The irregularities were 

It is pleasant to see that this 

little official difference between Cicero and 
Mescinius did not impair their friendship 
permanently (cp. 390. 1). 

1. M. Tullius| A freedman of Cicero’s. 
His full name was M. Tullius Laurea 
(Plin. H. N. xxxi. 7). Freedmen gene- 
rally took the prenomen and nomen of 
their master: cp. notes on Att. iv. 15. 1 
(143) and on 516. 2 

a quo| ‘in respect of whom’: for this 
use of ὦ cp. note to 411. 8, and 
Thesaurus, vol.i. 35.16. An old correction 
is de. But perhaps a guo mihi exploratum 
est means ‘from whom I have ascer- 
tained.’ Cicero had definite information 
from Tullius about the accounts at any 
dein| If looked at closely, it seems a 
somewhat harsh zeugma to under- 
stand ‘I can assure you’ out of explora- 
tum est; but the ellipse naturally sup- 
plies itself if we read the sentence 
rapidly. Wesenberg (2m. 68), following 
Martyni-Laguna, wishes to supply scito 
after dein. 

8 EP. 302 (FAM. V. 20). 

referendarum ius vetus et mos antiquus maneret, me relaturum 
rationes, nisi tecum pro coniunctione nostrae necessitudinis contu- 
lissem confecissemque, non fuisse. 2. Quod igitur fecissem ad 

Z " 

urbem, si consuetudo pristina maneret, id, quoniam lege Iulia 

relinquere rationes in provincia necesse erat easdemque totidem — 

verbis referre ad aerarium, feci in provincia; neque ita feci ut 

te ad meum arbitrium adducerem, sed tribui tibi tantum quan-— 
tum me tribuisse numquam me paenitebit: totum enim scribam — 

meum, quem tibi video nune esse suspectum, tibi tradidi: tu ei 

M. Mindium fratrem tuum adiunxisti. 

Rationes confectae me 

absente sunt tecum, ad quas ego nihil adhibui praeter lectionem : 
ita accepi librum a meo servo scriba ut eundem acceperim a 

fratre tuo. 

ius vetus| i.e. the old system in force 
prior to the Lex Julia, which ordered the 
accounts to be deposited in the two 
principal towns of the province as well 
as at Rome: cp. § 2 (see Addenda to 
vol. 1115. p. 328). 

necessitudinis| For the close bond of 
relationship, almost that of father and 
son, which existed between the governor 
and his quaestor, see Index s. v. guaes- 
tor, and cp. Div. in Caecil. 61; Mayor 
on Phils 1. 71, 

contulissem confecissemque| “ examined 
and made up.’ For conferre rationes cp. 
Att. v. 21. 12 (250): for conficere Fam. 
ii. 17. 4 (272). The con- in conferre 
seems to imply comparison with the 
separate account-books: that in conjicere 
indicates the completeness and finality of 
the procedure. 

2. ad urbem] “ before the city.’ Cicero 
was waiting outside the city in hopes of 
obtaining atriumph. On the phrase ep. 
note to Fam. iii. 8. 1 (222). 

easdemque ...adaerarium] ‘and to re- 
turn an exact duplicate of them to the 

ut te ad meum arbitrium adducerem] 
‘my object was not to bring you over to 
what was my own individual judgment,’ 
ie. I did not endeavour, by thus making 
up and sending in my statement of 
accounts without an interview with you, 
to force you to alter your accounts so as 
to make them tally exactly with mine. 
The accounts of quaestor and governor 
ought to agree; and it might be thought 
that Cicero, by hastily sending in his 

Si honos is fuit, maiorem tibi habere non potui: si 

accounts without having had any con- 
ference and discussion with Rufus, wished 
to hide certain discrepancies and irregu- 
larities in his own accounts and to force 

δὼ ἀεὶ 

Rufus either to alter his accounts so as to * 

bring them into harmony with Cicero’s, 
or else to incur the scandal of a different 
presentation of accounts by quaestor and 
governor; in which case the quaestor 
would have the greater difficulty in es- 
tablishing his honesty. 

Sed tribui.. . paenitebit] ‘but I showed 
you consideration to an extent which I 
shall never regret having shown.’ 

M. Mindium] first cousin of Rufus. 
He was a banker at Elis in Greece, and 
made Rufus his heir: ep. 521. 2. 

ita. . . tuo] ‘ in receiving a book of 
the accounts from my clerk, I considered 
that 1 had received it from your cousin.’ 

servo scriba| Tullius was Cicero’s freed- 
man: cp. ᾧ 7. But in republican times. 
freedmen were occasionally considered as 
belonging to the servile class. Mommsen 
St. R. iii, p. 428, quotes the Cincian law 
of 204 (st quis a servis suis quigue pro 
servis servitutem servierunt (note the per- 
fect tense) accipit duitve iis. 
quis a servis suis’ liberti continentur ut 
patronis dare possint, viz. Frag. Vat. 
§ 307, given by Husckhe (‘ Iurispru- 
dentiae Anteiustinianae quae supersunt,’ 
p- 804): and C.I.L. ii. 3495 Plotia L. 
(Ploti) et Fufiae l.— Prune (i.e. Phryne) 
haec vocitatast ancilla—heie sitast. So 
we need not delete the word servo. 
Dr. Reid suggests that servo. scriba may 
be an error for seriba Laurea. 

Verbis ‘st - 


necesse erat, 

ne quid .... referretur| ‘that no 

return should be made which would be 

detrimental to your character or advan- 
tage’: cp. § 1 quod esset contra aut rem 
aut existimationem tuam. 

quam cui dedi| This is the reading of 

_ Graevius, ‘and so clear and certainly 

correct is it,’ says that scholar, ‘that not 

-even Carneades could doubt of 11. In 

GR we find quam dedi; in M, quam 

_darem, which Wesenberg (Em. 71) 

altered into quam quoi dederam. 

a maxime| ‘seemed most advisable.’ 
_ Crat. altered to maximae ‘ largest,’ which 
is perhaps right. 

Ι confectas collatasque] For the phrase 

860 ᾧ 1. The reading collatasque is found 
1 in R. In M itis consolatus (consolatasque 
_ G), whence has arisen a conjecture, con- 

_solidatas ‘balanced,’ which is found in 

; some inferior mss: cp. Pseudo-Asconius 

on 2 Verr. i. 92, p. 185 ed. Orelli (on the 

4 word quadrarint). ‘ Solida facta sint ut 

~ neque plus quisquam neque minus in- 
_ veniatur in summa: ubi enim ratio sine 

᾿ς fraude est, difficile est sexcenta, detractis 

'quadringentis, quadrare et solidari vel 

ΟΠ solida fieri, quin aut minus aut plus 

_ aliquid reperiatur.’ 
rationes deferre| The more usual word 

is referre: see Dr. Reid on Arch. 11. 

_ ‘The phrase ξένων in aerarium (Balb. 63) 
is especially used of the beneficia [see § 7], 
Bhi referre in aerarium is used of money 

ἢ and accounts.’ But deferre is found in 
_Pis. 61, and the words appear elsewhere 

(Cat. 111, 7. Flace. 21) as variants. There is 
perhaps no more essential’ difference in 

_ the usage of the words than there would 

4 be between our usual phrase ‘ to return 
the accounts’ and the somewhat less usual 

_ ‘hand in the accounts.’ 

- 270 relatis | ‘as good as sgn to 
the Treasury. 

EP. 302 (FAM. V. 20). 9 

Ἂν maiorem tibi habui quam paene ipsi mihi: si providendum 
fi fuit ne quid aliter ac tibi et honestum et utile esset referretur, 
non habui cui potius id negoti darem quam cw? dedi. Illud quidem 
certe factum est, quod lex iubebat, ut apud duas civitates, Laodi- 
eensem et Apameensem, quae nobis maxime videbantur, quoniam 
| rationes confectas collatasque deponeremus. 
Itaque huic loco primum respondeo, me, quamquam iustis de 
eausis rationes deferre properarim, tamen te exspectaturum fuisse, 
“Nisi in provincia relictas rationes pro relatis haberem ; quam ob 
em...3. De Volusio quod scribis, non est id rationum : docuerunt 

quam ob rem... ἡ Possibly some- 
thing is lost like non erat integra res or 
non habut integram rem. 

3. De Volusio) The exceedingly per- 
plexed events alluded to in this section 
and the next appear to be as follows :— 
Volusius, one of Cicero’s most trusted 
followers, as we see from Att. v. 21. 6 
(250), had engaged in some speculation 
connected probably with the collection of 
some branch of the revenue; but he did 
not appear formally in the transaction ; 
the contract was made by an agent, one 
Valerius, who had, according to custom, 
to give sureties that would be responsible 
for his fulfilling his bargain. These 
sureties included certain officials in 
Cicero’s retinue, his praefectus fabrum 
(Q. Lepta) and one of his legati. The 
bargain that Valerius made was one which 
Cicero now considers was too advan- 
tageous to the State. Valerius had paid 
portion of the money, but could not pay 
all that he had undertaken to pay, and 
wished when the crash came to transfer 
the obligation to Volusius, the speculator 
who had not appeared formally in the 
business at all, though doubtless it was 
known that he was interested in it, and 
that he had provided the money which 
Valerius did pay. The jurisconsult 
Camillus gave a legal opinion that the 
obligation could not be transferred from 
Valerius to Volusius, but must pass from 
the bankrupt Valerius to his sureties. But 
these sureties, who, as well as Volusius, 
were officials of Cicero, had to be saved 
from the results of their imprudence or 
good-nature in going bail for Valerius, 
which they probably did for the sake of 
Volusius: and this is how Cicero saved 
them. He entered the balance due by 
Valerius (religuum quod erat) in the 
account—he does not say under what 


enim me periti homines, in his cum omnium peritissimus tum 
mihi amicissimus, CO. Camillus, ad Volusium traferri nomen ἃ 
Valerio non potuisse, praedes Valerianos teneri. 
HS [XxxXj, ut scribis, sed HS [X1Tx)) 

EP, 302 (FAM. V. 20). 

pecunia Valeri mancipis nomine, ex qua reliquum quod erat in 

rationibus rettuli. 

4. Sed sic me et liberalitatis fructu privas — 

et diligentiae et, quod minime tamen laboro, mediocris etiam 

prudentiae: liberalitatis, quod mavis scribae mei beneficio quam — 

meo legatum meum praefectumque [Q. Leptam] maxima calami- 

head, possibly under that of remissions 
or bad debts or something of the kind: 
and he may have trusted to the general 
feeling that an inconsiderate bargain 
had been made, that the State had not 
really lost by the transaction, but had 
obtained a fair price in what had been 
already paid by Volusius (cwm populus 
suum servaret), that the sureties were 
friends of his own and Roman citizens 
(civiwm), and that it was hard that they 
should be sued for the money (cum 
praesertim non deberent esse obligati)— 
just as we consider it hard that a man 
who backs a bill for a friend should have 
to pay up—that no one would be inclined 
to press the case of the State and insist on 
its getting the full amount of its too 
favourable contract. Possibly the sureties 
in this case gave their guarantees from 
friendliness and good-nature; but we 
cannot but suppose that very often such 
sureties could only have been secured for 
a substantial consideration, and that the 
abuse prevailed whereby, in case their 
principal made default, they were able 
to use influence to prevent their having 
themselves to pay up the guarantee 
which they had given. Cicero does not 
by any means wish to hide what he 
did—quite the reverse, he takes credit for 
it. The State was not really injured, and 
good friends of his own who were Roman 
citizens were freed from a heavy amerce- 
ment (muita). It may not have been 
strict business; but contracts and esti- 

mates are not always enforced to the 

letter even in our own days. 

non est id vationum| ‘that has nothing 
to say to the accounts.’ Volusius was 
quite free from the transaction now: there 
was no need that his name should appear 
at all in the accounts; no remission had 
been made to him. Another error on the 
part of Rufus was in the sum remitted; 
it was only 1,900,000 sesterces, not 

3,000,000. Valerius had paid up most of 
the sum due, but there remained 1,900,000 
sesterces as arrears. This is an incidental 
matter to which Cicero refers, so we have 
put it in a parenthesis. 

C. Camillus] a lawyer friend of Cicero : 
Att. v. 8. 8 (198); Fam. xiv. 14. 2 (309). 

Erat enim] ‘It is Valerius and his 
sureties who are liable; for the money 
was paid us in the name of Valerius as the 
purchaser ; the balance, or arrears, I have 
duly returned in my accounts.’ Cicero 
does not say under what head (see note 
above). There was aterm residuae pecuniae 
for balances in the hands of contractors, 
the non-payment of which was an indict- 
able offence (Dig. xlviii. 18. 2: ep. Cic. 
Clu. 94); but it can hardly have been 
under this heading that Cicero entered the 
deficit, as that would still leave the parties 
in the transaction liable to be sued. More 
probably he entered the deficit in some 
such way as we would ‘ write off’ a bad 
debt. Manceps is applied to purchasers of 
State-contracts, Fest., p. 151, Mill. 
‘ Manceps dicitur qui quid a populo emit 
conducitve, quia manu sublata significat 
se auctorem emptionis esse: qui idem 
praes dicitur quia tam debet praestare 
populo quod promisit quam is qui pro eo 
praes factus est’ ; also Pseudo-Ascon. on 
Div. in Caecil, § 33, p. 113 (= 196 
Stangl). Jn rationes referre, ‘to make 
an entry in the accounts’; in rationibus 
referre, ‘to return (to the Treasury) in 
the accounts.’ 

4. Q. Leptam] Asit is not in G, perhaps 
thisname is to be omitted. Rufus knew the 
persons who were involved in the whole 
transaction, so there was no necessity for 
Cicero to specify the names. Wesenberg 
(Em. 76) thinks that, so far from cutting 
out Q. Leptam, we should add the name 
of one or other of Cicero’s four legati, 
e.g. M. Anneium, after meuwm : cp. Att. v. 
4. 2 (187). 

(Neque id erat — 
Erat enim curata nobis — 


i all.’ 


ᾧ EP. 302 (FAM, V. 20). 
- tate levatos, cum praesertim non deberent esse obligati: dili- 
_ gentiae, quod existimas de tanto officio meo, tanto etiam periculo, 
nee scisse me quidquam nee cogitavisse, scribam quidquid voluisset, 
eum id mihi ne recitavisset quidem, rettulisse: prudentiae, quod 
“rem a me non insipienter excogitatam ne cogitatam quidem putas. 
- Nam et Volusi liberandi meum fuit consilium et, ut multa tam 
_ gravis Valerianis praedibus ipsique 1, Mario depelleretur, a me 
_ inita ratio est: quam quidem omnes non solum probant sed etiam 
 laudant, et, si verum scire vis, hoc uni scribae meo intellexi non 
nimium placere. Sed ego putavi esse viri boni, cum populus 
suum servaret, consulere fortunis tot vel amicorum vel civium. 
τ, Nam de Lucceio est ita actum, ut auctore Cn. Pompeio ista 

non deberent esse obligati|] as being only 

_ praedes, not principals, in the transaction, 
_ who may possibly have gone surety from 
friendship, and not from any pecuniary 

consideration. Hence the sum for which 
they have become liable is called multa 

de tanto... periculo| ‘in a matter 
wherein my duty was so much involved, 

᾿ and I ran such risk,’ viz., of being called 

to account by the urban quaestors for the 
unbusiness-like conduct of the whole 
transaction. We can hardly suppose that 

τ΄ meorum has been lost after periculv, and 
- that the reference is to the danger of 

serious pecuniary loss which his friends 
would have sustained if the full amount of 
their guarantee had been exacted. 

qguod| so we read with Lamb., instead 
of Mss cum, both for the sake of symmetry 
(for quod is used after Jiberalitatis and 
diligentiae), and because eum would re- 
quire the subjunctive. 
ne cogitatam| ‘evinced no thought at 
This is the admirable addition of 

the early editors. Rufus had attributed 

_ the whole remission to Cicero’s clerk : 

and, in criticizing the remission, said that 
it showed a complete absence of thought. 
‘Cicero now takes credit for the whole 
transaction, and says that Rufus has, +o 
all intents and purposes, accused him of 
want of ordinary intelligence (prudentiae), 
for the plan had been most carefully 
thought out (excogitatam), and just the 
one person who was displeased at it was 
Cicero’s clerk. For cogitare and excogitare 
contrasted, cp. Att. ix, 6, 7 (360). 

1. Mario) We do not know anything 
of this man, or how he was liable to loss. 


5. The difficulty in this and the follow- 
ing section is that there are two sums of 
money, one deposited by Cicero’s order 
and used by Pompey, another deposited 
by Rufus’s order and used by Sestius: 
while both sums appear to be referred to 
as ista pecunia. The only explanation 
we can offer is that Sestius, who was on 
State service in Asia (possibly as pro- 
praetor in Cilicia), took the latter sum 
for his own expenses, while he took over 
the former sum in trust for Pompey. 
This is probable, as Pompey had not yet 
left Italy. Rufus, however, in handing 
the money over to Sestius, acted under 
Cicero’s orders, as Cicero readily acknow- 
ledges: he did not enter in his accounts 
that he had given these orders to Rufus, 
for he considered it unnecessary to do 
so, as the matter was so very well 
authenticated. ‘This passage (cp. § 9) is 
very interesting, as showing that Pompey 
and the other Optimates had been already 
making preparations in the East for the 
conflict with Caesar, which they con- 
sidered very probable, if not inevitable 
(cp. Att. vil. 4. 2 (295), de rep. autem ita 
mecum locutus est quasi non dubium bellum 
haberemus). Itis noteworthy, too, as this 
passage shows us, that actual decrees of the 
senate authorizing such appropriations as 
this appear to have been made in the 
latter half of the year 50, before anything 
like a crisis had become imminent. 

As to the explanation of the whole 
passage, we offer the following with the 
greatest hesitation, leaving the ultimate 
interpretation, whatever it may be found 
to be, to better manuscripts or clearer 
insight for its establishment. At the 

12 EP. 302 (FAM. V. 20). 

pecunia in fano poneretur: id ego agnovi meo iussu esse factum : 
qua pecunia Pompeius est usus, ut illa quam tu deposueras — 
Sed haec ad te nihil intellego pertinere. ἢ 
animadvertisse moleste ferrem, ut ascriberem te in fano pecuniam — 


iussu meo deposuisse, nisi ἰδέα pecunia gravissimis esset certissi- 
misque monimentis testata, cui data, quo senatus consulto, quibus 

tuis, quibus meis litteris P. Sestio tradita esset. 
viderem tot vestigiis impressa ut in lis errari non posset, non — 
ascripsi id quod tua nihil referebat. 

direction of Pompey, Cicero had ordered a 
certain sum of money in dispute between 
one Lucceius and the State to be deposited 
in a temple. ‘I acknowledge that I 
ordered it to be deposited,’ says Cicero, 
‘and that Pompey took that sum for 
State purposes, just as Sestins took a 
similar sum which you deposited. 1 am 
sorry I did not add that this latter sum 
was deposited by my orders, but I have 
no reason to deny it. The handing over 
of the money to Sestius was so very well 
authorized, and the documents in the 
transaction so formal and regular, that I 
never dreamed that there could be any 
difficulty in the matter, nor thought that 
it could affect you at all.” But why then 
did Rufus find any fault with Cicero? 
The whole letter shows that the grievances 
of Rufus were not altogether imaginary ; 
but this does seem to have been a some- 
what trivial matter, and as being trivial, 
Cicero yields to the request of Rufus with 
a great deal of circumstance. The point 
appears to have been that odium naturally 
attached to the appropriating by the State 
of money which had been lodged in a 
temple as still awaiting adjudication ; and 
Rufus naturally did not wish to bear 
personal responsibility for the lodgment 
of this money in a temple whence it 
would be possible for the Optimates to 
withdraw it, or indeed for any part of a 
transaction which was somewhat high- 
handed and contrary to ordinary proce- 
from municipalities and temples at the 
outbreak of the Civil War is stated by 
Caesar (B. C. i. 6. 8, pecuniae a municipiis 
exiguntur, 6 fanis tolluntur). 

Cicero continues—The case is quite 
different about the 900,000 sesterces: 
that entry was authorized by you, or at 
any rate by your cousin ; so you should not 

That the Optimates took money " 

Quae cum 
Ego tamen ascripsisse 

evade the responsibility of it now. But 
while in the former matter I, for my part, 
shall see what can be done to alter the 
accounts, you, on your part, certainly 
ought not in the account of money raised 
(or ‘ collected’) to disagree so widely with 
my accounts already sent in—governor 
and quaestor ought not in their accounts 
to exhibit such a wide discrepancy— 
though of course I may be in error. But 
be assured I shall do everything I can for 

᾿ Nam] For this use of nam, introducing 
a transition to a new subject, Manutius 
compares § 6; also Fam. i. 9. 19 (153) 
Nam de Appio; Att iii. 10. 2 (67); ili. 
15. 2 (88). Still there is no doubt that 
tam would be more natural. 

in fano poneretur| For the lodgment 
of disputed money in a temple cp. Att. v. 
21. 12 (250). 

Sestius] was praetor in 53, and may 
have been propraetor of Cilicia for some 
time during the latter part of 49. He 
was certainly in Italy, and composed a 
manifesto for Pompey in the spring of 
this year: cp. 315. 2. But he was more 
probably sent out by Pompey as a kind 
of commissioner to see after affairs in the 
East, and try to raise money for the 
aristocratic war-chest. In later times we 
find him sent to take command of some 
soldiers in Pontus (Bell. Alex. 34. 5). 

animadvertisse . . . ut adscriberem] 
‘take care to add a note’: ep. Liv. iv. 
45. 4, adverterent animos ne quid novi 
tumultus Labicts oreretur. ἡ 

tot vestigiis impressa] “ ear-marked with 
such a number of clues (as to its origin 
and allocation) that no error was possible.’ 
For tot ... ut ep. 542. 1, tot rusticos 
Stoicos regeram ut Catium Athenis natum 
esse dicas. 

Illud me non , | 

Oe ee a eT ee eee eh ee 

EP. 302 (FAM. V. 20). 13 

| mallem, quoniam id te video desiderare. 6. Sicut scribis tibi id 
| esse referendum, idem ipse sentio, neque in eo quidquam a meis 
| yvationibus discrepabunt tuae. Addes enim tu meo iussu, quod 
ego qui non addidi nec causa est cur negem nee, si causa esset et 
tu nolles, negarem. Nam de HS nongentis milibus certe ita 
relatum est ut tu sive frater tuus referri voluit. Sed si quid est, 
ἢ ; quoniam de tlogaeo parum gravisum est, quod ego in rationibus 
_yeferendis etiam nunc corrigere possim, de eo mihi, quoniam 
_ senatus consulto non sum usus, quid per leges liceat considerandum 

Eee, ae 

6. idem] It is hardly necessary to alter 
to item with Lambinus, though, no doubt, 
as sicut, and not quod, has preceded, item 
would be more strictly correct. 

Addes| polite fut. for imperative ‘ you 
will kindly add.’ 

Nam de HS nongentis| Nam is again 
(cp. § 5) transitional. This matter seems 
_ to be one of posting in his ledger some 
money which had been received for the 
State. The way it was posted in Cicero’s 
account was (he says) approved by you 
(Rufus) or your cousin. It may be 
wrong, and I shall see what can be done 
to correct the entry, which possibly I 
may be allowed to do by the home autho- 
_ rities, as I returned my accounts long 
before I was bound to return them. But 
I do think that you ought not to have 
adopted in your accounts a posting (appar- 
_ ently under the heading ‘ taxes collected ’) 
_ which differed from mine, after my 
accounts were sent in; though, perhaps, 
᾿ς professional accountants may think other- 
wise, and hold that, when a quaestor finds 
out an error after the governor has sent 
i in his accounts, the quaestor should make 
_ the correction, or at least notify the 
error. This seems to be the sense of the 
[ last sentence; but we cannot be sure of 

_ the details, for the words as they appear 
in the mss. are unsound, and we cannot 
put forward any probable correction. See 

quoniam de logaeo parum gravisum est | 
It seems impossible to restore this clause 
with any certainty: see Adn. Crit. An 
old correction of logaeo is Lucceio, which 
is possible, as proper names are especially 
liable to corruption. In § 5 Boot (Obs. 
_ «Crit., p. 11) suggested ἐκλογείῳ, a strange 
_ word, which he supposes to mean ‘money 
_ exacted,’ as ἐκλογεῖς are ‘ tax-collectors,’ 
and ἐκλέγειν = ‘to exact.’ For gravisum 
Egnatius conjectured provisum, which 

would make good sense, ‘ since little care 
has been taken in the matter of Lucceius’; 
but the word is unlikely to have been 
corrupted into gravisum. One would 
naturally think of an ‘auditor’ (Aoyic- 
Tns) in this connexion, and then suppose , 
some such words were written as quoniam 
de λογιστῃ parum gravate visum est, 
‘since as far as the auditor was con- 
cerned there seemed to be little reluc- 
tance’ (to allow such an alteration to 
be made); but the expression would be 
strange. Or could Jlogaeum be for 
λογεῖον, and that be used for Bureau des 
Comptes, ‘the Account Office’? Then 
we might read quoniam de Aoyeiw parum 
gra<viter pro>visum est, ‘since as re- 
gards the Account Office, the conduct of 
business has been far from serious,’ i.e., 
has been careless. But there is no 
evidence for this use of the word, though 
words connected with the technicalities 
of accounts are often found nowhere else, 
e.g. rationarium (Suet. Aug. 28). Orelli 
reads guoniam de Lucceio parum grave 
visum est, which he seems to translate 
‘as little ‘seriousness (or ‘dignity of 
conduct ᾽) seemed to have been shown in 
the matter of Lucceius’ (i.e., in the way 
the money was appropriated and accounted 
for) ; but that expression, too, is strange. 
The passage, we think, still needs emen- 

senatus consulto| Cicero did not make 
use of a decree of the Senate which 
allowed him to hold back his accounts for 
a considerable time ; on the contrary, he 
sent them in long before the necessary 
time, probably because he wished to have 
done with his province and all its affairs. 
We must now, says Cicero, see what the 
law allows us to do in the way ofaltering 
the accounts already sent in. It is not 
known to what senatus consultum Cicero 
is alluding. 

14 EP. 302 (FAM. V. 90). 


et contubernalis dumtaxat meos delatos esse. 
ratio fefellit: liberum enim mihi tempus ad eos deferendos existi- 

mabam dari: postea certior sum factus triginta diebus deferri — 

necesse esse quibus rationes rettulissem. Sane moleste tuli non 
illa beneficia tuae potius ambition reservata esse quam meae, qui 
ambitione nihil uterer. De centurionibus tamen et de tribunorum 
militarium contubernalibus res est in integro: genus enim horum 

116 certe in pecuniae exactae ita efferre ex meis rationibus — 
relatis non oportuit, nisi quid me fallit: sunt enim alii peritiores. — 
Sed illud cave dubites quin. ego omnia faciam quae interesse tua — 
aut etiam velle te existimem, si ullo modo facere possim. 7. Quod 
scribis de beneficiis, scito a me et tribunos militaris et praefectos — 
In quo quidem me ~ 

beneficiorum definitum lege non erat. 

Te certe . . . non oportuit] We have 
left this sentence obelized. For the mss. 
reading see Adn. Crit. Wesenberg (Zm., 
p- 74) reads in pecuniam exactam ista 
vreferre ex meis rationibus relatis non 
oportuit ; but we are in doubt as to how 
he would translate ex. It could hardly 
be taken as ‘ after my accounts were sent 
in,’ as referre ex would certainly suggest 
‘entering from my accounts,’ and this 
would give a meaning opposed to what 
we consider is Cicero’s argument. Could 
the reading be in pecuniam exactam ista 
referre |IX| (= nongenta millia)? if so, 
the numeral might well have been cor- 
rupted into Ex. 

Sed iilud| We have ventured to add 
sed before illud: it may have been lost 
after the s of peritiores. A particle of 
transition is certainly required. 

7. beneficiis] On the return of the 
governor to Rome he presented to the 
Treasury a list (headed ‘ Beneficia’) of 
persons on his staff or in his suite (cohors 
praetoria) to whom he had granted rewards 
for special service : cp. Dr. Reid on Arch. 
11. These would naturally appear in the 
accounts : cp. 2 Verr. i. 36. The quaestor 
seems to have sent in a similar list, it 
being a kind of pendant to the accounts : 
cp. Mommeen, St. R. 15, 300. 5. 

contubernalis| The same as the comites : 
Att. xiii. 38. 3 (616); Planc. 27; Cael. 
73; Q. Fr. i. 1. 11 (30). 

dumtaxat meos} Accordingly not those 
of the quaestor. 

In quo quidem] ‘In which matter 
indeed I made a miscalculation; for I 

8. Reliquum est de HS 

thought there was no fixed limit of time 
within which I should return the names. 
I was afterwards informed that they must 
be returned within thirty days after I had 
sent in my accounts.’ 

Sane| The men mentioned as deserving 
of beneficia would of course be likely in 
after times to help the governor or quaes- 
tor who recommended them. I am sorry, 
suys Cicero, that I returned this list as 
my Own: you want influence, as your 
career is just commencing ; I have reached 
the highest positions, and I am not am- 
bitious. But you can return a list of 
centurions and companions of the military 
tribunes; for there is no specification in 
the law of the time within which the list 
of these beneficiarit must be returned. 

lege| Apparently the Lex Julia de 

8. Reliquum 66] From some book- 
keeping error on the part of Rufus (or his 
cousin, or Cicero's clerk, Tullius) the 
accounts showed Rufus indebted to the 
Treasury for about a hundred thousand 
sesterces. Rufus, in a letter from Myrina, 
had acknowledged that the mistake was 
his, not Cicero’s. However, it may well 
be that Cicero, as governor, was to some 
degree technically responsible. But the 
accounts had been returned, Cicero had 
left his province, and so no correction 
could be made. It might perhaps have 
involved Cicero’s going back to his pro- 
vince, and all sorts of unpleasant trouble. 
Cicero, in his eagerness to get rid of his 
hated provincial worries (among which 
finance was probably the greatest), and full 

| fuisse HS [XXII 


of hope that he would be quite rich when he 
' returned to Rome (proque ea spe facultatum 
quam tum habebamus), replied apparently 
in some such friendly terms as that be 
| would see and have the matter put right, 
and that Rufus should not sustain any 
loss, thereby leading Rufus to believe 
that, if he (Cicero) could not put it right 
_ otherwise, he would pay the money out of 
his own pocket. But now that Cicero has 
returned to Rome he sees that his hopes 
_ of having money at his disposal are vain, 
and lets Rufus know that he must not 
_ regard the words of his previous letter as 
anything more than those of ordinary 
politeness. Rufus is to consider the loss 
_ of the money as so much deduction from 
his allowances and from the presents 
given him by the governor. It must not, 
owever, for an instant be supposed that 
icero misappropriated the money ; 
vulgar avarice was certainly no failing of 
his: no, the money all went into the 
‘Treasury. Butstill Rufus was somewhat 
hardly dealt with ; and perhaps he and the 
‘rest of the cohors may have had some 
‘reasons for regarding with less com- 
‘placency than Cicero did the extreme 
_ elegantia of the latter’s administration. 

Myrina\ A seaport town in Aeolia. 

᾿ς decessimus| The indicative should 
follow quod. Crat. and most edd. read 
decessissemus (mss. decessimus). They 
would explain the subjunctive probably 


EP. 302 (FAM. V. 20). 15 

centum milibus, de quibus memini mihi a te Myrina litteras esse 
-adlatas, non mei errati, sed tui: in quo peccatum videbatur esse, 
si modo erat, fratris tui et Tulli. Sed cum id corrigi non posset, 
quod iam depositis rationibus ex provincia decessimus, credo me 
quidem tibi pro animi mei voluntate proque ea spe facultatum 
quam tum habebamus quam humanissime, potuerim rescripsisse. 
Sed neque tum me humanitate litterarum mearum obligatum puto 
| neque me tuam hodie epistulam de HS centum sic accepisse ut 
“ii accipiunt quibus epistulae per haec tempora molestae sunt. 
9. Simul illud cogitare debes, me omnem pecuniam, quae ad me 
' salvis legibus pervenisset, Ephesi apud publicanos deposuisse: id 
: eam omnem pecuniam Pompeium abstulisse. 
| Quod ego sive aequo animo sive iniquo fero, tu de HS centum 
aequo animo ferre debes et existimare eo minus ad te vel de tuis 
| cibariis vel de mea liberalitate pervenisse. 

Quod si mihi expensa. 

as a virtual oblique ‘ because (as I said) 
I had left the province.’ 

pro anim met... facultatum] ‘as 
my feelings and financial expectations at 
the time prompted.’ See note on Religuum 
est, above. 

epistulae| sc. creditorum pecuniam cre-. 
ditam exigentium (Schiitz). 

haec tempora] i.e. the uncertain con- 
dition of affairs, owing to the Civil War, 
when a man would be very loth to part 
with whatever he had. Besides, Cicero. 
had hopes of a triumph, and he would 
want all his resources for that. 

9. Pompeium] cp. 407.33; 411. 33. 
428. 4. 

Quod... fero| ‘ Whether 7 am satisfied’ 
or not at this, you ought to be satisfied 
as regards the 100,000 sesterces’ (a com- 
paratively small sum). 

cibariis| ‘allowance for your mainte- 
nance.’ lor other meanings of cidaria, 
viz. (1) soldiers’ pay, (2) money paid by 
provincials in commutation of the corn- 
supply imposed on them, see Mommsen,. 
St. R. i?, 287. Doubtless it was this. 
latter method of obtaining money, added 
to the economy with which Cicero spent. 
his vasariwm, which enabled him to save 
such a large sum as 2,200,000 sesterces 
(abont £18,000). 

liberalitate| The officers of the provin- 
cial governor were certainly entitled to 
be maintained at the public expense. 

16 EP. 802 (FAM. V. 20). 

ἰδία HS centum tulisses, tamen, quae tua est suavitas quique in 
me amor, nolles a me hoc tempore aestimationem accipere: nam 
numeratum si cuperem, non erat. 
ut ego te existimo. Ego tamen, cum Tullius rure redierit, mittam 
eum ad te, si quid ad rem putabis pertinere. 

conscindi velim causa nulla est. 

This maintenance was converted into an 
ample money allowance called ciburia. 
The officers were not in absolute strict- 
ness entitled to any salary; but they 
virtually obtained a salary from the 
governor in the form of presents, though 
such salary or presents were very small 
in Cicero’s year of administration. From 
Att. vii. 1, 6 (284), we may infer that it 
was customary to divide among the offi- 
cers and suite the balance of the State 
grant for the administration which re- 
mained after the expenses of the year had 
been defrayed. The State grant (which 
was levied ultimately on the provincials) 
must have been very considerable; for 
Cicero not only left a large balance to one 
of his quaestors, Caelius Caldus, whom he 
left in charge of the province, but besides 
paid into the Treasury HS 1,000,000, if 
the numeral is right in Att. vil. 1. 6 (284). 

aestimationem accipere| This was a 
formula which came into prominence 
later, when Caesar promulgated his laws 
about bankruptcy: cp. Caes. B. C. iii. 1; 
and note on 472. 7. Creditors had to take, 
in liquidation of their claims, the debtor’s 
estate at the value which it would have 
fetched before the ‘bad times’ began, and 
the great depreciation of property set in. 
It was probably a solution of the debt 
question which had already been begun to 
be talked about ; just as all sorts of solu- 
tions of difficult political problems are 
advanced now-a-days, some one of which, 
with its technical nomenclature, may be 
ultimately adopted. It is referred to with 
a certain playfulness; ‘I know you 
wouldn’t like to require me to settle with 

Sed haec iocatum me putato, | 

Hance epistulam cur 

would fetch in normal times. It would 
be like distraining on a man’s ‘property 
with us, which is decidedly an unfriendly — 
act; and Cicero declares he has no ready _ 
cash at all. 

numeratum| ‘If I wished to pay cash, 
I shouldn’t be able.’ οἱ 
non erat] sc. numerandum. For the 

gerundive and indicative after a subjunc- 
tive protasis cp. Mil. 58, Ovid Fast. v. — 
408, quoted by Roby, § 1570. 

Hane epistulam .. . nuliaest| The mss. 
give non scindi. If this reading is right, 
it must mean ‘ I have no reason for wish- 
ing that this letter should not be torn up.’ 
Cicero would then hint that he would like 
the letter to be torn up; and we could not 
very much wonder, as he does seem to 
have been somewhat careless as regards — 
his accounts, notwithstanding all his 
special pleading. But, on the other hand, — 
he does not seem throughout the letter to 
desire to shirk responsibility. Shuckburgh: 
thinks that Cicero permits Rufus to de-— 
stroy this letter if he should think that it — 
would be his interest to do so, or would in — 
any respect tie his hands in dealing with 
Tullius. But on the whole we think that 
O. Hirschfeld (Hermes v. 297) is right in 
reading conscindi for non scindi: and con-— 
scindi is elsewhere used of destroying — 
letters, Fam. vii. 18. 4 (173) : 25. 1 (668). 
Cicero then means that Rufus may keep 
this letter and make what use he likes of 
it: and that he (Cicero) is quite prepared 
to take the responsibility for all that has — 
been done: and, to say the truth, that — 
seems the tenor of the whole epistle. For — 
con- and mon confused, Miiller compares — 

you on the estate-valuation plan,’ i.e. to 

Fam. xi. 2. 1 (740) non scripsissemus HD: — 
receive property estimated at what it 

conscripsissemus M. 



- ΔΝ 

consilium ut exirem| ‘to leave Rome.’ 
| He had not entered the city, for he had 
/ not laid down his imperium. After words 
| like mos, consilium, the construction with 
| the subjunctive (Att. v. 8. 2 Ep. 193) is 
as common in Cicero as the genitive of 
_ the gerund (302. 4). In 304.3 quod takes 
_ the place of wt, and is followed by a past 
tense, consilium . . quod reliquerit ‘his 
‘policy in leaving the city.’ Consilium, 
which usually means ‘ advice,’ here means 
‘decision, resolution’ (cp. 333. 2). 
 lictoribus praesertim laureatis| cp. 
305. 4. Cicero still cherished the hope of 
securing a triumph, and so did not resign 
his imperium. But he found the lictors 
‘troublesome (328. 3: 418. 2). The latter 
epistle (written in November, 48) is the 
last place we hear of these lictors. 

᾿ς amentissimi| the determination of the 
consuls and other magistrates to follow 
the example of Pompey and leave the 
city. Cicero is very severe on his aban- 
donment of the city, 305. 3; 319. 1; 
828. 3; 332.2; 339. 1; yet cp. note to 
804. 3. 

in oppidis coartatus et stupens| ‘in be- 
wildered brooding on the towns’ which 
have been lost. So Nissen understands 
these words; but the phrase is peculiar, 
and the word denoting ‘captured’ towns 
ean hardly be omitted. The word for being 
_ absorbed in any thought is totws in Horace 

vol. Iv. 

EP. 303 (ATT. VIT, 10). 17 

τ 303. CICERO TO ATTICUS (Arr. vu. 10). 
| LEAVING ROME; JANUARY 18; A.U.C. 705; B.C. 493 ABT. CIC, 57. 

De exitu suo subito ex urbe et de inopia consilii quid agendum sit. 


Subito consilium cepi ut ante quam luceret exirem, ne qui 
conspectus fieret aut sermo, lictoribus praesertim laureatis. De 
ΗΝ neque hercule quid agam nec quid acturus sim 5010: ita 
sum perturbatus temeritate nostri amentissimi consili. Tibi vero 
/ quid suadeam, culus ipse consilium exspecto? Gnaeus noster 
quid consili ceperit capiatve, nescio, adhuc in oppidis coartatus et 
_ stupens. Omnes, si in Italia consistet, erimus una: sin cedet, 

Sat.1. 9. 2, so that Nissen’s idea would be 
brought out by some such words as in oppi- . 
dis captis totus et stupens: but it would 
be very venturesome to read that. The 
word cannot be applied to Pompey’s 
forces such as he had. We might have 
in oppidis dispertitus, but not coartatus: 
for this would imply concentration, which 
would have been no bad thing. But 
Pompey when not at the head of his 
army can hardly be identified with that 
army. We thought of reading, Adhuc 
in oppidis cohortes sunt. Stupent omnes: 
cp. 305. 2 ibt (Larini) enim cohortes 
et Luceriae et Teani reliquaque in Apulia. 
But that would be too violent a change. 
Mr. Jeans translates ‘ he being at present 
somewhere among the country towns 
cooped up and quite bewildered.’ But 
Pompey had only left Rome the day 
before: and surely Cicero would have 
said in oppido quodam if he meant this. 
Lehmann (p. 133) suggested contionatus 
est (or contionatur): stupent omnes, com- 
paring 319. 1, timidissimas in oppidis 
contiones. But he had not timeto make a 
speech anywhere outside Rome, much 
Jess in several towns. 

erimus| ‘if he makes a stand in Italy, 
we shall all join him; if he leaves the 
country, we must consider our position.’ 

cedet| cp. 305.4: for genitive consili 
est 378. 3: 470. 2. 


18 EP. 304 (ATT. VII. 11). 

consili res est. Adhue certe, nisi ego insanio, stulte omnia e 
incaute. Tu, quaeso, crebro ad me scribe vel quod in buccam, 

304. CICERO TO ATTICUS (Art. viz. 11). ! 

TARRACINA (Ὁ); JANUARY 19; A. U. ©. 705; B.C. 493; AET. CIC. 57. 

De discessu Labieni a Caesnre, de Caesaris consilio nefario rem publ. armis — 
obtinendi, de Pompeii malo consilio urbem relinquendi, de procuratione sibi destinata, 
de commercio litterarum. 


1. Quaeso, quid hoc est ἢ aut quid agitur ? Mihi enim tene- 
brae sunt. ‘Cingulum ’ inquit ‘nos tenemus : Anconem amisimus. 
Labienus discessit a Caesare.’ Utrum de imperatore populi 
Romani an de Hannibale loquimur? O hominem amentem, et 
miserum qui ne umbram quidem umquam τοῦ καλοῦ viderit! 
Atque haec ait omnia facere se dignitatis causa. Ubi est autem — 
dignitas nisi ubi honestas? Honestum igitur habere exercitum 
nullo publico consilio? oceupare urbis civium, quo facilior sit 

stulte incaute| sc. facta sunt: 1. inguit] ‘people say’; the plural is 

cp. Att. vi. 6. 4 (276) nunguam essem sine 
cura si quid iracundius aut contumeliosius 
aut neglegentius, quae fert vita hominum. 
Adverbsare often in the Letters used predi- 
catively with simple esse: cp vol. 15, p. 91. 

in buccam|] ‘whatever rises to your 
lips’; we should write ‘ whatever comes 
into your head’: cp. 505. 2; Att. 1. 12. 
4 (17): xiv. 7. 2 (709). Another expres- 
sion used by Cicero in the same sense is 
quod in solum (venit); cp. τὰ ἐν (πρὸΞ5) ποσί, 
τὸ πρὸ ποδός (ποδῶν) : solum means pro- 
bably ‘ sole’ (of foot) : cp. note to 479. 2. 

We have ventured to suggest Tarracina 
as the place from which this letter was 
written. It was the stage next before 
Formiae, whither Cicero was going: cp. 
Att. vii. 6. 3 (296). In connexion with 
his sphere of office Cicero mentions Tarra- 
cina 327. 1. O. E. Schmidt thinks Antium 
was the first place Cicero went to after 
leaving Rome. 

more usual, except when a speaker is 
stating objections to his own arguments, 
when the singular inguit is common: ep. 
Dr. Reid on Acad. ii. 79. But, perhaps, 
the nom. may be Pompey, and the refer- 
ence be to a statement he made in the 
Senate on the 17th. 

Anconem| Lucan ii. 402 and Juvenal 
iv. 40 use Ancon for the nominative, and 
Catullus xxxvi. 11, uses Ancona for the 
accusative. Strabo calls the town ᾿Αγκών, 

and Pomponius Mela derives the name © 

from ἀγκὼν ‘elbow.’ The ss. ie 

Anconam at 312. 2,and most probably the — 

Latin form of the name was Ancona (-ae). 

We can find no other example of Anco- — 

nem; but cp. Crotonem in 377. 8, and — 
often in Livy. 

amentem, et miserum] The latter ad- — 

jective alone qualifies qui . . . viderit, 
‘how demented he is! and how much to 

be pitied for never having had so much | 

as a glimpse of the Right !’ 

EP. 304 (ATT. VII. 11). 19 

τὴν θεῶν μεγίστην ὥστ᾽ ἴχειν τυραυγέθῳ eee 

ibi Rabat suam fortunam ! Unam melercule tecum apricationem 
: in illo lucrativo tuo sole malim quam omnia istius modi regna, vel 
otius mori miliens quam semel istius modi quidquam cogitare. 
? ‘Quid si tu velis.?’ inquis. Age quis est cui velle non liceat ἢ 
| Sed ego hoc i ipsum velle miserius esse duco quam in crucem tolli. 

- hactenus. 

— καθόδους} ‘in the 
᾿ς ΟΝ Τῆς abolition of debts and return 
of banished men.’ Cicero might have used 
Oy atin words novas tabulas, and restitu- 
- damnatorum (De Lege Agr. 11. 10), 
or exsulum reditum (392. 2). But these 

words are given in Greek, as revolution 
“and its attendant violation of rights were 
tim much more common in Greek states 
than at Rome. Generally it is γῆς avd- 
Sacuos that goes with χρεῶν ἀποκοπάς 
(Plat. Rep. 566 a, with Adam/’s note). 
ἢ For Cicero’s use of Greek words cp. vol. 
“15. 87. 
He thy Oe@v... τυραννίδα] Kurip. 
Phoen. 506, ‘and all for Empire, greatest 
᾿ “power divine.’ 
Sibi habeat] The form for repudiation 
was res tibi habeto tuas. The sentence 
which follows shows that Cicero just 
‘allowed his consciousness to play for a 
_ moment on the thought of the commanding 

hould make common cause with Caesar ; 
‘repudiates’ the very thought, and 
(as we would say) ‘shakes the dust off 
᾿ς hisfeet.’ Commanding political influence 

‘compared with a life of political insignifi- 
¢ance and literary leisure with Atticus, 
hay, death would be better than the 
hought of such a volte-face. In the next 
ection he puts the unlikely: case that his 
_ wishes should be for such ἃ position 

_ with Caesar, and adds ‘a man may have 
what wishes he may (wishes do no harm if 
hey do not lead to action); but Z should 
consider such a wish to be more to be 
deplored than an ignominious death; to 
mtertain such a wish would be the worst 

Una res est ea miserior, adipisci quod ita volueris. 

Sed haec 

Libenter enim in his molestiis ἐνσχολάζω τόσον. 

thing that could happen to a man, except 
one thing—to see it gratified.’ Watson 
well compares Juv. x. 95 ff. gui nolunt 
occidere quemquam posse volunt. 

lucrativo| In judicial language res lu- 
crativa is a gift or bequest which is pure 
gain. We might then translate ‘in what 
you call your unencumbered sun,’ if that 
is not making too much of the metaphor. 
The word is found elsewhere applied to 
‘leisure’ time or ‘ spare’ time, i.e. time 
taken from one’s regular business hours. 
Compare Quintilian x. 7. 27, neque enim 
fere tam est ullus dies occupatus ut nihil 
lucratwae, ut Cicero Brutum facere tradit, 
operae ad seribendum aut legendum aut 
dicendum rapt aliqguo momento temporis 
possit; Fronto ad M. Ant. ii. 2.1 (p. 105, 
Naber), lucrativa tua in tantis negotiis 
tempora meis quogue orationibus legendis 
oceupare non inutile tibt arbitraris nee 
infructuosum: cp. subsicivus. Faernus 
suggested Lucretilino, and refers it to the 
villa Atticus had at Nomentum (cp. 
Nepos 14), which was in the neighbour- 
hood of Mons Lucretilis (Monte Gennaro). 
See also Adn. Crit. 

2. ipsum velle| cp. ipsum vinci (448. 2). 

ἐνσχολάζω) ‘For I am ready to 
inflict my dissertation on you at such 
length in these troublous affairs.’ The 
MSS. give σόσον, for which σοὶ is usually 
read—perhaps rightly: cp. ἐμπολιτεύο- 
gat σοι, Att. vii. 7. 7 (298), where see 
note on the force of ἐν- in such words : 
cp. ἐντυραννεῖσθαι, Att. ii. 14. 1 (41) and 
Eur. Bacch. 200 (if we adopt Musgrave’ 8 
emendation) οὐδ᾽ ἐνσοφιζόμεσθα τοῖσι 
δαίμοσιν. For σχόλιον “ἃ dissertation,’ 
ep. Att. xvi. 7. 3 (783) and Fam. ix. 


20 EP, 304 (ATT. VII. 11); 

3. Redeamus ad nostrum. Per fortunas! quale tibi consilium 
Pompei videtur? Hoc quaero, quod urbem_ reliquerit. 
Tum nihil absurdius. Urbem tu relinquas? Ergo 
‘Non est’ inquit ‘in parietibus res — 
‘Fecit idem Themistocles.’ Fluc- 

enim ἀπορῶ. 
idem, si Galli venirent. 
publica.’ At in aris et focis. 

tum enim totius barbariae ferre urbs una non poterat. 
Pericles non fecit, annum fere post quinquagesimum, cum praeter 
moenia nihil teneret : nostri olim urbe reliqua capta arcem tamen — 


Οὕτω που τῶν πρόσθεν ἐπευθόμεθα κλέα ἀνδρῶν... 

22. 4 (633) Habes scholam Stoicam. For 
σχολάζειν, ‘to give lectures,’ cp. Plut. 
Dem. 5, ᾿Ισοκράτους τότε σχολάζοντος. 
The late Greek sense of a word is invari- 
ably the right sense to ascribe to Cicero. 
Enim explains haec hactenus. ‘The meaning 
is ‘I must pull myself up (haec hactenus), 
for my tendency is to go on theorizing for 
ever in the present crisis.’ 

ὃ. Per fortunas!| See Att. 11. 20. 1 

Hoe quaero, quod reliquerit| ‘I mean 
his leaving the city.’ Yet this line of 
policy which Pompey adopted was clearly 
before Cicero’s mind just before the crisis 
at the end of December, 50, Att. vii. 9.2 
(300), suscepto autem bello aut tenenda sit 
urbs aut ea relicta ille commeatu et reliquis 
copiis iutercludendus. Perhaps it had 
been hinted at by Pompey himself in the 
interview Cicero had with him shortly 
before in Campania: cp. Att. vii. 4. 2 

Tum| The implied criticism in the 
foregoing sentence Ego enim ἀπορῶ is that 
the step which Pompey took in leaving the 
city is inexplicable, meaningless. Zum 
introduces a second criticism: ‘ moreover, 
such a step is quite absurd (just the step 
which the circumstances do not call for) ; 
if Caesar is an invading enemy, why 
should you evacuate the city betore him 
any more than you would do so before 
invading Gauls?’ Tum is correlative to 
rursus in § 4, which introduces the argu- 
ments on the other side. It is hard to 
see how else ¢wm can be explained. It 
is, however, quite possible that the text 
is corrupt. Perhaps for twm we should 
read tamen, or cum mihi, or perhaps Cicero 
wrote ego enim ἀπορῶ totum. Nihil ab- 
surdius. But in that sense it should 


At idem 

rather be totus; and in totum would not, 
we think, be Ciceronian. 

Ergo idem, si Galli venirent| se. face- 
retis: cp. Tac. Hist. 1. 84, Vos quidem 
istud pro me (sc. fecistis). * Well then you 
would have done the same (i.e. no more) 
if the Gauls were coming upon us.’ It 
would be simpler if we could read quasi. 

Non est ...respublica| cp. Appian, 
B. C. ii. 87, οὐ yap τὰ χωρία καὶ τὰ 
οἰκήματα τὴν δύναμιν ἢ τὴν ἐλευθερίαν 
εἶναι τοῖς ἀνδράσιν ἀλλὰ τοὺς ἄνδρας, ὅπῃ; 
ποτ᾽ ἂν ὦσιν, ἔχειν ταῦτα σὺν ἑαυτοῖς : 
ep. Thucyd. i. 143. 5. 

‘ Fecit idem Themistocles’ | The inverted 
comma should come after Zhemistocles. 
The advocate of Pompey first urges that a 
man’s country does not consist of the mere: 
material buildings of his town; to which 
the answer is ‘no, but a man’s country is 
the place hallowed by religious and domes- 
tic ties.’ ‘ Yet,’ says Pompey’s advocate,. 
‘Themistocles left Athens.’ ‘ Aye,’ 
replies the opponent, ‘ because an over- 
powering force constrained him; yet 
Pericles did mot take this: step, nor did 
our ancestors, 

If right we read the deeds they did 
in the brave days of old.’ 
Because σέ introduces the first plea of the 
assailant of Pompey, it is hastily inferred 
that it must also introduce the second. 
But the train of thought plainly demands 

‘the view which we have taken: fluctum 

. . non poterat is certainly urged by one — 
who seeks to show that the act of Themis- — 
tocles cannot be claimed as a precedent — 
for that of Pompey. It would be quite — 
otiose in the mouth of the supposed advo- — 
cate of Pompey. Pompey may have — 
justified his abandonment of the city by — 
the example of Themistocles: ep. Appian, 

EP. 304 (ATT. VII. 11). 21 

4. Rursus autem ex dolore municipali sermonibusque eorum 
quos convenio videtur hoe consilium exitum habiturum. Mira 
hominum querela est—nescio istic’ne, sed facies ut sclam—sine 
magistratibus urbem esse, sine senatu. Fugiens denique Pom- 
_peius mirabiliter homines movet. Quid quaeris? Alia causa 
facta est : nihil iam concedendum putant Caesari. Haec tu mihi 
explica qualia sint. 5. Ego negotio praesum non turbulento. 
‘Vult enim me Pompeius esse quem tota haec Campania et mari- 
tima ora habeat ἐπίσκοπον ad quem dilectus et summa negoti 

_ successful 


quaé sit ὁρμὴ Caesaris, qui populus, qui totius negoti status. 

Itaque vagus esse cogitabam. Te puto iam videre 


velim scribas ad me et quidem, quoniam mutabilia sunt, quam 
saepissime. Acquiesco enim et scribens ad te et legens tua. 

B.C. ii. 50 (Pompey’s speech to his army 
in Greece). For similar references to the 
conduct of historical characters in times 

of crisis cp. 365. 3. 

Οὕτω... .. ἀνδρῶν] Homer, 1]. ix. 
524, but there the verse runs οὕτω καὶ τῶν 

4. Rursus . . . habiturum] ‘on the 
other hand, if I may judge by the feeling 
excited in the municipal towns and the 
talk I hear, it looks as if the step of 
Pompey would be a success.’ He goes on 
to say that Pompey’s flight from the city 
is producing a great sensation, and has 
given a new complexion to the whole 
ease, and steeled public opinion against 
any concession to Caesar. Lxitum habere 
is ‘to succeed,’ but an adjective such as 
secundum (Hor. Carm. iv. 14. 38) or 
meliorem (394. 6) is usually added. Τύ is, 
however, unqualified in Phil. v. 42, fugam 
quae ipsa exttum non habebat, ‘ offered no 
issue’: De Domo 123 Date 
huie religiont aditum, wpontifices: iam 
nullunm fortunis communibus exitum re- 

 perietis: Verr. 111. 190. 

EST nS A eT Oe eas σι  ἐσασας 

istic) Wesenberg suggests that we 
should read isticine, as Nescio istic could 
only mean ‘I (being) there do not know.’ 
The interrogative form of the pronoun is 

“not found elsewhere in Cicero, and this 

would account for the corruption. ‘The 
form isticine is common in Plautus and 
Terence (Neue-Wagener 1158. 402), and 
therefore natural in Cicero’s letters. 
Miiller, however, would retain the ss. 
reading, quoting ‘I'erence Heaut. 396 
Nescio alias (sc. mulieres): 1088 Deos 
mescio. “1 do not know about other 

women’ (i.e. whether other women do so 
or not); ‘I do not know about the gods’ 
(i.e. whether the gods will prevent it or 
not). Then istic will be equivalent to 
locum ubi tu es, 1.6. Romam. This is a 
clever interpretation, and is probably 

haec Campania] Cicero cannot possibly 
have been in Campania by this time: so 
that haee must have some unusual signi- 
ficance if Campunia is retained at all. M 
reads Campana, but that does not help us. 
Schmidt (p. 117) holds that Campania 
(or Campana) was applied in ordinary 
language to the Campagna of Rome : 
so that Cicero might speak of haec 
Campania in this sense. But Schmidt 
acknowledges that no other example of 
this use of the word is forthcoming in 
Republican times; and he does not 
make anv reference to the regio of 
Augustus, but to Porphyrion, the scholiast 
on Horace, who says (on A. P. 65) that 
the Pomptine Marshes are in Campania: 
ep. C. 1.1L. xiv. 2934, regione Camp(ania) 
territorio Prae(nestino). But, perhaps, we 
need not press haee to mean more than 
Campania‘ with w hich I amnow entrusted, 
and with which my thoughts are now 
constantly occupied.’ It is just possible 
that Campania (or Campana) et may bea 
corruption of Campaniae, and that the word 
is a gloss on ora. On the whole question 
of Cicero’s sphere of command in Cam- 
pania cp. Addenda to the Commentary i. 

vagus esse} ‘I mean to keep moving 
about’: ep. 326. 3. 

δρμὴ}] ‘aim’ ‘ motive,’ appetitio qua 
ad agendum impellimur, Acad. ii. 24. 

22 EP. 305 (ATT. VII. 12). 

305. CICERO TO ATTICUS (Arr. vn. 12). 

FORMIAE; JANUARY 21 OR 223 A. Uy.C. 7053 B.C. 49 3 AET. CIC. 57. 

M. Cicero ab Attico requirit ut 5101 scribat quid iam sibi faciendum esse putet, © 
Pompeium ipsum quid agat nescire et inutilia omnia facere, de Μ᾽. Lepidi, de ~ 
L. Torquati consilio, se imperio impediri, denique de Labieni discessu a Caesare, de — 
Terentia et Tullia. 


1. Unam adhue a te epistulam acceperam, datam xu Kal., in — 

qua significabatur aliam te ante dedisse, quam non acceperam. 
Sed quaeso ut scribas quam saepissime, non modo si quid scies — 
aut audieris sed etiam si quid suspicabere, maximeque quid nobis 
faciendum aut non faciendum putes. Nam quod rogas curem ut 
scias quid Pompeius agat, ne ipsum quidem scire puto, nostrum 
quidem nemo. 2. Vidi Lentulum consulem Formiis x Kal., vidi 
Libonem: plena timoris et erroris omnia. [116 iter Larinum: 
ibi enim cohortes et Luceriae et Teani reliquaque in Apulia. 
Inde utrum consistere uspiam velit an mare transire nescitur. Si 
manet, vereor ne exercitum firmum habere non possit : sin discedit, 
quo aut qua aut quid nobis agendum sit nescio. Nam istum 
quidem, quoius φαλαρισμὸν times, omnia teterrime facturum puto. 

This letter was written on January 21 
or 22, probably the former. Cicero wrote 
to Att. every day after leaving the city, 
at least up to the 26th (911. 1). 

1. rogas curem] = rogas wt curem, an 
ellipse very characteristic of Latin comedy, 
but common also in Caesar. 

nostrum quidem| ‘ of us at least.’ 

2. Libonem| About three weeks later 
Libo was working vigorously (329. 2). 

erroris| ‘bewilderment,’ ‘uncertainty.’ 

Teani] i.e. Teanum Apulum (ep. Clu. 
27) to be distinguished from Teanum 
Sidicinum, which is also called Teanum 
simply (308. 3). Teanum Apulum, some- 
times called Teate on coins (cp. Liv. ix. 
20. 7), was about 25 miles north of 

consistere| ‘make a stand’ (303). From 
the very beginning of the war Cicero 
regarded the possibility of Pompey’s 
leaving Italy, though he says, in writing 
to Pompey on February 27, that he never 
had a conception that Pompey would do 
so: cp. 343. 5 Nam suspicione adsequi non 

potut, quod omnia prius arbitratus sum 
Sore quam ut haec reip. causa in Italia non 
posset duce te conststere. 

quo aut gua| ‘whither or where, or 
what I am todo.’ ‘This elliptical sentence 
should, if fully expressed, be guo nobis 
eundum sit aut qua nobis manendum sit aut 
quid nobis agendum sit, ‘where I am to go 
or stay, or what I am to do, I have no idea.’ 

φαλαρισμὺν) See 318. 2, where ~ 

Cicero says that it is uncertain whether 
Caesar will turn out a Phalaris or a 
Pisistratus. He very soon showed that 
he was going to be a greater and better 
man than even Pisistratus. By φαλαρισμόν 

Cicero means pretty much what used to ἷ 

be called ‘incivism’; but a precise ren- 

dering should contain a personal desig- — 
nation; ‘ Napoleonism,’ ‘Caesarism,’ are — 

perhaps the words which we should use. 

teterrime | 
manner’: cp. Lucan i. 479 Nee qualiem 
(Caesarem) meminere vident ; mavorque 

Serusque | mentibus oceurrit victogue im- _ 

manior hoste. 

‘in the most frightful — 

eS ee ae ete Eee ere ee! 





EP. 305 (ATT. VII. 12). 23 

Nec eum rerum prolatio nec senatus magistratuumque discessus nec 
-aerarium clausum tardabit. 8. Sed haec, ut scribis, cito sciemus. 
4 Interim velim mihi ignoscas quod ad te scribo tam multa totiens. 
_ Acquiesco enim et tuas volo elicere litteras maximeque consilium 
quid agam aut quo me pacto geram, demittamne me penitus in 
_ causam?—non deterreor periculo sed dirumpor dolore: tamne nullo 
consilio aut tam contra meum consilium gesta esse omnia !—an 
| euncter et tergiverser et iis me dem qui tenent, qui potiuntur ἢ 
| ᾿Αἰδέομαι Τρῶας, nec solum civis sed etiam amici ofticio revocor, 
etsi frangor saepe misericordia puerorum. 4. Ut igitur ita per- 
turbato, etsi te eadem sollicitant, scribe aliquid, et maxime, si 
Pompeius Italia cedit, quid nobis agendum putes. Μ᾽’, quidem 
Lepidus—nam fuimus una—eum finem statuit, L. Torquatus 
eundem. Me cum multa tum etiam lictores impediunt; nihil 

certi exquiro sed quid videatur. 

rerum prolatio| ‘the postponement of 
business,’ i.e. the iustitiwm: cp. Liv. iii. 
27. 2, iustitiam edicit, claudi tabernas tota 
urbe iubet, vetat quemguam privatae quic- 
quam rei agere. ‘That a tumultus was 
_ decreed on Jan. 14 (cp. 301. 3), and that 

this involved a iustitiwm (cp. Phil. v. 31) 
_and a closing of the treasury (cp. Har. 
Resp. 55), is maintained by Schmidt 
_(p. 107 ff.). 

3. Acquiesco enim] sc. scribens ad te. 

ο΄ demittamne| a metaphor from aban- 
_ doning a favuurable position, cp. 383.5: 
_ 456. 2; ‘shall I abandon my present 
_ favourable position,’ asks Cicero, ‘and 
_ throw myself heartily into the cause (of 
Pompey)?’ From the other alternative— 
awaiting events, ‘temporizing,’ and ulti- 
mately joining the winning side—he is 
withheld by his fear of public opinion, to 
which he alludes as usual in the words of 

tamne nullo . .. omnia] ‘so utterly 
_ without judgment has the whole thing 
_ been carried out, so completely against 
_ my judgment’; lit. ‘could everything 
_ have been done so inconsiderately as it 
has been’: cp. such passages as Ter. 
Andr. 253, Tantamne rem tam negligenter 
_ agere! Sometimes without -ve, ib. 870, 
ἡ Tantum laborem capere οὗ talem filium ! 
_ Fam. xiv. 1. 1 (82), te. . . incidisse ! 



vidi umquam quod minus explicari posset. 

Itaque a te nihildum 
Denique ipsam ἀπορίαν tuam 

qui tenent, qui potiuntur] ‘the party 
in occupation and possession’ (usually 
the object ves, rerum is added): cp. 
Lebreton, pp. 156-166, and note to Att. 
vii. 7. 5 (298), sustinwisset, and to 470. 3, 
δὲ essent nostrt potitt. 

Aidéouat Τρῶας) Hom. 1]. vi. 442— 
a frequent quotation of Cicero’s. See 
Index. | 

misericordia puerorum| his son and 
nephew. For the obj. genit. cp. Ter. 
Andr. 260-1, tot me impediunt curae... 
amor, misericordia huius, nuptiarum sol- 
licttatio, tum patris pudor. 

4. Italia cedet| cp. καὶ 2 and Ep. 808. 

MW’. quidem Lepidus) 321.1; 340. ὃ. 
He and Volcatius Tullus (828.3; 350. 2; 
365. 7) had been consuls in 66. Both 
probably attended Caesar’s senate in 
April (350. 2). 

eum finem statuit| ‘laid down that as 
the limit of the obligation to be loyal to 
Pompey,’ that is, expressed his opinion 
that only so long as Pompey remained in 
Italy were his supporters bound to be 
loyal to his cause. We might render, 
‘drew the line there.’ 

L. Torquatus] 321. 1: 327. 1. He 
left Italy with Pompey (note to 363. 1). 

lictores| 303 init. 

sed quid videatur] 

‘ probabilities,’ 
‘ forecasts.’ 

24 EP, 306 (FAM. XIV. 18). 

cupio cognoscere. 5. Labienum ab illo discessisse propemodum 
constat. Si ita factum esset ut ille Romam veniens magistratus et 
senatum Romae offenderet, magno usui causae nostrae fuisset. | 
Damnasse enim sceleris hominem amicum rei publicae causa 
videretur, quod nune quoque videtur sed minus prodest: non ~ 
enim habet cui prosit, eumque arbitror paenitere, nisi forte id — 
ipsum est falsum, discessisse illum. Nos quidem pro certo habe- ~ 
bamus. 6. Et velim, quamquam, ut scribis, domesticis te finibus 
tenes, formam mihi urbis exponas, ecquod Pompei desiderium, ἢ 
ecquae Caesaris invidia appareat, etiam quid censeas de Terentia — 
et Tullia, Romae eas esse an mecum an aliquo tuto loco. Haec © 
et si quid aliud ad me scribas velim vel potius scriptites. 

TULLIA (Fam. xiv. 18). 


FORMIAE; JANUARY 225 A. U. CG. 705; B.C. 495 AKT. CIC. 57. 

M. Cicero permittit suis quid Caesare ad urbem adventante faciendum videatur. 


1. Considerandum vobis etiam atque etiam, animae meae, 
diligenter puto quid faciatis, Romaene sitis an mecum an aliquo 

tuto loco. Id non solum meum consilium est sed etiam vestrum. 

5. ab illo] sc. a Caesare. In the next Cicero] Young Marcus was with his 

sentences idle, ewm, and illum refer to 
Labienus. For tile and ewm referring to 
the same person cp. Lael. 59 and Dr. 
Reid’s note, who quotes Prov. Cons. 1. 

6. formam .. . urbis} ‘an outline of 
the state of the city.’ 

ecquod Pompei desiderium] ‘ whether 
there is any regret for Pompey ’: obj. 
gen. cp. ὃ ὃ. Plutarch (Pomp. 61 fin.) 
notices the affection that the people had 
for Pompey, even in this danger. 

Romae| Dr. Reid suggests Romaene, 
as in 306. 1, written at the same time as 
this letter. 

eas esse| 306. 1. 
stantival in apposition to quid, 
governed by censeas. 

scriptites| ‘keep writing.’ 

The infin. is sub- 

oe: ree 

father at Formiae: cp. 312 fin. 

1. puto] Cicero uses the singular, as 
the addition of young Cicero to the super- 
scription is purely formal. 

Romaene sitis}] cp. 305 fin., where Cicero 

uses esse. 

an aliguo tuto loco| Wesenberg (£m. 
Alt. 50) reads an for im of the Mss. 
alaquo tuto loco means in nostris praedtis ; 
cp. 305. 6, EHtwam quid censeas de Terentia 
et Tullia Romae eas esse an mecum AN 
aliquo tuto loco. There is also, both at 
the end of this section and in 309. 1, a 
difference indicated between their being 
with Cicero and being in his estates: cp. 
Cicero expected to be moving 
about (vagus esse, 304. δ). 

LP ee ΕΘ ΠΣ 


EP. 307 (ATT. VII. 13 a). 25 

Mihi veniunt in mentem haec: Romae vos esse tuto posse per 
Dolabellam, eamque rem posse nobis adiumento esse, si quae vis 
aut si quae rapinae fieri coeperint. Sed rursus illud me movet, 
quod video omnis bonos abesse Roma et eos mulieres suas secum 

_habere. Haec autem regio in qua ego sum nostrorum est cum 
 oppidorum tum etiam praediorum, ut et multum esse mecum et, 
eum abieritis, commode in nostris esse possitis. 
non satis constat adhue utrum sit melius. 
faciant isto loco feminae et ne cum velitis exire non liceat. 

2. Mihi plane 
Vos videte quid aliae 
-velim diligenter etiam atque etiam vobiscum et cum amicis consi- 
deretis. Domus ut propugnacula et praesidium habeat Philotimo 
Kt velim tabellarios instituatis certos, ut cotidie aliquas 
a vobis litteras accipiam. Maxime autem date operam ut valeatis, 
$1 nos vultis valere. vi111 Kal. Formiis. 

907. CICERO ΤΟΥ ΤΟΣ (Ani vit, 19:4). 

MINTURNAE 3 JANUARY 233 A. U. C. 7053 B.C. 493 AE. CIC. 57. 

De Labieno et Pisone, de genere belli civilis, de summa Cn. Pompeii consilii 
᾽ 5 ᾿ 
inopia, de exigua spe sua, de Ciceronibus an in Graeciam amandandi sint, de Tullia 

_ et Terentia Romaene remanere possint necne, item de ipso Attico et Peducaeo, de 

litterarum commercio. 


1. De Vennonianis rebus tibi adsentior. Labienum ἥρωα iudico. 

ΟΠ Facinus iam diu nullum eivile praeclarius: qui ut aliud nihil 
} > q 


Campania and the coast) consists, not 

esse tuto] For adverbs with esse cp. 
note to Ep. 303 and vol. 15, 91. 

Dolabeliam] 307. ὃ. 

Haee autem regio] 

able to leave the city when you want to 
do so.’ Notice »idete taken in two senses: 
cp. note to 310. 3. 

propuynacula et praesidium| ‘* barri- 
cades and defenders,’ incase Caesar should 

‘this district (sc. 

‘only of towns belonging to me, but also of 
estates of ours,’ e.g. at Sinuessa, Cales, 
_ Anagnia, Formiae, Cumae (cp. Watson, 
p- 133). Ern. says the towns were devoted 
to Cicero as being in his elientela ; but the 
_ reference is rather to the towns over 
which he had authority : cf. 310. 8. 
nostris| wpraediis is sometimes added : 
ep. 809. 1; 310. 3; but it is not necessary. 
Mendelssohn compares 464. 3, in meis esse 
— wolui. 
2. videte quid... mne| ‘observe what 
Other ladies of your rank (310. 3) are 
doing, and take care lest you may not be 

attempt to plunder the city. 

tabellurios instituatis certos| ‘arrange 
a trustworthy set of letter-carriers.’ 

vu Kal.| Schiitz erroneously alters to 
11. This letter was written about the 
same time as 3098. 

1. Vennonianis rebus| Vennonius is 
mentioned above in an amusing and 
delicately expressed passage: Att. vi. 1, 
25 (252): ep. 3, 5 (264). What the trans- 
action is which is here referred to we do 
not know. 

Labienum| ‘I regard Labienus as a 


hoe tamen profecit: dedit illi dolorem. Sed etiam ad summam — 
Amo etiam Pisonem, cuius iudicium de | 
Quamquam genus belli quod sit 
Ita civile est ut non ex civium dissensione sed ex unius 
Is autem valet exercitu, tenet — 
multos spe et promissis, omnia omnium concupivit. 
urbs est, nuda praesidio, referta copiis. 

profectum aliquid puto. 
genero suspicor visum iri grave. 
perditi civis audacia natum sit. 

EP. 307 (ATT. VII. 124). 

Quid est quod ab eo non 

metuas, qui illa templa et tecta non patriam sed praedam putet ? 

Quid autem sit acturus aut quo modo nescio, sine senatu, sine — 
Ne simulare quidem poterit quidquam πολιτικῶς. 
Nos autem ubi exsurgere poterimus aut quando? 


Quorum dux 

quam ἀστρατήγητος tu quoque animadvertis, quoi ne Picena quidem 

nota fuerint, quam autem sine consilio res testis. 

Ut enim alia 

omittam decem annorum peccata, quae condicio non huic fugae 
praestitit ? 2. Nec vero nune quid cogitet scio, ac non desino per 

litteras sciscitari. 

paladin.” One regrets the spite which 
makes Cicero say that if the defection of 
Labienus from Caesar has had no other 
good effect, it has at least had one, ‘it 
has given Caesar pain.” We must, how- 
ever, remember that Cicero did not yet 
know whether Caesar was going to be a 
Phalaris or a Pisistratus. 

hoe tamen profecit : dedit illi dolorem] 
For a sentence in apposition to a demon- 
strative pronoun cp. Sjogren, p. 162. 
He compares Att. v. 11. 3 (200), where 
see note; also Att. xili. ὃ. 1 (611). 

ad swmmam] § our main interests.’ But 
summa seems to be always used in this 
sense with a genitive. Perhaps swmmam 
is an adjective and 7. 39. has been lost 
before pr. We can hardly take ad sum- 
mam in its ordinary sense (309. 2) of ‘in 
a word,’ ‘on the whole.’ In Fin. iv. 41 
the context seems to show that ad summam 
= ad summam bonorum. Profectum is of 
course from projicio: ‘we have gained a 
solid advantage.’ 

Pisonem| cp. 309. 2. Caesar was 
married to his daughter Calpurnia. 

Quamquam] The argument seems to 
be—If it was an ordinary civil war with 
a public opinion on the other side, this 

defection would carry weight; but not ᾿ 

so when the other side is merely an indi- 
vidual of reckless audacity. 

Nihil esse timidius constat, nihil perturbatius. 

ita... ut] ‘itis a civil war only in 
the sense that it is the result of the reck- 
lessness of an individual citizen, not that. 
it has arisen from any civil differences.’ 
For ita . . . ut, see vol. 15; p. 84. 

templa et tecta non patriam sed praedam | 
Note the alliteration. 

πολιτικῶς) ‘he will not be able 
even to keep up the pretence of acting 

exsurgere| ‘to raise our heads.’ Cp. 
Fam. xii. 10, 4 (910) auctoritate vestra 
resp. exsurget. 

aorpatnyntos| ‘howlittle of the 
military commander is in our general.’ 

quot... fuerint] ‘considering that he 
did not even perceive what was going on 
at Picenum.’ Res Picentes or Picenae: 
would have been more normal than 
Picena. Picenus is used only of things: 
Picens of both persons and things. By 
Picena it would seem that Cicero referred 
to the state of disaffection which pre- 
vailed in Picenum: for Caesar had 
not yet opened his campaign in that. 

condicio| ‘ convention, agreement, com- 
promise.’ So below condicionum amissum 
tempus est, ‘the opportunity for negotia- 
tions has been let slip.’ 

2. Nihil... perturbatius| cp. 305. 2, 
plena timoris et erroris omnia. 

Huic tradita [ 

Pe ee ee ee ὡς ee 

EP. 307 (ATT. VII. 18 4). 27 

Itaque nec praesidium, cuius parandi causa ad urbem retentus est, 
nec locum ac sedem praesidi ullam video. Spes omnis in duabus 
‘insidiose retentis, paene alienis legionibus. Nam dilectus adhuc 
“quidem invitorum est et a pugnando abhorrentium. Condicionum 
| autem amissum tempus est. Quid futurum sit non video. Com- 
- missum quidem a nobis certe est sive a nostro duce ut e portu sine 
 gubernaculis egressi tempestati nos traderemus. ὃ. Itaque de 
- Ciceronibus nostris dubito quid agam: nam mihi interdum aman- 
dandi videntur in Graeciam. De Tullia autem et Terentia, cum 
mihi barbarorum adventus ad urbem proponitur, omnia timeo; cum 
autem Dolabellae venit in mentem, paullum respiro. Sed velim 
consideres quid faciendum putes: primum πρὸς τὸ aogadéc—-aliter 
enim mihi de illis ac de me ipso consulendum est—deinde ad 
opiniones, ne reprehendamur quod eas Romae velimus esse in 

communi bonorum fuga. 

retentus| cp. Att. v. 21. 3 (250), cum 

Pompeius propter metum rerum novarum 

nusquam (1.6. neither to Spain nor to 

Syria) dimittatur. 

locum ac sedem praesidi| ‘any place for 
the rendezvous of our forces.’—Watson. 

insidiose| ‘treacherously,’ because these 
legions were withdrawn from Caesar nomi- 
nally for the prosecution of the Parthian 

War, but really were kept by the Senate 

_ for the use of Pompey: ΟΡ. vol. 1112, 

a p. 1xxxiv. 

Ἢ paene alienis| ‘which can hardly be 
called his own at all,’ as their sympathies 
were almost entirely with Caesar. 

commissum| ‘we have brought it to 
this that we must go where the storm 

impels us’: cp. Att. iii, 10, 2 (67). 

For the metaphor cp. Plut. Caes. 34: a 

slightly different one in Lucan i. 498 ff. 

3. Crceronibus nostris| his son and his 

_ nephew, the son of his brother Quintus. 

᾿ barbarorum| Perhaps an allusion to the 

number of Gauls in Caesar’s army, but 

possibly also a general term for the whole 
forces of Caesar: cp. Lucan 481 ff. 
Dolabeliae| ‘when I think of Dola- 
bella’: for the gen. cp. 464. 1, solet in 
mentem venire illius temporis, where see 
note: Fin. v. 2, venit mihi Platonis in 
mentem ; venit in mentem ‘I am reminded, 

I bethink me,’ and hence a gen. naturally 

follows: cp. Madv. 291, obs. 3. But the 

nom. is also found, Fam. xi, 29, 1 (762). 

Quin etiam tibi et Peducaeo—scripsit 
enim ad me—quid faciatis videndum est. 

Is enim splendor est 
paullum resprro| ‘1 get some heart 

aliter| Cicero says that the questions 
of his own conduct and of the best dis- 
posal of his family rest on different con- 
siderations. In their case he has only to 
make up his mind what is the safest 
course; in mapping out his own conduct 
he has also to consider what his reputa- 
tion will demand, and that complicates 
the question of the disposal of his family, 
for their remaining in Rome might be 
injurious to his own dignity. -dd means 
‘ with regard to,’ an unusual sense, which, 
however, is supported by the foregoing 

Peducaeo| For Sextus Peducaeus ep. 
note on Att. vii. 17, 1 (315). 

Is enim splendor est vestrum| It might 
seem from this that Peducaeus as well as 
Atticus was only a knight; but he was a 
senator: cp. Willems Le Sénat,i.p.497. But 
neither was of very high lineage, though 
their distinction in society was great. 
Atticus, though only a knight, was quite 
in the highest social circles in Rome. 
Like great financiers in all ages, he kept 
aloof from directly engaging in politics. 
Vestrum is used when the genitive of the 
personal pronoun is used in a possessive 
sense; vestri when it is objective: e.g. 
309. 1, vestri similes; Verr. iii. 224, 
cupidus vestri. Dr. Reid suggests vester 
both here and in Phil. iv. 1; v. 2. 


vestrum ut eadem postulentur a vobis quae ab amplissimis civibus. — 
Sed de hoc tu videbis, quippe cum de me ipso ac de meis te con-_ 
4, Reliquum est ut et quid agatur quoad poteris | 
explores scribasque ad me et quid ipse coniectura adsequare, quod — 
Nam acta omnibus nuntiantibus a [Θ᾽ 
Loquacitati ignosces, — 

siderare velim. 
etiam a te magis exspecto. 

exspecto futura. 

numero Platonis obscurius. 


EP, 308 (ATT. VII. 13 Ὁ). 

Μάντις δ᾽ ἄριστος . . | 
quae et me levat ad te quidem scribentem et elicit tuas litteras. — 
Aenigma [Oppiorum ex Velia] plane non intellexi. 

CICERO TO ATTICUS (Arr. vn. 133). 

MINTURNAE; JANUARY 23 OR 243 A. U.C. 7053 B.C. 493 AET. CIC. 57. 

M. Cicero Attico de re familiari αἰνιγματικῶς scribit, de L. Caesare a se Minturnis 
viso, de Labieno et de infirmitate partium Pompeianarum atque consilii inopia. 

Litteras ab Attico exspectat. 


1. Iam intellexi tuum. 

Oppios enim de Velia saccones dices. 

In eo aestuavi diu ; quo aperto reliqua patebant et cum Terentiae 

quippe cum... velim] ‘seeing that I 
want you to take thought about myself 
and my family.’ 

4. quid ipse coniectura adsequare | 
‘what you can succeed in conjecturing.’ 
Cicero is constantly asking Atticus for his 
Opinion as to what is going to happen: 
cp. 805. 1 st quid suspicabere: 4 sed 
quid videatur; 308. 3 quae tua coniec- 

Nan... futura| ‘For when every- 
one telis me what has happened, I expect 
from you what is going to happen.’ 

Mavris δ᾽ &ptoros...| ‘**The 
best prophet,’’? you know ’ (Shuckburgh). 
This is the beginning of a line from an 
unknown play of Euripides (Nauck Frag. 
973), μάντις δ᾽ ἄριστος ὅστις εἰκάζει καλῶς, 
“true prophet he who forms conjectures 
well.” It was with this verse that 
Alexander the Great answered the Chal- 
daeans when, shortly before his death, 
they warned him not to enter Babylon 
(Arrian, Anab. vii. 16, 6; App. B. C. ii. 

153). Cicero translates the verse thus 
(De Div. 11. 12), bene qui coniciet vatem 
hune perhibebo optimum. 

(p. 120 f.) rightly considers this sentence 
concludes the letter. Cicero did not 
understand the riddle as yet. When he 
found the solution of it,he at once wrote 
Ep. 308. For Plato’s ‘nuptial number’ 
cp. Rep. viil. 545 C ff., and Adam’s note 
in his edition, vol. ii. pp. 264-312. The 
words Oppiorum ex Velia are provably a 
gloss, which has crept in from a marginal 

1. Lam intellexi tuwm] Cicero at once 
on guessing the allusion of Att. writes off 
to him about it: see on 307. 4. 

Oppios . . . dices} ‘I take it I shall 
find you mean the Oppii by the ‘baggards 
of Velia.’ The word sacco is invented by 
Atticus on the analogy of substantives 
with the depreciatory termination in -o, 
like bucco, glutto, cachinno, lurco, popino, 

Est enim © 

. obscurius| O. Εἰ. Schmidt © 

a i ΤΑ A gh ΤΡ 

4 ‘cha 
Ἢ ΤΣ τ 
4} τῷ 

umma congruebant. 

- Venafri. 

nebulo. We have a depreciatory termi- 
“nation in words like coward, dotard, 
— wizard, braggart. Schutz reads succones, 
and ascribes a too elaborate joke to Atti- 
~ cus, who, he supposes, applies the term 
_succones to the Oppli because succus may 
be the Latin for ὁπός, ‘juice.’ The Oppii 
were bankers and friends of Atticus 
(338.3; 382.12; 388.3). Perhaps that 
‘is the reason why Cicero continues with 
ἃ banking phrase reliqua patebant, ‘the 
balance was clear.’ For reliqua cp. Att. 
vi. 1. 19 (252). The Oppii appear to 
have done banking business for ‘Terentia 
' (382. 12). 
| dices] It is possible that this is a mere 
slip for dicts ; but the future is defensible. 
it will mean ‘no doubt you call,’ that 
is, ‘ you will be found to call,’ ‘ the solu- 
“tion of the riddle will be found to be that 
ou call’ the Oppii ‘ baggards from Velia.’ 
his use of the future is characteristic of 
the comic drama: cp. non credibile dices, 
-fyou will be found to be mistaken in 
Ἢ Ἔνι you say,’ Plaut. Trin. 606; hic 
merunt viginti minae, ‘ there will be found 
to be in it 20 minae,’ As. 734, where 
pM. Gray gives many examples ; conveniet, 
“you'll find it right,’ Ter. Phorm. 53 ; 
“and sic erit, “80 it will be found to be,’ 
common in Plautus (e.g. Pseud. 677). 
_ 2. L. Caesarem] On the negotiations of 
_ Lucius Caesar and Roscius Fabatus 
with Julius Caesar in January, 49, see 
_ Addenda to the Commentary, ii. 
4 non hominem sed| The words intro- 
_ duce, as usual, a strong metaphor: see 
on Att. i. 18, i (24). Here L. Caesar is 
| described as being as worthless as a broom 


EP. 308 (ATT. VII. 13). 

“Sed ego nondum habeo quod ad te ex his locis scribam. 
Ι΄ παρα exspecto, quid illim adferatur, quo pacto de Labieno ferat,. 

‘diplomacy of his opponents; ‘or 


2. Lu. Caesarem vidi Menturnis a. d. vii 
al. Febr. mane cum absurdissimis mandatis, non hominem sed 
opas solutas; ut id ipsum mihi ille videatur irridendi causa. 
cisse qui tantis de rebus huic mandata dederit, nisi forte non 
dedit et hic sermone aliquo adrepto pro mandatis abusus est. 
I.abienus, vir mea sententia magnus, Teanum venit a. d. 1x 
al. Ibi Pompeium consulesque convenit. 
et quid actum sit scribam ad te cum certum sciam. 
Teano Larinum versus profectus est ἃ. ἃ. vit Kal. 

Aliquantum animi videtur nobis attulisse Labienus. 

Qui sermo fuerit 
Pompeius a. 
Ko die mansit 


in which all the twigs have got loose, so: 
that it cannot sweep at all. The message: 
entrusted to him seemed to Cicero so 
absurd that he doubted whether Caesar 
had not deliberately chosen such a creature 
as his emissary to throw ridicule on the 
haps,’ he adds, ‘ he was not commissioned 
by Caesar at all; may be he picked up 
some gossip and passed it off as a diplo- 
matic note entrusted to himself.’ 

scopas solutas| cp. Orat. 235, 75 
autem cum dissolvunt orationem in qua 
nec res nec verbum ullum est nisi abiectum, 
non clipeum sed, ut in proverbio est—etsv. 
humilius dictum est, tamen simile est— 
scopas, ut ita dicam, mihi videntur 

3. Teanum] sc. Sidicinum. 

certum sciam| “ know for certain 
ep. certum nescio, ‘I do not know for 
certain,’ Att. xii. 28, 2 (559). certo scio 
generally means, ‘Iam fully persuaded’; 
certum scio, “1 have certain intelligence ’; 
certe scio, ‘I am sure that I know’: but. 
these distinctions are not always strictly 

profectus est| An epistolary tense “ 18. 
setting out.’ This was the intention of 
Pompey, but it was not carried out. He 
did not leave till the 25th: ep. 311. 2 
compared with 327. 2. 

illiim| This form, instead of the form 
tllinc, is frequent in Cicero’s letters and in 
the comic drama. It is allowed by most. 
edd. to stand in Phil. ii. 77, and De Har. 
Resp. 42. “1 am rather expecting to hear 
from you what news is brought from 


30 EP. 809 (FAM. XIV. 14). 

quid agat Domitius in Marsis, Iguvi Thermus, P. Attius Cinguli, ᾿ 
quae sit populi urbani voluntas, quae tua coniectura de rebus | 
futuris. Haec velim crebro et quid tibi de mulieribus nostris placeat ἢ 
et quid acturus ipse sis scribas. Si scriberem ipse longior epistula — 
fuisset, sed dictavi propter lippitudinem. 

TULLIA (Fam. σιν. 14). 


.MINTURNAE ; JANUARY 233 A. U. C. 7053 B.C. 493; AKT. CIC. 57. 

M. Cicero, cum Pompeius fugisset cum senatu ex urbe, iubet suas deliberare 
maneantne in urbe necne. 


1. Si vos valetis, nos valemus. Vestrum iam consilium est, 
non solum meum, quid sit vobis faciendum. Si ille Romam 
modeste venturus est, recte in praesentia domi esse potestis: sin 
homo amens diripiendam urbem daturus est, vereor ut Dolabella 
ipse satis nobis prodesse possit. Etiam illud metuo, ne iam inter- 
cludamur, ut cum velitis exire non liceat. Reliquum est quod 
ipsae optime considerabitis, vestri similes feminae sintne Romae. 
Si enim non sunt, videndum est ut honeste vos esse possitis. Quo 
modo quidem nune se res habet, modo ut haec nobis loca tenere 

liceat, bellissime vel mecum vel in nostris praediis esse poteritis. 

1. modeste] ‘quietly,’ ‘in an orderly 
way,’ i.e. without military licence. 

domi esse] Rome: cp. Att. vi. 
5. 1 (269), and Index s. v. domus. 

intercludamur| cp. 812.4. 

exire| 306. 2. 

vestrt similes feminae] 306. 2; ep. 

Domitius in Marsis| With this letter 
should be read Caesar Bell. Civ. i. 8-12. 
The absurdissima mandata are given in 
c. 9, and the positions of Domitius, 
Thermus, and Attius are described (c. 
12 ff.), but Attius is spoken of (12. 3) as 
being not in Cingulum but in Auximum. 

Perhaps he was at first at Cingulum, and 
afterwards at Auximum. 

Duanus ΑΝΊΙΜΙΒ 8015] This is the 
most affectionate superscription to any 
of the letters: for the expression animae 
meae cp. 306.1. This letter was written 
on the same day as 307 and 308. 

bonos in 306.1; 307. 3. 
videndum est ut] cp. 306.2; 310. 2. 
Quo modo res 86 hubet} cp. Q. Fr. ii. 

2, 1 (100), Quoguo modo res se habet. 
bellissime] ‘ You will be able to stay 

very nicely either with me or in my 

country houses.’ 
praediis| cp. note to 306. 1. 


EP. 310 (ATT. VII. 14). 91 

tiam illud verendum est ne brevi tempore fames in urbe sit. 
2. His de rebus velim cum Pomponio, cum Camillo, cum quibus 
obis videbitur consideretis, ad summam animo forti sitis. Labi- 
mus rem meliorem fecit. Adiuvat etiam Piso quod ab urbe 
iscedit et sceleris condemuat generum suum. Vos, meae carissi- 
mae animae, quam saepissime ad me scribite et vos quid agatis et 
quid istic agatur. Quintus pater et filius et Rufus vobis salutem 
licunt. Valete. σι Kalend. Menturnis. 

310. CICERO TO ATTICUS (Arr. vu. 14) 

CALES; JANUARY 253 A. U. C. 7053 B.C. 493 ABET. CIC. 57 

M. Cicero scribit se Calibus Capuam proficisci, et exponit qua condicione mandata 
Caesaris a Pompeio accepta sint, se a Pompeio ad dilectum adiuvandum arcessi, de 
 gladiatoribus Caesaris qui Capuae fuerint, mulieres suas Roma exire et in praedia sua 
_ maritima proficisci cupit, ab Attico de re publica edoceri vult, se pacis auctorem esse. 



- 1. Α. d. vi Kal. Febr. Capuam Calibus proficiscens, cum 
 leviter lippirem, has litteras dedi. L. Caesar mandata Caesaris 
| detulit ad Pompeium a. d. virt Kal. cum is esset cum consulibus 
Teani. Probata condicio est, sed ita ut ille de iis oppidis quae 
extra suam provinciam occupavisset praesidia deduceret. Id si 
-fecisset, responsum est ad urbem nos redituros esse et rem per 
 senatum confecturos. Spero [esse] in praesentia pacem nos habere: 

2. Camillo] a lawyer and a friend of 
Cicero, with whom he was in correspon - 
dence at this time; cp. 302. 3. 

τ΄ adsummam] ‘in short,’ ‘in general’: 
ep. Off. i. 149 ad swmmam, ne agam de 

vir Καί. If we are to add any- 
thing, it should be Fedr., but there is no 
need: see Adn. Crit. 

ngulis: Hor. Ep. i. 1. 106. See also 
note to 307. 1. 
Labienus], 305.5: 307. 1: 308.3. 
Piso) 307. 2. 
Rufus| This is Mescinius Rufus, who 
may have come to Cicero very shortly 
after receiving Ep. 302, in order probably 
_ to settle the accounts with him. It can- 
not be M. Caelius Rufus, for he was with 
aesar. The visit of Caelius to Cicero, 
referred to in 394. 3, took place in De- 
ember, 50. 

1. dedi| Epistolary perfect. “1 am 

LI. Caesar] Roscius Fabatus, a praetor, 
was his partner in these negotiations: cp. 
345. 2 and Caes. B. C. i. 10.1 

oppidis| Caesar (i. 10. 2) only mentions 
Ariminum: but the early part of Caesar’s 
first book has many errors: see Introd. : 
cp. 312. 3 praesidia ex iis locis (plural). 

Spero... habere| “1 hope that peace 
is secured by now’: or in praesentia 
might mean ‘for the present.’ After 

32 EP. 310 (ATT. VII. 14). 

nam et illum furoris et hune nostrum copiarum suppaenitet. δ 
Me Pompeius Capuam venire voluit et adiuvare dilectum, in quo 
parum prolixe respondent Campani coloni. Gladiatores Caesaris — 
qui Capuae sunt, de quibus ante ad te falsum ex A. Torquati 
litteris scripseram, sane commode Pompeius distribuit bines. 
Scutorum in ludo 100 fuerunt. 

singulis patribus familiarum. 

Eruptionem facturi fuisse dicebantur. 

publicae provisum est. 

spero the ss. give esse. Editors either omit 
it with Schiitz, or read posse with Moser. 
Perhaps the word has only got out of 
place, and we should take it with confec- 
turos: see Adn. Crit. 

tllum furoris| * Caesar is beginning to 
feel somewhat uncomfortable about his 
insane enterprise, and Pompey about the 
condition of his army.’ 

suppaenitet] Cicero affects verbs com- 
pounded with sud-, e.g. subvereri, 536.1: 
suppudebat, 456. 2; subdubitare Fam. ii. 
13. 2 (207): ep. Stinner, p. 19. 

2. dilectum] cp. 304. 5. 

parum prolixe| ‘not very extensively.’ 

Campani| ‘This is the adjective of 
Capua, not Capuanus: cp. Att. ii 18. 2 
(45), and often in the Leg. Agr.: ep. 
Phil. 11 86: 101. These colonists had 
served under Pompey in Asia, and had 
received lands in Campania by Caesar’s 
Law in 59. 

falsum| For falsum, used as a subst., 
see Dr. Reid on DeSen. 4. O. E. Schmidt 
(p. 121) supposes that this false informa- 
tion was given in a lost letter of Jan. 24, 
as we have extant no letter that can be 
fixed to that date, and Cicero wrote every 
day: ep. 311. (A letter of the 21st or 
22nd has also been lost.) The false in- 
formation may have been a rumour that 
Lentulus had offered the gladiators 
liberty and horses if they would serve 
as soldiers, and that he was dissuaded 
from carrying out this promise (Caesar 
B. C. i. 14. 5 monitus ἃ suis) by his 
friends. ‘The rumour had some inherent 
probability owing to the temper of the 
Optimates ; so Caesar may be in a measure 
excused for accepting it as true. Caesar 
attributes to Lentulus the distribution of 
the gladiators among the citizens. 

Scutorum] ‘ five thousand heavy-armed 
gladiators.’ So, according to some com- 

mentators, we should understand the 
term scuta, though we do not find other 
instances of such an usage except in very 

late Latin. An usage, however, might be — 

found ina letter though it never estab- 
lished its position in formal literature. 
But a less improbable view is that 
there was found a large collection of 
shields, which were stored with a view 
to an armed revolutionary outbreak at 
some time: cp. Mil. 64. But it is quite: 
improbable that Cie. should have written 
secutorum, as Vict. suggested; for it 
is highly unlikely that all the gladiators. 

Sane multum in eo rei — 
3. De mulieribus nostris, in quibus est 
tua soror, quaeso videas ut satis honestum nobis sit eas Romae 

should have belonged to the one class, 

secutores; and even if this were so, 
Cicero would hardly have thought it 
necessary to specify the particular class. 
to which they belonged. Besides, as Prof. 
Goligher has pointed out, secutores do not 
appear before the time of Caligula (Suet. 
Cal. 30). 

Eruptionem| If prospects of freedom 
and military service had been offered 
these gladiators, and the offer withdrawn, 
an outbreak on their part might well have 
been feared. 

3. videas ut] ‘take care will it look 
respectable.’ This use of vide μέ is not 
infrequent in the letters: cp. vide ut 
possit, * take care that he does not prove 
unable,’ Quintus Cic. ap. Fam. xvi. 26, 
1 (814). 
as vereor ut veniat is lit., “1 have my fears. 
about his coming’; hence ‘I fear he will 
not come’; so, 

able’ ; 

usage, would read mum for ut. 

Of course vide ut usually has the same 

meaning as fac ut, cura ut. Thus vide ut — 

For videre ne cp. 306. 2. Just 

videas ut honestum sit 
means ‘ take care about its being respec- — 
that is, ‘take care lest it be ποῦ 
Boot, not recognising this — 
If any 

change were necessary, we should prefer 
to read videas tu satin honestum nobis sit. — 


ad te ipsum antea. 


randium paretur can mean either ‘see 
hat the breakfast is prepared,’ or ‘ take 
are is the breakfast being neglected.’ 
-antea| 307-3. 
ea praedia . . . ut| ‘estates where 
“they can live in tolerable comfort’ ; lit. 
 *such estates that they can live in them 
‘in tolerable comfort’: cp. 806, 1. 
_ tn ora maritima] 304. 5; 312. 5; 
327. 1. 
__offendimus| ‘if we give any offence,’ 
_ by reason of the fact that his son-in-law, 
Dolabella, was with Caesar. Offendere 
| in Cicero means ‘to give offence,’ ‘to 
“take offence’ (cp. note to 584. 2), ‘to 
fail’ (e.g. apud iudices), ‘to shock, dis- 
| please,’ and simply ‘to find, experience.’ 
_ praestare| ‘though I am not bound to 
make myself responsible for him,’ ‘ though 
‘Iam not his keeper’ (Winstedt): ep. 
praestabimus, Att. v. 9, 1 (195); some- 
_ times also ‘to be responsible for the 
- absence’ of a thing, as 472. 5 nihil esse 
 sapientis praestare nisi culpam. 
- sed) ‘well, it is made worse.’ This 
conjunction is rightly used in resuming 
_ after a parenthesis, but it would have 
Deen more in accordance with his usage if 
_ Cicero had written sed si quid offendimus, 
_ maius id fit. However, sed resumes even 
after a very short parenthesis, as in Fam. 
 Kiv. 5, 2 (283), de hereditate Preciana quae 
mihi quidem magna dolori est—valde enim 
_ lum amavi—sed hoe velim cures. The con- 
junctions verum tamen are similarly used 

- esse cum ceterae illa dignitate discesserint. 
Velim eas cohortere ut exeant, praesertim 
m ea praedia in ora maritima habeamus cui ego praesum ut in 
iis pro re nata non incommode possint esse. Nam si quid offen- 
imus in genero nostro—quod quidem ego praestare non debeo— 
sed id fit maius quod mulieres nostrae praeter ceteras Romae 
‘remanserunt, Tu ipse cum Sexto scire velim quid cogites de. 
eundo de totaque re quid existimes. 
10n desino, quae vel iniusta utilior est quam iustissimum bellum 
sum civibus. Sed haec ut fors tulerit. 

EP, 310 (ATT, VII. 14). Ape, 

Hoe scripsi ad eas et 

Equidem pacem hortari 

in Att. i. 10, 1 (6), where see note. Dr. 
Reid proposes to adopt scilicet for sed, and: 
Kayser sed <eo>. 

praeter ceteras| ‘longer than the rest.’ 
With ceteros, alios, &c., praeter must have 
a comparative meaning, the exact nature 
of the comparison to be fixed by the 

Sexto] 307. ὃ. 

pacem hortari} cp. Tac. Ann. xi. 3. 2 
hortantibus ... imediam et lenem exitum. 
It is not necessary to insert ad, as many 
edd. do. Cicero in his letters is prone to 
give a direct object to verbs which usually 
take a prep., e.g. 318.1 pacem desperavi: 
464, 2 desperans victoriam primum coept 
suadere pacem. Similarly we find in 
Caelius gaudere gaudium ‘to be rejoiced 
at one’s joy,’ Fam. viii. 2, 1 (196), and 
gaudere dolorem, Fam. viii. 14. 1 (280). 

cum civibus} So probably CZ, as the 
words are found in the editions of 
Cratander and Lambinus. They are 
omitted by M!: but they are virtually 
found in M (marg.) and R and I, which 
have tn civibus, and the Balliolensis and 
Helmstadtiensis are said to have in civil- 
bus. For the sentiment cp. 540. 4 
cupiebam quamvis iniqua condicione pacem : 
Phil. ii. 37 quamvis inigua condicione 
pacis—mihi enim omnis pax cum civibus 

bello civili utilior videbatur. Also 338. 
ὃ fin. 
Sed haec| sc. sint. ‘Let this be as 

fortune brings it.’ 

94 HE Olt LATIS: Ψ.ΣΣ RO). 

311. CICERO TO ATTICUS (Art. vii. 15). 

CAPUA ; JANUARY 265 A. U. C. 705; B.C. 495; AET. CIC, 57. 

οὐ; si al tila tie 
SS ees 

De litteris a se cotidie missis, de consiliis quae Capuae agitata sint, se imparatos — 

esse cum a wilitibus tum a pecunia, Pompeium cum Labieno ad legiones Appianas 
profectum: ipsum Formias ire, litteras Attici exspectare. 


1. Ut ab urbe discessi, nullum adhuc intermisi diem quin 
aliquid ad te litterarum darem, non quo haberem magno opere 
quod scriberem sed ut loquerer tecum absens, quo mihi, cum 
coram id non licet, nihil est iucundius. 2. Capuam. cum venissem 
a. d. vt Kal., pridie quam has litteras dedi, consules conveni 
multosque nostri ordinis. Omnes cupiebant Caesarem abductis 
praesidiis stare condicionibus lis quas tulisset. Uni Favonio leges 
ab illo nobis imponi non placebat, sed is aud auditus in consilio. 
Cato enim ipse iam servire quam pugnare mavult. Sed tamen 
ait in senatu se adesse velle, cum de condicionibus agatur, si 
Caesar adductus sit ut praesidia deducat. Ita, quod maxime opus 
est, in Siciliam ire non curat; quod metuo ne obsit, in senatu 
esse vult. Postumius autem, de quo nominatim senatus decrevit 
ut statim in Siciliam iret Furfanioque succederet, negat se sine 
Catone iturum et suam in senatu operam auctoritatemque quam 

2. haud auditus| See Adn. Crit. Madvig 
(A. 6. ili. 178) sed is auditus sine consilio 
‘without his views being discussed,’ 
‘‘homines Favonii verba et sermones sic 
audire dicuntur ut nihil inde consilii 
nascatur.’’ Possibly we should read sed 
via auditust in consilio. 

in Siciliam| Caesar, B. C. i. 30, tells 
us that Cato afterwards went to Sicily, 
but left it on the arrival of Curio, 
complaining that Pompey had deceived 
everyone as to his preparedness, and had 
undertaken an unnecessary war. 

Postumius| He was a follower of 
Cato, like Favonius: cp. [Sall.] Epist. 
ad C. Caes. de rep. ordinanda i. 9 fin. 
(ed. Burnouf) Z. Postwmius et M. Favonius 
mihi videntur quasi magnae navis super- 
vacua onera esse: Cic, Brut. 269 ne T. 

(qu. LZ.) quidem Postumius contemnendus 
in dicendo: de republica vero non minus 
vehemens orator quam bellator fuit: effre- 
natus et acer nimis, sed bene iuris publici 
leges atque instituta cognoverat. He, as 
well as Furfanius, was probably a quaes- 

Furfanio| cp. 527. 3: 528: Mil. 75.- 

quam magni] Wesenberg has no objec- 
tion to ascribing to Cicero the use of quam 
with the positive. Most other edd. emend 
the mss. when they give it, either by 
omitting the guam or by changing it to 
perquam. Such expedients are of course 
simple, but it may be questioned whether 
they are scientific. We have guam clemen- 
ter, Fam. viii. 8. 9 (223), in Caelius, and 
quam brevem in Cicero (344. 2) ; and guam 
with positive adjectives and adverbs is an 

ἢ magni aestimat. 
ig in Siciliam praemittitur. 
Τῇ -yarietas est. 

__ad bellum a nobis pararetur. 
 praesidia deducat. 


_ pere cogitabam. 

undoubted comic usage (e.g. flens quam 
| familiariter, Ter. And. 136). For other 
' examples see Index s. v. quam. Is it 
not then highly probable that Cicero per- 
' mitted himself to use this colloquialism 
in his familiar letters? And is anything 
_ gained by assuming that the mss. are in 
' error whenever they present examples of 
| this usage ? 

_ _ Fannium] cp. 350.3. He may be the 
_ Fannius mentioned in 418. 6, but it is not 
8. interposita esse] Understand dicunt 
cp. note to Fam. 

| nae out of negant: 

. 10. 4 (226). 
ES eondisions] ‘will abide by his com- 
pact.’ The change to condicionibus is 
unnecessary: cp. note to 343. 6. 
᾿ς facturum ut| ‘will takecareto.’. The 
_-use of facere ut strengthens the statement. 
‘It may be rendered as above in affirma- 
tive sentences, and ‘not to run the risk 
of’ in negative sentences. 

minore... est] ‘by a less treason- 
_ able course than that on which he has 

quo} Dr. Reid would alter to quod, 
and that is certainly the more usual con- 
‘struction: but the Dictionaries quote 
Rep. vi. 26 vestigiis ingressus patris, and 
several instances from the poets. 
τς flagitioseimparati] ‘infamously unpre- 
spared’: cp. ofa μελεώτατα. This is very 

Ita res ad Fannium pervenit. 
3. In disputationibus nostris summa 
Plerique negant Caesarem in condicione mansurum 
 postulataque haec ab eo interposita esse quo minus quod opus esset 
Ego autem eum puto facturum ut 
@ Vicerit enim si consul factus erit, et minore 
_ scelere vicerit quam quo ingressus est. 
 Sumus enim flagitiose imparati cum a militibus tum a pecunia, 
quam quidem omnem non modo privatam, quae in urbe est, sed 
etiam publicam, quae in aerario est, illi reliquimus. 
i legiones Appianas est profectus: Labienum secum habet. 
" tuas opiniones de his rebus exspecto. 

4 EP. 311 (ATT. VII..15). 85 

Ts cum imperio 

Sed accipienda plaga est. 

Pompeius ad 

Formias me continuo reci- 

different from the language he uses to 
Tiro next day (812. 4) dilectus magnos 

4] ‘in point of’: 
18, 2 (218). 

Appianas| This is a most probable 
correction of the ms reading acianas or 
actianas (= Attianas), which cannot be 
right. P. Attius, of whom we read in 
308, 3, as being at Cingulum, seems not to 
have been in command of any Jlegiones, but 
of only a few cohorts at Auximum (Caes, 
B.C. i. 12 fin.). The only other Attius 
who appears in the narrative of Caesar is 
Attius Paelignus (idid. 18. 1, and cep. 
below, 335. 3), who was at Sulmo, and 
who plainly cannot be referred to in this 
passage. Lipsius with great probability 
emended the word to <Appianas, The 
reference would then be to the legions 
which were taken from Caesar under 
the pretence that they were to be em- 
ployed against. the Parthians, and were 
unfairly made over to Pompey. Plutarch 
(Pomp. 47) tells us that Appius was the 
name of the officer who commanded on 
the march from Gaul ‘the force. which 
Pompey had lent to Caesar,’ ἣν ἔχρησε 
Πομπήιος Καίσαρι στρατιάν. Of course it 
is possible that the reading in Plutarch 
should be “Artios, but there is no ms: 
authority for it, 

see note on Att. v. 


36 EP, 312 (FAM XVI. 12). 

312, CICERO TO TIRO (Fam. xvi. 19). 

CAPUA$ JANUARY 273 A. U. C. 7053 B.C. 493 AKT. CIC, 57. 

M. Cicero condicionem rei publicae deplorans initia belli civilis exponit, Tironem _ 

ut curet valetudinem admonet. 

1. Quo in discrimine versetur salus mea et bonorum omnium 

atque universae rei publicae ex eo scire potes quod domos nostras — 

et patriam ipsam vel diripiendam vel inflammandam reliquimus. 
In eum locum res deducta est ut, nisi qui deus vel casus aliquis 
subvenerit, salvi esse nequeamns. 2. Kquidem ut veni ad urbem, 
non destiti omnia et sentire et dicere et facere quae ad concordiam 
pertinerent, sed mirus invaserat furor non solum improbis sed 
etiam iis qui boni habentur ut pugnare cuperent, me clamante 
nihil esse bello civili miserius. Itaque cum Caesar amentia 
quadam raperetur et oblitus nominis atque honorum suorum 
Ariminura, Pisaurum, Ancouam, Arretium occupavisset, urbem 

1. universae ret publicae| 

In ewm locum] The marked difference in 
tone between the despair of the first sec- 
tions of this letter and the hopefulness of 
the succeeding ones, has led Lehmann (p. 
122 ff.) to argue that, in this sentence, it 
must be the possibility of peace, and of 
avoiding a struggle in which one or other 
of the parties must be destroyed, of which 
Cicero is despairing. He accordingly reads 
<utrigue> ut; comparing ad Brut.i. 1. 2, 
in eum autem locum rem adductam intelle- 
git—est enim ut scis minime stulius—ut 
utrigue salvi esse non possint. However, 
we are inclined to think that Cicero at the 
outset of his letter expressed in rather 
exaggerated language pessimistic views 
on the whole situation, which to some 
extent were his real views (311. 3) ; but 
that, fearing if he set forth his reasons in 
detail, he might alarm ‘liro and hinder his 
recovery from his illness (§ 5 fin. below), 
in going into particulars he puts the 
best face he could on the whole state of 
affairs. We shall see in the correspondence 

See Adn. 

as it proceeds how Cicero’s hopes and fears. 
succeeded one another very rapidly. 

2. omnia... pertinerent| ‘ promoting 
in thought, word, and deed everything 
that made for peace’ (Shuckburgh). For 
Cicero’s efforts on behalf of peace cp. 
Plut. Cie. 37. 

invaserat furor] ‘ madness had pos- 
sessed.” On the general eagerness of all 
parties for the struggle cp. 301. 2 nam ex 
utraque parte sunt qui pugnare cupiant. 

improbis| This is the only place we 

know in Cicero where invadere is used — 

with the dat. Generally ix with the acc. 
is the construction found. Prof. Goligher 

-quotes for sxvadere with dative Varro ap. — 

Nonium 499. 28, tanta porro invasit 

cupiditas honorum plerisque, and Gell. 

xix. 4. 2. Nonius (s. v. Vastities, p. 184. 

92) quotes Attius (Ribb. Trag. p. 194), 

Quae vastitudo haec aut unde invasit mihi: 
cp. includere orationi, Att. i. 18, 5 (19). 
Anconam| We must not take this 
statement too literally; for when Cicero 
heard of the fall of Ancona he had already 
left the city: cep. Att. vii. 11. 1 (304). 

aaa i eS 

ΟΡ αν. 





Mea fees 

3. omnino | ‘The general result is.’ 
_ Omnino means ‘to sum up,’ ‘looking at 
the matter as a whole’: cp. Dr. Reid on 
Ἔ Lael. 78. ‘The terms offered by Caesar 
2 were very indulgent ones under the cir- 
cumstances: but perhaps, as Merivale 
ae (ii. 120) suggests, he knew that the 
᾿ς Pompeians would not accept them. 
Considio Noniano} cp. 327.2. Perhaps 
he was praetor in 52: cp. Asconius, 
> 55. 11 ed. Clark (= 54 Or.). 

trinum nundinum| ‘for the interval 
_ of three full market days,’ 1.6, 24 days 
x The idea that the interval was 
᾿ only 17 days is now abandoned: cp. 
_ Mommsen St. R. iii. 375, note 2; Weis- 
Senborn on Livy iii. 35. 1. The words 
trinum nundinum are genitive plural, 
which have come to be used as a neuter 
singular like sestertium : cp. Quintil. ii. 4. 
85. ‘The accusative is that of duration of 
 Accipimus| So HF: accepimus MD. 
But as all the other verbs in the para- 
graph are in the present tense, it is better 
_ to retain the present here also. 
 —praesidia ex iis locis| cp. note to 310. 1. 

; EP. 312 (FAM. XVI. 12). 


_reliquimus: quam sapienter aut quam fortiter nihil attinet dis- 
3. Quo quidem in casu simus vides. 
condiciones ab illo, ut Pompeius eat in Hispaniam, dilectus qui 

Feruntur omnino 

' sunt habiti et praesidia nostra dimittantur, se ulteriorem’Galliam 
 Domitio, citeriorem Considio Noniano—his enim obtigerunt— 
traditurum: ad consulatus petitionem se venturum, neque se iam 
_velle absente se rationem haberi suam : 

se praesentem trinum 

/ nundinum petiturum. Accipimus condiciones, sed ita ut removeat 
t praesidia ex iis locis quae occupavit, ut sine metu de his ipsis 
| condicionibus Romae senatus haberi possit. 
" spes est pacis non honestae—leges enim imponuntur—sed quidvis 
est melius quam sic esse ut sumus. 
| dicionibus stare noluerit, bellum paratum est, eius modi tamen 
_ quod sustinere ille non possit, praesertim cum a suis condicionibus © 
 ipse fugerit, tantum modo ut eum intercludamus ne ad urbem 
[ -— accedere: quod sperabamus fieri posse. 
~ magnos habebamus putabamusque illum metuere, si ad urbem ire 
Νίκο, ne Gallias amitteret, quas ambas habet inimicissimas 
| praeter Transpadanos, ex Hispaniaque sex legiones et magna 
ie auxilia Afranio et Petreio ducibus habet a tergo: 

4. Id ille si fecerit, 

Sin autem ille suis con- 

Dilectus enim 

videtur, si 

4. suis condicionibus stare] ablat.: ep. 
Cluent. 132, censoris opinione standum non 

sustinere tlle non possit] For he would 
excite universal hatred by refusing to stand 
by the conditions which he had offered. 

tantum modo wt| ‘provided only that 
we can cut him off (ep. intercludamur, 
309. 1) from being able to approach the 
city.’ Cp. modo ut below. 

Dilectus enim magnos habebamus| Con- 
trast 311. 3 (to Atticus) swmus enim 
Jlagitiose imparatt cum a militibus tum 
a pecunia. 

Transpadanos| The granting of citizen- 
ship to the Transpadanes who had Latin 
rights was a project which Caesar had 
very much at heart, and it was one of 
the first which he carried into effect, 
when he came to Rome in, April: 
cp. Lange, R. A. iii. 420. The law 
enacting it was promulgated apparently. 
by L. Roscius Fabatus, and bore date 
March 11 (Mommsen in Hermes xvi.. 
(1882), p. 24: cp. p. 34). The, Lex, 
Rubria seems to’ have regulated the 
jurisdiction of the Transpadanes with 

38 EP. 312 (FAM. XVI. 12). 

insaniet, posse opprimi, modo ut urbe salva. 

adhue orae maritimae praesum a Formiis. Nullum maius nego- 

tium suscipere volui quo plus apud illum meae litterae cohor- — 

tationesque ad pacem valerent. Sin autem erit bellum, video me 
castris et certis legionibus praefuturum. 
molestiam quod Dolabella noster apud Caesarem est. Haec tibi 
nota esse volui: quae cave ne te perturbent et impediant valetudi- 
nem tuam. 6. Ego A. Varroni, quem quom amantissimum mei 
cognovl tum etiam valde tui studiosum, diligentissime te com- 
mendavi ut et valetudinis tuae rationem haberet et navigationis 
et totum te susciperet ac tueretur: quem omnia facturum confido: 
recepit enim et mecum locutus est suavissime. Tu, quoniam eo 
tempore mecum esse non potuisti quo ego maxime operam et 
fidelitatem desideravi tuam, cave festines aut committas ut aut 

Maximam autem — 
plagam accepit quod is qui summam auctoritatem in illius exer-— 
citu habebat, Τὶ Labienus, socius sceleris esse noluit: reliquit 
illum et es¢ nobiscum, multique idem facturi esse dicuntur, 5, Ego © 

Habeo etiam illam — 

aeger aut hieme naviges. 
salvus veneris. 

Numquam sero te venisse putabo si 
Adhue neminem videram qui te postea vidisset 

quam M. Volusius, a quo tuas litteras accepi: quod non mirabar : 

reference to that of the praetors, and was 
probably proposed by a tribune Rubrius, 
who entered on office on December 10, 
49. See Lange, 7. ¢., and cp. Dio Cass. 
xli. 36. 3. 

modo ut| sc. opprimatur or fiat. For 
modo ut, cp. Ter. Phorm. 58, Quid istue 
est? Gr. Scies, modo ut tacere possts ; 
Verr. iv. 10, concede ut impune emerit, 
modo ut bona ratione emerit : 309. 1. 

5. orae maritimae] 310.3: a Formiis, 
‘stretching southwards from Formiae.’ 
In 327. 1 he speaks of Zarvacinam et 
oram maritimam. 

Nullum ... valerent| It seems as if 
Cicero, in an interview with Pompey just 
before his leaving the city, made some 
difficulty about takingactive and supreme 
command at Capua, chiefly on the ground 
of lack of forces (333. 4; 848. 5): but 
did, at Pompey’s request, consent to have 
a general oversight of the coast-line of 
Latium and Campania, and to receive 
reports as to the levy and the main course 
of events (804. - ὃ). See Addenda to 
Comm.i. Cicero’s object in not taking 
an active part was, as he elsewhere says 

(e.g. 315. 4: 326. 2), a desire not to- 
commit himself and so to render himself 
more suitable to negotiate a compromise.. 
For Cicero’s efforts to bring about peace, 
see Addenda to the Commentary iv. 

6. A. Varroni| Possibly he was the 
same as the Varro Murena mentioned in 
517.1, where see note. Caesar (B. C. iii. 
19. 3) relates that at Dyrrhachium he 
would have come to treat of peace, but 
was prevented by Labienus. His sister 
Terentia was wife of Maecenas. 

totum te susciperet ac tueretur'| 
you under his charge and care.’ 

operam et fidelitatem | ‘faithful services.’ 

Adhuc neminem videram qui ... vidis- 
set] ‘Atthe time of writing I have seen 
no one who had seen you later than 
generic: lit. ‘noone. . 
has seen you’; i.e. no traveller from 
Patrae. For such a subj. cp. Plane. 2,. 



The subjunctive vidisset ἰδ 
. such that he — 

video enim hoe in-numero neminem cui mea 

salus non cara fuerit. The pluperf. vide- 

ram is an epistolary tense. 
quam M. Volusius] se. te vidisset 

“later than Volusius (saw you).’ For 


EP, 313 (ATT, VU. 16). 39 
neque enim meas puto ad te litteras tanta hieme perferri. Sed da 
_ Operam ut valeas et, si valebis, cum recte navigari poterit, tum 
aviges, Cicero meus in Formiano erat, ‘l'erentia et Tullia Romae. 
Cura ut valeas. 1v Kalendas Febr. Capua. 

313. CICERO 'TO ATTICUS (Arr. vu. 16). 

CALES} JANUARY 285 A, U. ©. 705; B. C. 49; AET. CIC, 57. 

8 in De litteris ab Attico missis et a se datis, exspectari quid Caesar acturus sit de 
_ condicione per L. Caesarem relata et quid Pompeius, qui auctore Labieno meliorem 
_ spem conceperit, de itinere suo Capuam facto, de Terentia et Tullia. 


εν + παι 

_ 1. Omnis arbitror mihi tuas litteras redditas esse, sed primas 
ppreepostere, reliquas ordine quo sunt missae per Terentiam. De 
| mandatis Caesaris adventuque Labieni et responsis consulum ac 
' Pompei scripsi ad te litteris 118 quas a. ἃ. v Kal. Capua dedi, 
| pluraque praeterea in eandem epistulam conieci. 2. Nunc has 
_ exspectationes habemus duas: unam, quid Caesar acturus sit cum 
" acceperit ea quae referenda ad illum data sunt L. Caesari, alteram, 
quid Pompeius agat: qui quidem ad me scribit paucis diebus se 
 firmum exercitum habiturum spemque adfert, si in Picenum agrum 
-ipse venerit, nos Romam redituros esse. Labienum secum habet non 
_dubitantem de imbecillitate Caesaris copiarum, cuius adventu 

 Volusius cp. 302. ὃ. Val. Max. vii. responsis consulum] cp. 811. 2. 

_ 8, 8, relates how he escaped during the 
Ἧ proscriptions by dressing himself up asa 
_ Priest of Isis. 

tanta hieme] ‘in such wintry weather’ : 
ep. 3383. 5 maxima hieme: Q. Fr. ii. 9. 2 
_ (120) multa nocte and Nagelsbach (ed. 7) 
_ p. 210 

recte| ‘without danger’: cp. 320. 1. 

1. praepostere | ‘out of their regular 
am order,’ that is, not delivered in the order 
_ in which they were written and despatched. 
Seneca (Epist 23.1) uses the phrase prae- 
 posterum frigus for cold weather that has 
come out of its regular time. 

trusty clients: 

2. exspectationes| objective: ‘ things to 
wait for’; it governs guid Caesar acturus 
sit and quid Pompeius agat. For exspec- 
tatio with a rel. clause, cp. De Orat ii. 74. 

in Picenum agrum| cp. 3819. 2: 

Pompey was influential in Picenum, as 

he had large property there and many 
ep, Vell, ti. 296: 2; 
Appian, B.C. i. 80. He was three times 
patron of Auximum (C. I. L. ix. 5837). 
Besides Attius Varus and other senators 
were active in recruiting there (Caes. B. C. 
i. 13. 8): so Pompey may have thought 
that the country would rise in his favour. 
But it was rather the other way; they 

deserted Attius ψν 14, 1). 


Gnaeus noster multo animi plus habet. 
venire iussi sumus ad Nonas Febr. Capua profectus sum Formias” 
Eo die cum Calibus tuas litteras hora fere nona_ 
Terentia et ‘Tullia tibi- 
adsentior, ad quas scripseram ad te ut referrent: 
profectae sunt, nihil est quod se moveant quoad perspiciamus quo | 

a. d. 11 Kal. 
accepissem, has statim dedi. 

loci sit res. 

EP. $14 (FAM. XVI. 8). 

3. De 

314. QUINTUS CICERO TO TIRO (Fam. xvt. 8). 

FORMIAE; FEBRUARY 2(?); A. U. Ὁ. 705; B.C. 49; AET. CIC. 67. 

Quintus Cicero hortatur Tironem ne naviget nisi confirmatus. 


1. Magnae nobis est sollicitudini valetudo tua. 

Nam tametsi 

qui veniunt ἀκίνδυνα piv xpovwrepa δὲ nuntiant, tamen in magna 
consolatione ingens inest sollicitudo si diutius nobis futurus es, 

15 cuius usum et suavitatem desiderando sentimus. 

Ac tamen 

quamquam videre te tota cogitatione cupio, tamen te penitus rogo 

muito animi plus habet| Holzapfel (KTio 
iv, 356) notices that from January 23 to 
February 4 (Epp. 308-17) there is no 
mention of Pompey’s leaving Italy. 
Indeed, the idea seemed to be abandoned, 
315, 1, cum fuga ex Italia quaert videbatur 
(note the tense): cp. 315. 4, totam enim 
Italiam flagraturam bello intellego. But 
Atticus in his letters of that period seems 
to regard it as a contingency that might 
‘be expected (365. 4, 5). 

Calibus| ‘The stopping-place between 
‘Capua and Formiae (310. 1; 319. 1), 
dedi is epistolary perf.: cp. 310. 1. 
3. referrent| The object is probably se: 
ep. Att. xiv. 12. 1 (715) and note there. 
Cp. also coniungendi = se coniungendi 
(318.. 2): 
me) ad Scaptium. 

The mention of the extreme cold (ᾧ 2) 
points to winter as the time-when this 
-letter was written, and the injunction to 
Tiro not to 581} during the winter fixes it 
approximately. ‘to. ‘the same time as 312. 
Possibly it was written on Febr. 2, imme- 

Att. v. 21. 12 ἰᾶσα! refero (sc. 

diately after Quintus came to Formiae, 

Nos a consulibus Capuam | : 

sl nondum — 

and no doubt heard from Marcus of the | 

state of Tiro’s health. 

nobis futurus| For the readings of the 
mss. and some conjectures see Adn. Crit. : 
nobis is dativusincommodi. Just as longe 
esse alicui = ‘to be far away from any 
one’ (of space): cp. Verg. Aen. xii. 42 

Longe tli dea mater erit, and Ovid Heroid. 

xii. 58, Quam tibi tune longe regnum 
dotale Creusue Et socer et magni nata 
Creontis erant; so diutius nobis futurus es 
= ‘you will be longer away from us’ (of 
time). Wesenberg and Biicheler conjec- 
ture nobis defuturus. The usual reading 
adopted is a nobis futurus es (or est). 

Ac tamen] So Wesenberg for attamen of — 

the mss: cp. 461. 1, Madvig Fin. ii. 85, 
and especially Munro on Lucretius v. 
1177, and Dr. Reid on De Sen. 16. 

tota cogitatione] ‘with all my mind ’— 
an unusual expression for toto animo. The 

the emotions. 
penitus rogo| 


tibt penitus commendo atque trado. 

-*JT ask you from my 

. idea in cogitatio is rather the intellect than — 

cp. Fam. xiii. 53. 1 (230), ewm 3 

— χν.... Ὅν 

ἘΡ. 316 (ATT. VII.-17). 41 

e te tam longae navigationi et viae per hiemem nisi bene firmum 
 committas neve uaviges nisi explorate. 2. Vix in ipsis tectis et 
oppidis frigus infirma valetudine vitatur, nedum in mari et via sit 
facile abesse ab iniuria temporis. 

Ψῦχος δὲ λεπτῷ χρωτὶ πολεμιώτατον, 

παυ!ῦ Huripides. Cui tu quantum credas nescio. Ego certe singulos 
_ eius versus singula testimonia puto. Effice, si me diligis, ut valeas 
et ut ad nos firmus ac valens quam primum venias. 
a vale. (ὦ. Εἰ, tibi salutem dicit. 

Ama nos et 

315. CICERO TO ATTICUS (Arr. vu. 17). 

FORMIAE; FEBRUARY 2; A. U. 6. 7053 B. C. 49; AET. CIC. 57. 

M. Cicero Attico scribit de pueris in Graeciam transportandis si ipse Hispaniam 
 peteret, de Attici commoratione in urbe cum Sexto, de responsis ad Caesaris responsa 
_ scriptis a P. Sestio, quae ipsa a Caesare non acceptum iri existimat, de Trebatii litteris 
- rogatu Caesaris ad se missis et quid Trebatio ipsi responderit, et de consiliis suis, a se 
| ᾿ Capua reverso in Formiano mulieres suas exspectari, ipsum velle Non, Febr. Capuae 
® ‘esse. 

1. Tuae litterae mihi gratae iucundaeque sunt. De pueris in 

_ Graeciam transportandis tum cogitabam cum fuga ex Italia quaeri 
_ videbatur. Nos enim Hispaniam peteremus, illis hoc aeque com- 

nist explorate] ὁ unless withthe greatest eius Orelli conjectured ἀληθειας, Klotz 

_ certainty of a favourable voyage.’ veritatis, Koch det alicuius. See Adn. 
᾿ς 2. abesse ab iniuria temporis| ‘escape Crit. 

_ the violence of the weather’: cp. Plin. Q. F.] = Quintus filius, ‘my son 
| ALN. xiii. 134 non aestuum,non frigorum, Quintus.’ 

_ non grandinum aut nivis iniuriam ex- 

H Ψῦχος. .-.πολεμιώτατον]) It is 
_ not known from what tragedy of Euripides 
_ the line is taken: cp. Nauck Frag. 906, 

ΟΡ. 652. ‘Cold to the tender skin is 

bitterest foe.’ , 

ο΄ singula testimonia] ‘as true as so many 
_ declarations upon oath.’ We have left 

_ -out the second eiws which M reads after 

_ Singula: it is not found in HFD. For 

1. sunt] This must refer to the general 
effect of the letters of Atticus on Cicero. 
We should rather have expected fuerunt, 
and then the reference would be to certain 
letters recently received from Atticus. 
But he often expresses this sentiment 
generally. See Att. xiv, 10. 4 (714). 

peteremus| *‘ we should now be making 
for Spain.’ When it first occurred to 

42 EP. 815 (ATT. VII. 17), 

modum non erat. Tu ipse cum Sexto etiam nune mihi videris — 
Romae recte esse posse. Etenim minime amici Pompeio nostro 
esse debetis. Nemo enim umquam tantum de urbanis praediis — 
detraxit. 2. Videsne me etiam iocari? Scire iam te oportet © 
L. Caesar quae responsa referat a Pompeio, quas ab eodem ad 
Caesarem ferat litteras. Scriptae enim et datae ita sunt ut pro- | 
ponerentur in publico: in quo accusavi mecum ipse Pompeium | 
qui, cum scriptor luculentus esset, tantas res atque eas quae in © 
omnium manus venturae essent Sestio nostro scribendas dederit. 
Itaque nihil umquam legi scriptum σηστιωδέστερον. Perspici — 
tamen ex litteris Pompei potest nihil Caesari negari omniaque et. 
cumulate quae postulet dari, quae ille amentissimus fuerit nisi 
acceperit, praesertim cum impudentissime postulaverit. Quis enim 

people that Pompey would leave Italy 
(cp. 305), they naturally inferred that he 
would go to Spain (ep. 316.2). Cicero 

assumes all through this letter that he will . 

share Pompey’s fortunes, whatever they 
may be. Cicero now expected a war in 
Italv. Cum fuga quaeri videbatur means 
‘when Pompey thought of flying.’ Cicero 
now believes Pompey to have abandoned 
the design of leaving Italy. 

Sexto] cp. 807. 8. Sextus Peducaeus 
was an intimate friend of Cicero’s, as also 
was his father, who was governor of Sicily 
as propraetor B.c. 76-75. 
mentioned frequently in Cicero’s corre- 
spondence, especially the son to whom the 
reference is in this passage. 

recte| ‘safely’: cp. Att. v. 5. 2 (188), 
and often. 

de urbanis praedits detraxit| ‘ depre- 
ciated city property.’ Pompey in abandon- 
ing the city and leaving it exposed to an 
attack by Caesar, who might follow -the 
Sullan precedent of proscription and con- 

tiscation, took a step likely to depreciate ° 

property in the neighbourhood of Rome, 
and thus infiict an injury on Atticus and 
Peducaeus. The only property of any 
extent which Atticus had in Italy was 
town property : cp. Nepos Att. 14. 3 nzdlus 
habuit hortos, nullam suburbanam aut 
maritimam sumptuosam villam, neque in 
Italia, praeter Arretinum et Nomentanum, 
rusticum praedium, omnisque eius pecuniae 
reditus constabat in Eptroticis et urbanis 
possessionibus. The reading of M, praesi- 
diis, is certainly an error; these words 
are very frequently confounded by the 

They are both ᾿ 

copyists. Cicero is careful to point out. 
that what he says is not serious. 

2. proponerentur| ‘with a view to- 
its being posted up in public’: ep. 332. 
1, in publico proponat velim. It was. — 
probably posted up on some pillars like 
ordinary advertisements : cp. Prop. iii. 23. 
23, I puer et citus haec aliqua propone 

mecum| ‘in my own mind’ ‘to myself.” — 

Ttaque| ‘and true enough.’ | 

σηστιωδέστερον͵ ‘more Sestian,’ 
that is, ‘more characteristic of Sestius,’ 
whose style was notoriously frigid. Ca- — 
tullus (xliv) tells us how he once endured ~ 
the infliction of hearing Sestius read a. — 
speech of his own composition, an expe- 
rience which was followed by such a 
cold (gravedo) and cough (tussis) that he- 
was obliged to retire to his Tiburtine farm. 
and lie up till he recovered. This is the 
same Sestius who befriended Cicero in 
his exile, and whom Cicero defended in 
the celebrated extant speech B.c. 56: 
cp. 302. 5. 

omniaque et cumulate . . . dari] For 
adj. and adv. in a collocation such as this 
Sjogren (Comm, Tull. p. 113) com- 
pares Att. vi. 3. 4 (264) swepius et certiora 
audis; 111. 5 (60) et saepe et ‘maximas 
agit gratias ; ad Brut. i. 17. 4 (865) omnia: — 
tam ultroque deferenda putat. So there is. 
no need to read ei for δέ with Koch. 

Quis enim tu es] Cicero here apostro-. 
phizes Caesar, who demanded as a condi- 
tion of his laying down arms that Pompey: — 
should retire to his province and disband — 
his army. Render, ‘ who are you to say?” — 


tu es qui dicas, ‘ 
: dimiserit.’ 


-gratius facere posse. 


; Graeciam. 

“and for this use of the consecutive sub- 
_ junctive see Roby, 1678 sqq. This usage 
is common in Plautus; a good example 
~ is Capt. 568— 

_ YZy,. Tu enim repertu’s Philocratem guz su- 
ee peres veriverbio. 

Ar. Pol ego ut rem video tu inventu’s vera 

Quzt convincas. 

op. Pseud. 631 Vae tibi ! tu inventu’s vero 
_meam qui fureilles fidem. 
E de vatione habenda| cp. vol. 
ΒΡ. lxi ff. 
_ impetrasset] ‘ had carried his point about 
standing for the consulship in his absence.’ 
_ 8. Trebatius| If Plutarch, in his Life 
of Cicero (6. 87), is referring to the 
account given here of this correspondence 
‘between Trebatius and Cicero, it is a 
proof that he must have read Cicero’s 
Letters with very little care. There was 
' certainly no anger (πρὸς ὀργήν) in Cicero’s 
reply (ἢ 4 
— ab ilio fie Caesar is often referred to 
‘simply as ii/e. In the next line ei of 
course also refers to Caesar. 



ty. EP. 315 (ATT. ἘΠῚ, 17). 

t. Nam cum ista mandata dedisset L. Caesari, 
“paullo quietior dum responsa referrentur; dicitur autem nunc esse 
3. Trebatius quidem scribit se ab illo rx Kal. Febr. 
ogatum esse ut scriberet ad me ut essem ad urbem: nihil ei me 
Haec verbis plurimis. 
ἢ atione, ut primum de discessu nostro Caesar audisset, laborare 
eum coepisse ne omnes abessemus. 
Pisonem, quin ad Servium scripserit. 
‘Me scripsisse, non per Dolabellam, non per Caelium egisse, quam- 
‘quam non aspernor ‘T'rebati litteras, a quo me unice diligi scio. 
4, Rescripsi ad Trebatium—nam ad ipsum Caesarem, qui mihi nihil 
‘scripsisset, nolui—quam illud hoc tempore esset difficile, me tamen 
in praediis meis-esse neque dilectum ullum neque negotium susce- 
In quo quidem manebo dum spes pacis erit: sin bellum 
geretur, non deero officio nec dignitati meae, pueros ὑπεκθέμενος in 
Totam enim Italiam flagraturam bello intellego. 
Tantum mali es¢ excitatum partim ex improbis, partim ex in- 


Si in Hispaniam profectus erit, si praesidia 
amen conceditur: minus honeste nunc quidem, 
fiolata iam ab illo re publica illatoque bello, quam si olim de 
atione habenda impetrasset, et tamen vereor ut his ipsis contentus 

debuit esse 

Intellexi ex dierum 

Itaque non dubito quin ad 
Illud admiror non ipsum ad 

ex dierum ratione| Cicero calculated 
that the day on which Caesar asked 
Trebatius to write to him must have been 
the very day on which Caesar had first 
heard that Pompey and the consuls and 
Cicero himself had left the city. 

Pisonem] 307. 1. 

Serviwm| Servius Sulpicius, the emi- 
nent jurist. 

4, qui mihi nihil seripsisset] ‘because 
he had not written to me himself.’ 

neque . suscepisse| Cicero had 
formally undertaken to exercise super- 
vision over the Campanian coast-line to 
the extent of being one ad quem dilectus 
et summa wnegoti deferatur (304. 5; 
cp. 312. 5): but he took no active part 
(333. 5). T. Ampius and Libo did the 
energetic work (327. 2): also, perhaps, 
M. Eppius (327. 1). See Addenda to 
Comm. i. 

ὑπεκθέμενο ς] For the prepositions 
ὑπεκ- in compounds indicating getting 
out of harm’s way, cp. ὑπεκθέωνται, 
Herod. viii. 4: ὑπεκκέεται (ib. 60. 2), 
ὑπεξέπεμψε, Eur. Hec. 6 

44 EP, 316 (ATT. VII. 18). 

vidis civibus. 
responsis intellegentur quorsum evasura sint. 
plura, si erit bellum: sin otium aut etiam indutiae, te ipsum, ut 
spero, videbo. 5. Ego 111 Non. Febr., quo die has litteras dedi, 

in Formiano, quo Capua redieram, mulieres exspectabam, quibus — 

quidem scripseram tuis litteris admonitus τις Romae manerent. 

Sed audio maiorem quemdam in urbe timorem esse. Capuae Non, 

Febr. esse volebam, quia consules iusserant. Quidquid huc erit ἃ 
Pompeio adlatum statim ad te scribam, tuasque de istis rebus — 
litteras exspectabo. 

3816. CICERO TO ATTICUS (Arr. vu. 18.) 
FORMIAE ; FEBRUARY ὃ (EARLY MORNING); A. U. 6. 7053; B. 6. 495 
AET. CIC? 57. 

M. Cicero Attico scribit mulieres suas 1111 Non. Febr. Formias venisse et ibi esse 
mansuras, se 1111 Non. Capuam profectum, de rumore ex urbe adlato, de responsis 
Pompeii et de Cassio Ancona expulso, Caesarem dici acerrime bellum praeparare, se 
tempori parere, Dionysium se in fuga sequi debuisse, Q. fratrem valde laborare ut 
‘quod Attico debeat ab Egnatio solvat, omnes se summa penuria premi. 


1. 1111 Non. Febr. mulieres nostrae Formias venerunt tuaque — 

erga se officia plena tui suavissimi studi ad me pertulerunt. Has 
ego, quoad sciremus utrum turpi pace nobis an misero bello esset 
utendum, in Formiano esse volui et una Cicerones. Ipse cum 
fratre Capuam ad consules—Nonis enim adesse iussi sumus—III 
Non. profectus sum, cum has litteras dedi. Responsa Pompei 

Sed haec paucis diebus ex illius ad nostra responsa — 
Tum ad te seribam — 

otium] The mss have sin autem etiam 
indutiae, which has been corrected to sin 
pax aut etiam indutiae. But otiwm aut 
would more easily have been corrupted 
into the autem of the Mss. .The. word is 
used in the next letter (§2): O via ullo 
otio compensandam turpitudinem ! 

5. seripseram ut manerent | ‘I had 
told them by letter to remain in Rome.’ 
Cp. § 3 ut seriberet ad me ut essem ad 

That this letter Wheiawritten in the 

early morning of February 3 is shown by — 


1. tuaque . . . pertulerunt] ‘and 

brought me an account of your services | 

to them, which fully showed your kind — 
interest on their behalf.’ 

utendum| For uti used of what is 

disagreeable, ‘experience,’ cp. Ter. 

Phorm. 31, ne simili utamur fortuna atque ὦ 

ust sumus Quom per tumultum.noster grex 
motus locost, and note to 860. 7. 

profectus sum . . . dedi) epistolary 


ewe tas! ΜΕΝ See 


-eamque urbem a nobis teneri. 


_ —praesidiis. 
hance rei publicae turpitudinem ! 


si acceperit| This is usually understood 
- to be a case of aposiopesis. He could not 

bring himself to say what the result of an 
~ acceptance of the terms would be. But 
posiopesis is applicable only when the 
mitted words are easily and unmis- 
takably supplied by the reader or hearer, 
_ which certainly is not the case here. It 
__ seems rather that some word has fallen out 
through the carelessness of the copyists. 
Such a word might be perit, which would 
asily fall out after acce-perit. Cicero 
ancies that Caesar is in a dilemma; if he 
efuses Pompey’s proposals, all his prestige 
will leave him (iacedit) ; if he accepts them, 
he is done for (perit). Or the words lost 
“might be otiwm erit ; or consul erit. Cicero 
_ would no doubt have wished him to refuse 
‘if he could have been sure that Pompey 
_was prepared for war. Itis to be observed 
that the ms. reading is tacebit, not iacebit, 

2. erat hie auditum] ‘there was a 
umour here that Cassius had been driven 
out of Ancona.’ This was Q, Cassius 
‘Longinus, who had embraced the cause 
r: ep. 301. 2. C. Cassius was a 
sop, 448. 1; 321, 1. The 
mour may have arisen from Caesar’s 
aving withdrawn his forces from Ancona 
0 attack Auximum. . 

vincire praesidiis| ‘to secure them (the 
Ositions, /oca) with garrisons.’ The 
‘positions are to be secured both from 
attacks by the enemy and by the obedience 
of the inhabitants. Miiller compares Leg. 
gr. li. 86 devincire praesidiis (oppida) 
nd Tuse, ii, 48 pars animi.. . vinciatur 

EP. 316 (ATT. VII. 18). 

grata populo et probata contioni esse dicuntur. 
— Quae quidem ille 8ὲ repudiarit, 


Ita putaram,. 
iacebit : si acceperit ,., Utrum 

_igitur, inquies, mavis? Responderem, si quem ad modum parati 
essemus scirem. 2. Cassium erat hic auditum expulsum Ancona 

Si bellum futurum est, negotium 

ἢ Caesarem quidem L. Caesare cum mandatis de pace misso 
-tamen aiunt acerrime dilectum habere, loca occupare, vincire 
O perditum latronem ! 0 vix ullo otio compensandam 

Sed stomachari desinamus, tem- 

-pori pareamus, cum Pompeio in Hispaniam eamus. Haec optima 
“in malis, quoniam illius alterum consulatum a re publica ne 
| data quidem occasione reppulimus. 

Sed haec hactenus. 

3, De- 

et constringatur amicorum propinqguorum-=. 
que custodiis. Indeed he thinks we might 
read devincire here, the de- having been 
lost after -re. Klotz proposes munire for 
vincire, comparing Cat. i. 8, Sest. 78. 

otio] cp. note to 315. 4. 

temport pareamus| “yield to circum- 
stances’: cp. Fin. 11. 73. Compare καιρῷ; 
λατρεύειν μηδ᾽ ἀντιπλέειν ἀνέμοισιν, 
among the Pseudo-Phocylidea 121 (Bergk): 
but it is an interpolation even there. 

in Hispaniam]| cp. 315. 1, and note. 

optima} So Lipsius for opto of M: 
cp. Hom. 1]. xvii. 105 φέρτατον κακῶν.. 
Possibly we should read opto <ut> in malis,. 
‘I pray for this, considering the evil state 
we are in.’ 

quoniam... reppulimus] ‘since we did 
not peremptorily refuse his candidature: 
for a second consulship, even when oppor- 
tunity was given us’ by his request to- 
be allowed to compete for consulship in 
his absence. This was a constant ground 
of complaint by Cicero against Pompey : 
cp. Att. vii. 3. 4 (294): 6. 2 (297) :: 
333. 3: Phil. 11. 24 duo tamen tempora 
inciderunt quibus aliquid contra Caesarem 
Pompeio suaserim. Ea velim reprehendas: 
si potes; unum ne quinquennt imperium: 
Caesari prorogaret, alterum ne pateretur 
ferrt ut absentis eius ratio habeatur. 
Others understand it ‘since we refused. 
him a second consulship when not even 
an opportunity was given us of doing 
otherwise,’ 1.6. because he had a large- 
army. But we cannot believe but that 
Cicero, if he meant this, would haye- 
expressed himself differently, 


Dionysio fugit me ad te antea scribere, sed ita constitui, exspec- 
tare responsa Caesaris, ut, si ad urbem rediremus, 101 nos exspec-_ 
taret: sin tardius id fieret, tum eum arcesseremus. 
ille facere debuerit in nostra illa fuga, quid docto homine et amico — 
dignum fuerit, cum praesertim rogatus esset, 8010, sed haec non | 
Tu tamen videbis, si erit, quod nolim, — 

nimis exquiro a Graecis. 

arcessendus, ne molesti simus invito. 

EP, 316 (ATT. VII. 18). 

4, Quintus frater laborat ut 

Omnino quid | 


tibi quod debet ab Egnatio solvat nec Kgnatio voluntas deest nec — 
parum locuples est, sed cum tale tempus sit ut ὦ. Titinius—_ 
multum enim est nobiscum—viaticum se neget habere idemque 
debitoribus suis denuntiarit ut eodem fenore uterentur, atque hoe > 
idem etiam. L. Ligus fecisse dicatur, nec hoe tempore aut domi 
nummos Quintus habeat aut exigere ab Henatio aut versuram 

3. Dionysio] a literary slave of Cicero’s, 
whom he manumitted, and to whom he 
entrusted the education of his son and 
nephew. Cicero had before this (Att. vil. 7. 
1 Ep. 298) expressed himself as not quite 
satisfied with the manners of Dionysius, 
but subsequently withdrew his condem- 
nation. Observe what consideration Cicero 
here shows for his freedman ; he says that 
he thinks Dionysius ought to accompany 
him in his flight if he should fly from 
Rome; ‘but,’ he adds, ‘we must not 

expect too much from a Greek,’ and, ‘if 

I am obliged to send for him (which I 
hope I may not be), you must see that we 
consult his convenience in every way.’ 
It appears from 335, 336, that Dionysius 
flatly refused to remain an inmate of the 
house of Cicero during this unhappy 
crisis, but afterwards became alarmed 
and apologized. Cicero courteously dis- 
missed him, as we learn from 341. His 
conduct seems to have been most ungrate- 
ful afterthis. In 368.2, Cicero writes: 1 
hate him, and always shall. I wish I 
could punish him for his conduct. But 
his own character will punish him.’ In 
402.1, weread that Dionysius apologized 
to Cicero, and the latter accorded him 
pardon grudgingly, writing to Atticus, ‘I 
hope you may preserve his friendship. 
When 1 utter this wish, I am wishing for 
the permanence of your prosperity. The 
two will coincide.’ Yet he writes in 
Att. xiii. 2. 3 (609): ‘ Dionysius writes 
me at length telling how he feels his 
long separation from his pupils. I fancy 
it will be longer. Yet I am sorry for it. 

I miss him greatly.’ The Dionysius who, 
after having for several years carried on 
peculations when librarian to Cicero, 
finally absconded to escape punishment, 
was a slave, and is not to be confounded 
with the Dionysius of this letter. 

fugit] ‘I forgot.’ See on Att. v. 12, 
3 (202). 

4. ab Eynatio solvat] ‘Quintus is 
anxious to give you an order on Egnatius 
for the money he owes you.’ This was 
called delegatio, which is stated by Ulpian 
(Dig. xlvi. 2.11) to be vice sua alium 
reum dare creditori vel cui iusserit: ep. 
also note to 468. 2, and to Att. xii. 21. 1 
(556) in ed. 2. 

tale tempus| For the scarcity of money 
at this time cp. 364. 4 : 896. 2 : Caes. B. C. 
ili. 1. 2 cum fides tota Ltalia esset angustior. 

Q. Titinius] He was with Cicero in 
Cilicia: cp. Att. v. 21. 5 (240). He is 
also mentioned in Att. 11. 4. 1 (31). From 
these passages one can gather that he 
was rather sharp and grasping in money 

idemque denuntiarit| ‘and yet has 

given notice to his debtors that they may _ 
let the debt stand over, they paying the — 

same interest as before.’ 

I. Ligus| perhaps the Aelius Ligus | 

mentioned in Sest. 94 as among the quis- 
quilias seditionis Olodianae: 

cp. ib. 68 — 

Ligus iste nescio qui, additamentum inimi- — 
corum meorum:; Harusp. Resp. 5 stipitem ὦ 

illum qui quorum hominum esset nescire- — 

mus, nisi se Ligurem ipse esse diceret. 
aut exigere ab Egnatio) 
not pay Atticus in cash. 

Quintus can- — 
The best he 


uidquid est, te scire volui. 


oar Non. Febr. Capuam proficisci scribit. 

do is to ‘delegate’ his debtor 
Egnatius to be the debtor of Atticus. 
 Egnatius was a rich man, but he cannot 
= pay cash either, possibly because he could 
~ not realize his investments at this crisis. 
ἯΙ versuram facere| ‘to raise a loan to 
pay this debt.’ This was such a common 
Ξ ἫΝ procedure that it evolved a technical ex- 
_ pression which is literally ‘to effect a 


transfer’ of creditor: cp. Fest. 379 
ed. Miiller. 
— huius publicae difficultatis] ‘ general 

_ scarcity of money.’ In Verr. 11. 69 Cicero 
adds nummaria. In 400. 1 we have difi- 
οὐ οίδηι pecuniariam. For other references 
_ to the scarcity of money at this time 
ep. 364.4 nummorum caritatem : 396. 2 
μηδὲ δίκην] δικάσῃς πρὶν ἂν ἀαφοῖν 
ἐξ ᾿ μῦθον ἀκούσῃς. This is one of the cases 

in which Cicero goes to the Greek for a 
Sa ~ familiar quotation, while we have recourse 
to Latin, audi alteram partem. It also 
: affords a good instance of iy elliptical 
_ manner of quoting. See 13, p. 87. No 
doubt the verse is ‘ falsely tbctftion to 

- Hesiod,’ but its author is unknown. 
‘References to it in Eur. Heracl. 179, 
_ Andr. 957; Aristoph. Vesp. 725. 

mquam vidi temere fieri, tamen illius querela movebar. 

-  FORMIAE; FEBRUARY 8; A. U. C. 7053 B. 6. 495 

EP. 317 (ATT. VII: 19). oe 

usquam facere possit, miratur te non habuisse rationem huius 


Moin TO ATTICUS (Art vit; 19). 

AET. CIC. 67. 

M. Cicero accepto nuntio de condicionibus a Caesare reiectis scribit se desperantem 


_ Nihil habeo quod ad te scribam: qui etiam eam epistulam 
quam eram elucubratus ad te non dederim. 
 bonae, quod et contionis voluntatem audieram et illum condicionibus 
usurum putabam, praesertim suis. 

Erat enim plena spei 

Eece tibi 111 Non. Febr. mane 

querela| Quintus seems to have been 
‘making a poor mouth’ to his brother, 
complaining that Atticus was unrea- 
sonably pressing for payment, in hopes, 
apparently, that the latter would use his 
influence with Atticus to give Quintus a 
long day to pay the debt, if not a com- 
plete remission. 

qui etiam] ‘as you may judge when 
I tell you that I did not send you a 
letter I had written overnight,’ i.e. Ep. 
316. The force of the subjunctive can 
hardly be expressed without some such 
periphrasis. The reason why he sup- 
pressed his letter was because the com- 
munications subsequently received by 
him showed him that its hopeful tone 
was not justified by the circumstances. 
Cicero often worked during the night 
(317, 1 ante lucem), and took a little 
sleep afterwards: cp. Att. xiii. 38, 1 (658) 
and note there. 

suis] In 312.4 Cicero also emphasizes 
the fact that the terms are Caesar’s own. 

Ecce tibi] ‘lo and behold you.’ Cp. 
Att. ii. 8 1 (35) and note there, - 

48 EP, 818 (ATT. VII. 20). 

accepi litteras tuas, Philotimi, Furni, Curionis ad Furnium, quibus } 

irridet L, Caesaris legationem. Plane oppressi videmur, nec quid 

consili capiam scio, nec mehercule de me laboro: de pueris quid 

agam non habeo. 

Capuam tamen proficiscebar haec scribens, φιο 

facilius de Pompei rebus cognoscerem. 

318. CICERO TO ATTICUS (Arr. vit 20). 

CAPUA ; FEBRUARY 53 A. U. C. 7053 B. C. 7053. AET. 

CIC. 57. 

Desperata pace queritur M. Cicero tamen bellum non parari a consulibus, a Caesar 

omnia acerrime agi. 

Quaerit ab Attico quid 5101 agendum putet. 


1. Breviloquentem iam me tempus ipsum facit. 
desperavi, bellum nostri nullum administrant. 

Pacem enim 
Cave enim putes 

ity Sean 

quidquam esse minoris his consulibus: quorum ergo spe audiendi 

irridet L. Caesaris legationem] It was 
extravagant for the Pompeians to ask 
Caesar to surrender the towns he had 
taken and retire into his province: for 
there were considerable forces under 
Attius Varus in Auximum, and it looks 
as if an attack on Ancona was being 
planned (§ 2); and Caesar’s enemies 
would easily find a pretext for war the 
moment they felt strong enough to declare 
it: ep. Ferrero ii. 232. 

guid agam non habeo| ‘Ido not know 
what to do.” See Madv. 362. Nihil 
habeo quod ad te scribam, at the com- 
mencement of the letter, means ‘I have 
nothing to write to you.’ 

1. Pacem enim desperavi| See on 310. 

bellum ..nullum| “ [86 military opera- 
tions on our side are nil.’ This isa much 
stronger expression than non administrant 
would have been, and may be compared 
with such colloquial expressions as nud/us 
venit, ‘not a bit of him came,’ 441. 4; 

nullus discederet, ‘not to move an inch,’. 
Att. xv, 22, 1 (755); nullus tu quidem 

domum, ‘don’t stir a foot to visit him,’ 
Att, xv. 29, 1 (768). 

Cave... consulibus| ‘don’t imagine 

that there is anything which concerns our 
present consuls less than the war.’ This 
seems more probably right than the other 
possible rendering, according to which 
consulibus is not dative but ablative after 
minoris ; 
could be more worthless than our present. 

quorum ergo| ‘on account of whom 
in the hope of hearing something I came 
to Capua in heavy rain.” We have ven- 
tured to read with Bosius and Boot ergo 
for ego, the reading of the mss. It has. 

been thought that we might retain ego 

and suppose that quorum spe audiendi is 
an example of that ‘intermediate’ con- 
struction (Madvig on Fin. i. 60) between 
quos audiendt and quorum audiendorum >. 
cp. Plaut. Capt. 852 nominandi istorum 
tibi erit copia (where see Prof. Lindsay’s 
note, and also his note on line 1008) ; . Ter 
Heaut. 29 novarum spectandi copia; Cic.. 
Fin. v. 19 causa eorum adipiscendi: cp. De 
Inv. ii. 5 exemplorum eligendi potestas ; 
Phil. v. 6 facultas agrorum condonandi : 
Lucret. v. 1225 poenarum solvendi tempus: 
cp. Roby vol, ii., p. xviii (many apparent 
examples of this usage are not real 
examples as is shown by Dr. Reid on 
Acad. ii. 128). 

‘don’t imagine that anything. 

' The fact, however, ere 




a | 

3 Diudiendi has in this instance an object ali- 
_ quid, and that another genitive follows, 
makes it slightly different from the other 
examples cited above, and induces us to 
follow Bosius in changing ego to ergo. 
Dr. Reid thinks that a substantive in 
_ the ablative has dropped out on which 
quorum depended, such as vocatu. But 
then wt eram iussus would be somewhat 
redundant. It would be impossible to 
_ take the genitive guorum as governed by 
audiendi (like ἀκούειν), as that construc- 
tion is found only in Christian writers : 
/ ep. Rénsch Itala und Vulgata, p. 488. 
_ Miller reads the whole passage thus: 
Cave enim putes quicquam esse minori his 
consulibus curae (for quo rum). Ego spe, 
maximo imbrij ablative, like tanta 
 hieme (312. 6). Lmbri is the correct form 
of the abl.: ep. Phil. v.15; Dr. Reid on 
De Sen. 34 (Crit. note). Neue-Wagener 
i? 362 gives many examples. 

Tilt... venerant| C, the ms. which 
Cratander used, is said by him to have the 
reading ili autem adhuc, id est Nonis, 
nondum venerant. This reading may be 
right, and is adopted by Wesenberg ; for 
this letter was written on the morning of 
the 5th, as is shown by the use of hodie in 
_ § 2, and we read at the end of the letter 
_ that the consuls are to arrive ‘on their 
_ appointed 5th.’ Boot, seeing that some 
_ statement of the time at which the consuls 
were expected would naturally find a 
_ place in the sentence, proposed to read 
Nonis for inanes. We might also suppose 
that ad Nonas fell out before imanes, and 
that C preserved a part of the right tradi- 
tion by introducing the Nones, but pre- 
served it in the wrong place. Cicero 
heard the report that they were expected 
‘by February 5th,’ and that they were 
_ without equipment or preparation of any 
kind, ‘bare and bootless.’ But we confess 
_ that inanes, imparatiseem strange epithets, 


Gen κατ τς, 

EP, 318 (ATT. VII. 90). 49 

aliquid et cognoscendi nostri apparatus maximo imbri Capuam 
_ yeni pridie Nonas, ut eram iussus, 
sed erant venturi inanes, imparati. Gnaeus autem Luceriae 
᾿ dicebatur esse et adire cohortes Jegionum Appianarum, non firmis- 
-simarum. At illum ruere nuntiant et iam iamque adesse, non ut 
᾿ς manum Semeerer cence enim ?—sed ut fugam intercludat. 2. 
Riso autem in Italia κἂν ἀποθανεῖν nec te id consulo—sin extra, 
ἢ ago?—Ad manendum hiems, lictores, improvidi et neglegentes 

Illi autem nondum venerant> 

especially the former (‘empty-handed ’), 
to indicate, as would appear, that they 
had no forces. Possibly inanes is a corrup- 
tion of mane, and the curious use of inanes 
led to a gloss imparati. If the consuls 
had been expected mane ‘early in the 
day,’ there would be special point in 
saying that Lentulus arrived sero ‘late in 
the day’ (319. 1). 

illum] Caesar. 

ruere| ‘is eerie headlong.’ 

ial ΠΕ 312 

2. Ego...ago?] ἽΝ ow, were the scene 
Italy, Bid: me to die, and I will dare— 
on that point I am not asking your counsel 
—but if the issue is to be decided out of 
Italy, what am I to do?’ According to 
a frequent practice, Cicero quotes but a 
couple of words of the saying he had in 
his mind. So we often quote but a few 
words of a proverbial expression, ‘ Needs 
must > or ‘When thieves fall out 
.᾽ Cf. Hamlet, iii. 2, 358, “ While 
the grass grows, —the proverb is some- 
thing musty.’ The quotation is attri- 
buted by Peerlkamp to Diphilus (though 
we cannot find it in Meineke), and is 
sald to run κἂν ἀποθανεῖν δέῃ με θάνοιμ᾽ 
ἑκούσιος (we have in Aristoph. Lys. 
123 ποιήσομεν, κἂν ἀποθανεῖν ἡμᾶς δέῃ, 
which has somewhat of ἃ proverbial 
tone). Consulere, with a double accus. of 
the person and of the thing, is rare except 
in the comic writers (e.g. Plaut. Men. 700, 
consulam hanc rem amicos). The Thesaurus 
quotes Statius (Theb. vii. 628), non vos 
longinqua sorores Consulimus. The acc. of 
the person is of course quite regular, and 
the acc. of the thing (esp. when a neut. 
pronoun, cp. note to 429. 2) not very rare, 
Plaut. Most, 1102 consulere quiddamst quod 
tecum volo, Cic. De Divin. i. 3: ib. ii. 10: 
Mil. 16 (these last two passages we owe 
to Dr. Reid): Liv. ii. 28. 2 rem delatam 
consulere : Verg. Aen. xi, 343. 

lictores] cp. 303 init. and note. 


50 HP B10 (ADT: VII). 

duces; ad fugam hortatur amicitia Gnaei, causa bonorum, turpitudo 
coniungendi cum tyranno: qui quidem incertum est Phalarimne _ 
an Pisistratum sit imitaturus. Haec velim explices et me iuves 
-consilio, etsi te ipsum istic iam calere puto. Sed tamen quantum | 


aderunt consules ad suas Nonas. 

Ego si quid hie hodie novi cognoro, scies. 

Iam enim 
Tuas cotidie litteras exspectabo. 

Ad has autem cum poteris rescribes. Mulieres et Cicerones in 

Formiano reliqui. 


CICERO TO ATTICUS (Arr. vit. 21). 

CALES ,; FEBRUARY 8; A. U. C. 705; B. C. 493 AET. CIC. 57. 

M. Cicero Attico scribit se Capuae fuisse, eo alterum consulem usque ad vir Id. 

Febr. nor venisse, nihil agi neque a consulibus neque a Pompeio. 

De mandatis a 

C. Cassio tribuno pl. adlatis ad consules, de summa sua consilii inopia. 


1, De malis nostris tu prius audis quam ego. 
Boni autem hine quod exspectes nihil est. 


Istim enim 


Capuam ad Nonas Febr., ita ut iusserant consules. Eo die 

coniungendi| On the apparently passive 
use of the gerund see Roby ii. pref. 
lxiv-lxvii. The examples collected there 
under class ¢ especially illustrate the pre- 
sent passage, because here the gerund 
may be regarded as rather reflexive than 
passive ; among the best of the examples 
are signo recipiendi dato, Caes. B. G. vii. 
52. 15; lusus exercendique causa, Liv. v. 
27. 2; vix spatium instruendi fuit, Liv. 
xxxi. 21. 6; potestatem defendendi, Cic. 
Mil. 11. See Dr. Reid on Acad. ii. ἐξ 
26, 101. 

Phalarimne an Pisistratum] Phalaris 
was typical of the worst kind of tyrant, 
Pisistratus of the best. 

calere| This is not nearly so strong an 
expression as ‘to be in hot water.’ It 
means little more than ‘to have one’s hands 
full,’ ‘ to have plenty of business of one’s 
own to occupy one’: cp. Fam. viii. 6. 4 
(242), Si Parthi vos nihil calfaciunt, nos 

frigore frigescimus; and Fam. vii. 10. 
2 (161) ne frigeas in hibernis... Quame 
quam vos nune istic satis calere audio. 
Boot reads carere (sc. consilio), which is 
probable on account of quantum poteris, 
and because there is no reason (such as 
antithesis of frigere) to prompt Cicero to 
use the metaphorical calere. 

ad suas Nonas] ‘on the Nones as they 

1. Istim] an archaism for istine often 
found in the Letters: cp. Att. ii. 1. 4 (27), 
xiv. 12. 1 (715): Fam. vi. 20. 1, 3 (645), 
x. 20. 1 (884): cp. illim 308. 8 ‘For the 
bad news comes from where you are,’ i.e., 

ad Nonas| ‘I arrived in Capua for the 
Nones,’ so as to be there on Feb. 5. We 
read in the last letter that he actually 
entered Capua on the 4th. 

_ quo praesidio ἢ ? deinde exeant : 

sero| cp. note to 318. 1. 

alter consul] OC. Claudius Marcellus. 
ante lucem| cp. note to 317. 

_ nihil in consulibus] ‘that the consuls 
are worthless.’ 

| Nec enim] ‘the recruiting sergeants do 
’ not even dare to show their faces, while 
“Caesar is everywhere, and Pompey never 
8 anywhere or doing anything: the men 
re not enlisting’ ; φαινοπροσωπεῖν means 
4 put in an appearance ’ cp. Att. xiv. 
2, 2(729); or, if we might use an English 
olloquialism, «to show their noses.’ The 
yord occurs only in these passages. 

iacet| cp. 316. 1. 

timidissimas| ‘faint-hearted.’ 

_ ignorationem| See the excellent note of 
Dr. Reid on Acad. i. 42; where he decides 
“that ignorantiam is probably an error 
πο ignorationem. Cicero, he adds, uses 
_Aactatio but not iactantia, which is common 
_ in Tacitus ; probably Aaesitantium in Phil. 
ii. 16 should be haesitationem; on the 
_ Other hand, Cicero has both toleratio and 
olerantia. Cicero seems of set purpose 
0 avoid ignorantia. He says ignoratio 

ie onsilium, non copiae, non diligentia. 
urbe turpissimam, timidissimas in oppidis contiones, ignorationem 
“non, solum adversari sed etiam suarum copiarum. 2. Hoe cuius 
‘modi est? vi Id. Febr. Capuam C. Cassius tribunus pl. venit 
_ attulit mandata ad consules ut Romam venirent, pecuniam de 

_ sanctiore aerario auferrent, statim exirent. Urbe relicta, redeant : 
quis sinat ? Consul ei rescripsit 
“ut prius ipse in Picenum. At illud totum erat amissum ; 
“nemo praeter me ex litteris Dolabellae. 
‘quin ille iam iamque foret in Apulia, Gnaeus noster in navi. 
38. Ego quid agam σκέμμα magnum,—neque mehercule mihi 
ΠΗ͂ΜΑ ullum, nisi omnia essent acta turpissime neque ego ullius 
“consili particeps—sed tamen quod me deceat. 

EP. 319 (ATT. VII.‘ 21). 61 

entulus venit sero, alter consul omnino non venerat vit Idus. 
Ο enim die ego Capua discessi et mansi Calibus. | 
tteras postridie ante lucem dedi. 
ovi: nihil in consulibus, nullum usquam dilectum. Nee enim 
conquisitores φαινοπροσωπεῖν audent cum ille adsit, contraque 
noster dux nusquam sit, nihil agat; nec nomina dant. 

Inde has 
Haec Capuae dum fui cog- 

Gnaeus autem noster—o rem 
Non animus est, non 
Mittam illa, fugam ab 

Mihi dubium non erat 

Ipse me Caesar 

locorum in Rep. i. 29, while Caesar (B.C. 
ili. 68. 2) uses ignorantia locorum. 

2. C. Cassius) ‘The tyrannicide: cp. 
note to 316. 2: 321. 1. 

mandata| orders from Pompey. 

sanctiore aerario| Here the fund was 
kept to meet the exigency of a Gallic war ; 
it was raised from spoil taken in war and 
the 5 per cent. duty on the manumission 
of slaves. See Dict. Antiq. 15 37b. 

Consul] Lentulus ; “Marcellus had not 
yet arrived. 

ut prius ipse in Picenum] This con- 
temptuous reply shows that Pompey can- 
not be supposed to have been formally 
invested with full military powers: cp., 
too, his whole correspondence with 
Domitius (325, 329, 330): he requests and 
does not command. For Picenum cp. 
313. 2. 

sciebat nemo praeter me] O. E. Schmidt 
(p. 180 fin.) notices that the intelligence 
department of the Optimates was very 
defective: cp. 329. 1 note. 

3. Εο quid... deceat) ‘itisa serious 
problem what should ‘be my course 

E 2 

.ad pacem hortatur. 

Tuas litteras exspecto. 

EP... 820 (ATT. VII. 22). 

Sed antiquiores litterae quam ruere coepit. 
Dolabella, Caelius ‘me illi valde satis facere.’. 
Iuva me consilio si potes, et tamen ἰδία quantum potes— 
Nihil habeo tanta rerum perturbatione quod. scribam. 

320. CICERO TO ATTICUS (Arr. vit. 23). 


M. Cicero Attico scribit iam Caesarem totam occupare Italiam, quo iverit Pompeius — 
se ignorare et quo eum sequatur nescire, Attici consilium requirit, honestum non esse 

se tradere Caesari. 

A. U. CG. 705; B.C. 49: AET. CIC. 87, 


1, Pedem in Italia video nullum esse qui non in istius potes- 

tate sit. 
tulerit, exceptum iri puto. 

De Pompeio scio nihil, eumque, nisi in navim se con- 
O celeritatem incredibilem! huius 

autem nostri—sed non possum sine dolore accusare eum de quo 

angor et crucior. 

Tu caedem non sine causa times, non quo 

minus quidquam Caesari expediat ad diuturnitatem victoriae et 

(though indeed it would not be so for 
me, but for the disgraceful mismanage- 
ment of the whole business, and the fact 
that I was not consulted on any plan); 
however, I repeat, it is a serious consider- 
ation what would be my most becoming 
course.’ Quid agam depends on σκέμμα, 
and is again understood before guod me 
deceat. 'The sentence is resumed after the 
parenthesis by sed tamen, but the quid agam 
is expanded into the question quid agam 
quod me deceat. The desirableness of 
making a parenthesis as short as possible 
may perhaps account for the omission 
of esset after ulium and of essem after 

 antiquiores ... quam] ‘but his letter 
was written before he began to run his 
headlong course’ (318.1). Ruere is the 
word by which Cicero often expresses the 
complete abandonment of all Pe of 
constitutional action: ep. Att. ii. 14.1 
(41); 15. 2 (42). 

tamen| ‘in any case.’ 

tanta rerum pertur batione | This is the 
ablative of manner, for which see note on 
181. 4. 

1. celeritatem|  ‘Caesar’s rapidity’ 
became proverbial: cp. Att. xvi. 10. 
1 (801) aiunt enim eum Caesariana uti. 
celeritate. Lucan 1. 148 says of him 
successsus urgere suos instare favort Nu- 
minis, and compares him to lightning. 

huius autem nostri] This is a real case 
of aposiopesis, and is quite different from 
that supposed example of the same figure 
in 316. 1. 

non guo minus] ‘not that anything 
could be more prejudicial to the chances 

Mira me 4 Tropia 


of a lasting victory or supremacy.’ We 

think of Mommsen’s celebrated remark 
(R. H. ti. p. 142, ed. 1872), ‘*Terror is 
a bad weapon of proselytism ’’ (Das Ent- 
setzen macht schlecte Propaganda), made 
in reference to Hannibal. 

EN νων ee eg aera Pe ee 

set censeo cedendum. 
) -factu videbitur facies. 
tiam habebis Idibus. 


EP. 391 (ATT. VII. 38). 

-dominationis, sed video quorum arbitrio sit acturus. 
2. De Oppiis egeo consili. 
Cum Philotimo loquere, atque adeo Teren- 
Ego quid agam? qua aut terra aut mari 
_persequar eum qui ubi sit neseio ἢ Htsi terra quidem qui possum ὃ 
mari quo? . Tradam igitur isti me ?. 
hortantur—num etiam honeste? Nullo modo quidem. 
petam consilium, ut soleo? Explicari res non potest. 
si quid in mentem venit velim scribas et ipse quid sis acturus. 

Recte sit ; 
Quod optimum 

Fac posse tuto—multi enim 
A te 

Sed tamen 

CICERO TO ATTICUS (Arr. vii. 23). 
FORMIAE ; FEBRUARY 10; A. U. C. 7053 B.C. 493 AET. CIC. 57. 

De Philotimi litteris bonae spei plenis, quibus tamen ipse fidem nullam habuerit ; 
 sibi illud verius videri omnia iam perdita esse, l’?ompeium Italia cedere persequente 
Caesare, se lectis Philotimi litteris de mulieribus consilium mutasse, sibi difficile esse 
᾿ς quidquam conari, apud suos omnia iacere, exemplum litterarum Caesaris se misisse. 


i 1. v Id. Febr. vesperi a Philotimo litteras accepi, ‘ Domitium 

~ exercitum firmum habere, cohortes ex Piceno Lentulo et Thermo 

Ε quorum arbitrio| Cicero seems to have 
thought that some of Caesar’s friends, 
_ perhaps Antony and Caelius, would 
- counsel severe measures of retaliation. 

τ΄ Recte sit . . . consili] ‘The reading of 


the ss. is recte sit: censeo codindum de 
᾿ς oppidis iis egeo consili. For attempted 
_ corrections see Adn. Crit. We feel pretty 
sure that Boot is right in discovering 
Oppiis under oppidis, owing to the 
immediate mention of Philotimus and 
- Terentia: cp. 308.1; 338.3. He reads 
_ recte sit. Censeo cedendum Oppiis. Hie 
 egeo tuo auxtlio. We venture to suggest 
| Recte sit: <set> censeocedendum. 2. De 
 Oppiis egeo consili ‘It may be quite safe 
fox ‘I trust it may be safe’), but I think 
you had better leave (Rome). As to the 
_ Oppii I want your advice.’ The iis may 
Ἶ 7215 
have arisen from a correction oppidis. 
atque adeo| ‘These words have the 

augmentative sense, ‘nay, more’; for the 
corrective sense, see Att. i. 17. 9 (28): 
and on the two uses of atgue adeo see 
Palmer’s note on Plaut. Amph. il. 2. 46 
(678), p. 198. 

Etsi . . . quo?) ‘and vet how (qut) 
can 1 (follow him) by land? And by sea, 
whither?’ This use of etsi, ‘and yet,’ 
is common in the Letters; see the 

Nulio modo quidem] So 
(p. 34) punctuates the sentence. Quidem 
is appropriate in the reply: cp. Legg. ii. 
1, sane quidem. Most editors after Biicheler 
read Nullo modo. Equidem a te. 


1. a Philotimo] He generally lied in 
favour of Pompey: cp. 393. 1 Cuius 
hominis, quam insulsi et quam saepe pro 
Pompeio mentientis: 362. 6 mtmium 

δ4. EP. 391 (ATT. VII. 38). 

sed tamen Μ᾽. Lepidum, L. Torquatum, C. Cassium tribunum 
pl.—hi enim sunt nobiscum, id est in Formiano,—Philotimi 
litterae ad vitam revocaverunt. Ego autem illa metuo ne veriora. — 
sint nos omnis paene iam captos esse, Pompeium Italia cedere, ἡ 
quem quidem—o rem acerbam !—persequi Caesar dicitur. Persequi 
Caesar Pompeium? Quid? ut interficiat? O me miserum! et: 
non omnes nostra corpora opponimus? in quo tu quoque ingemiscis. 
Sed quid faciamus ? Victi, oppressi, capti plane sumus. 2. Ego 
tamen Philotimi litteris lectis mutavi consilium de mulieribus, 
quas, ut scripseram ad te, Romam remittebam, sed mihi venit in 
mentem multum fore sermonem me iudicium iam de causa publica 
fecisse, qua desperata quasi hune gradum mei reditus esse quod 
mulieres revertissent. De me autem ipso tibi adsentior, ne me 
dem incertae et periculosae fugae, cum rei publicae nihil prosim, 
nihil Pompeio, pro quo emori cum pie possum tum lubenter. | 
-Manebo igitur: etsi vivere ... 3. Quod quaeris hie quid agatur, 
tota Capua et omnis hic dilectus iacet, desperata res est, in fuga 
omnes sunt, nisi qui deus iuerit ut Pompeius istas Domiti copias 

neme dem| Understand some word like 
scribenti with dt, 

pro quo... lubenter| ‘for whom I can 
in duty and affection face death.’ 332. 4. 

vivere| Here is another case (cp. 316. 
1) in which aposiopesis is unsuitable. 
Something has fallen out, probably a 
Greek word such as ἀβίωτον, or ἀηδές, or 
αἰσχρόν, or possibly some words like isto 
modo υἱῷ est vivere. 

3. tota... Capua tacet| 319.1. 
iacet ‘has broken down’ cp. 319. 1. 

nisi qui deus iuerit| So Tyrrell corrected 
nisi quid eius fuerit. Boot had already 
proposed nisi gui deus fecerit. Editors 
usually add modi after eins. For the 
sentiment cp. 312. 1 mist qui deus subve- — 
merit. Tyrrell’s emendation is accepted — 
by Miller. For the form iwerit =iuverit 
οἵ. Catull. 66. 18 Non ita me divi vera 

M’. Lepidum, L. Torquatum| 305. 4: 
327. 1: C. Cassius seems tohave come on 
from Capua (319. 2) to Formiae. Lepidus 
ultimately returned tu Rome and joined 
Caesar (350. 2; 358. 2). Torquatus, on 
the contrary, joined Pompey (363. 1). 
He was captured by Caesar at Oricum, 
but set free (Caes. B.C. iii. 11.4). He 
afterwards met his death in Africa with 
Metellus Scipio after the battle of Thapsus 
(Bell. Afr. 96.1). Cicero speaks cordially 
of him (Brut. 265), and he makes him the 
exponent of the Epicurean philosophy in 
Fin, i. 

paene| So the mss. On account of 
penne captos at the end of the section, Wes. 
alters to plane, perhaps rightly. 

2. remittebam| = remissurus eram, “1 
intended to send back to Rome’ ; see note 
on habebam, 209. 1. 


me... reverlissent| ‘that I had passed 
a judgment on the political situation, and 
that, since I regarded it as hopeless, the 
return of the ladies of my house was as it 
were one step on my own way back.’ 

gemunt iuerint: Fam. x. 24. 7 (916) — 

iuero (so M corrupted into ¢wero in D, and 
tueor in H): x. 17. 2 (872) iuare is to be 
read, as Mendelssohn shows, from twave 

M: tuvare HD, while the inferior mss. 

ut adhuce nihil faciam turpiter. 

ut ad se Luceriam veniat. 


_ subsequl. 
puto fore. 

ENR Tac reaps | 
y=. ἘΞ Eso 

corrupt still further to tueri. Also 
ep. De Sen. 1 O Tite, si quid ego adiuero. 

cui nos valde satis facere| Caesar’s 
letter is not extant: it had been alluded 
to in 319. 3 71.986 me Caesar ad pacem 
hortatur: sed antiquiores litterae quam 
ruere coepit. 

75 ἢ = 

παλὶς asa. 


Ep. 322] Ο. E. Schmidt (p. 134) thinks 
that this ietter is only the postscript 
_ which Pompey wrote with his own hand 
(328, 1 sed in ea Pompei epistula erat in 
 extremo ipsius manu, “ Tu censeo Luceriam 
_ venias: nusquam eris tutius’). There is 
nothing about the actions in Picenum, 
the letter of Vibullius, or the levy of 
_ Domitius, which are stated (328. 1) to be 
_ mentioned in the letter. And where is 
_ there any cause for a διπλῇ (332. 4) in 
- such a short note as this? cp. Sternkopf 

EP. 322 (ATT. 


Q. Fabius ad me venit a. ἃ. 
LL. Domitium cum suis cohortibus 
~ quas Vibullius adduxit ad me iter 
_ proficisci Corfinio a. ἃ. v Id. Febr., 
Censeo. ad nos Luceriam venias. 

VIII. 11 A). δδ᾽ 

eum suis coniungat. Sed videbamur omnia biduo triduove scituri. 
Caesaris litterarum exemplum tibi misi: rogaras enim: cui nos 
_ valde satis facere multi ad me scripser unt, quod patior facile, dum 

3822, POMPEY TO CICERO (Arr. vii. 114). 

LUCERIA 5; FEBRUARY 10; A. U.C. 7055; B.C. 493 AET. CIC. 57. 

Cn. Pompeius nuntiat copias ex Samnio ad se iter habere monetque Ciceronem 


ιν Idus Febr. Is nuntiat 
ΧΙ et cum cohortibus xtv 
habere: habuisse in animo 
C. Hirrum cum v cohortibus 
Nam te hic tutissime 

(Marburg Dissertation (1884), No. 82, 

pp. 52, 53). 

Q. Fabius] Perhaps Q. Fabius Vergi- 
lianus, the legate of Appius Claudius : 
cp. Fam. iii. 1(191). 

xu] It seems reasonable to read 
ΧΙ here with Wesenberg instead of x1 
of the mss. ‘The change is very slight, 
and Pompey mentions twelve cohorts 
under the command of Domitius in 331. 1. 
For the forces at Corfinium and in 
Samnium see Addenda to Comm. iii. 

Censeo.. . venias| cp. Antony in 395. 2 
ad Caesarem mittas censeo. The expres- 
sion is somewhat brusque. 

tutissime] cp. Neue- Wagener 115 757. 
It is to be observed that Pompey does not 
use the rare form tutissimo which is used 
by Cicero when in 328. 2 he is referring 
to this letter. 

56 EP. 324 (ATT. VIT. 26). 

328, CICERO TO ATTIOUS (Arr. vit. 24). 
FORMIAE ; FEBRUARY 11, MORNING; A. U. 6. 7053 B. C. 49; AET. CIC. 57. 

De Philotimi litteris et Pompeianorum fuga, se a consilio fugiendi abesse. 


Philotimi litterae me quidem non nimis sed eos qui in his 
locis erant admodum delectarunt. Ecce postridie Cassi litterae 
Capua a Lucretio, familiari eius, Nigidium a Domitio Capuam 
venisse: eum dicere Vibullium cum paucis militibus e Piceno 
currere ad Gnaeum, coufestim insequi Caesarem, Domitium non 
habere militum 111 milia. Idem scripsit Capua consules discessisse. 
Non dubito quin Gnaeus in fuga sit; modo effugiat. Kgo a consilio 
fugiendi, ut tu censes, absum. 


324. CICERO TO ATTICUS (Arr. vit. 58). 

CIC. δὴ: 

M. Cicero Attico scribit se hilarioribus eius litteris non satis credere, Pompeii 

causam iacere. 


Cum dedissem ad te litteras tristis et metuo ne veras de Lucreti 

Philotimi litterae] 321.1. 

Eece| 317. 

Cassi litterae Capua a Lucretio] ‘Cassius’ 
letter from his friend Lucretius from 
Capua.’ Cassius had come on from 
Capua to Formiae (321. 1). For Cassi 
litterae = ‘a letter to Cassius,’ cp. note to 
Att. 11.13. 1 (40) tuam epistulam. In 
324. 1 we have de Lucreti ad Cassium 
litteris Capua missis. This Lucretius is 
generally supposed to be the senator 
Quintus Lucretius who was in command 
at Sulmo, and had to fly therefrom about 
February i8: cp. 335. 3 and note, also 
Caesar B.C. i. 18.2. But the Lucretius 
here mentioned wrote plainly from Capua ; 

so Corradus held that it is a different 
Lucretius who 15 referred to _ here. 

Nothing certain can be said: but it is 

possible that Quintus Lucretius may have 
come to Capua to consult with the consuls, 
and got back to Sulmo before Caesar 
arrived in the vicinity of that town. 

u1 millia| Domitius had 12 cohorts 
(831. 1), and we may suppose each had 
300 men at all events. So that this esti- 
mate of 3000 seems rather low. 

modo effugiat] ‘I only pray that he 
may escape.’ 

absum] “1 hold aloof from, am dis- 
inclined to’ : cp, abfuisse ab istis studiis 
Planc. 62: Sall. Cat. 6. 4. 

ee ee Pe ee 


EP. 325 (ATT. VIII, 12 B). δὴ 

| ad Cassium litteris Capua missis, Cephalio venit a vobis, attulit 

etiam a te litteras hilariores, nec tamen firmas, ut soles. Omnia 
facilius credere possum quam quod scribitis Pompeium exercitum 
habere. Nemo huc ita adfert omniaque quae nolim. O rem mise- 
‘yam! Malas causas semper obtinuit, in optima concidit. Quid 
‘dicam? nisi illud eum scisse—neque enim erat difficile—hoe 
_nescisse. Erat enim ars difficilis recte rem publicam regere. Sed 
iam iamque omnia sciemus et scribemus ad te statim. 

325. POMPEY TO DOMITIUS (Art. vu. 128). 

| LUCERIA; BETWEEN FEBRUARY 10 AND 16; A. U. ©. 705; B. Ο. 493 
ABT, CIC. δ᾽. | 

_ Cn. Pompeius L. Domitium vehementer rogat ut quam celerrime ad se Luceriam 

_adveniat ne abs se excludatur. 


1. Valde miror te ad me nihil scribere et potius ab aliis quam a 
te de re publica me certiorem fieri. Nos disiecta manu pares ad- 
_ Yersario esse non possumus: contractis nostris copiis spero nos et 
rei publicae et communi saluti prodesse posse. Quam ob rem cum 
constituisses, ut Vibullius mihi scripserat, a.d. v Id. Febr. Corfinio 
_ proficisci cum exercitu et ad me venire, miror quid causae fuerit 
"qua re consilium mutaris. Nam illa causa quam mihi Vibullius 

Ἐχ e 

 seribit levis est, te propterea moratum esse quod audieris Caesarem 

Cephalio| a letter-carrier of Atticus, 

Ἢ confestimque.. . ad te 
_ often mentioned: cp. 377. 4 and Index. 

cp. also Tusc. 

exspectavti dum... 
iter facere coepi, 343. 1: 

᾿ς vobis| 1.6, from your people in Rome. i. 4, 71, and Madv. § 488, obs. 2. Nolim 
- He brought letters from others than is in the subjunctive, because quae 
_ Atticus: hence the plural seriditis. expresses the kind, character, of the 

ο΄ firmas| “ decided,’ ‘ confident.’ 
ee Nemo—nolim] ‘no one gives this ac- 

' count, and everyone brings all the news 

intelligence brought to him. 
obtinuit] ‘he carried through’ to a 
successful issue. 

ost unwelcome to me.’ Quisque must 
ibe taken out of nemo in accordance witha 
‘common usage of which there is a good 
example in Hor. Sat. i. 1, 4, where see 
᾿ Palmer’s note. The use of the adv. (ita 

adfert) predicatively instead of an adj. is 
_ characteristic of the letters: see I? p. 91. 
 Forthe use of gue in omniague quae nolim, 
here weshould rather have expected an 
adversative particle, Boot compares non 

illud| refers to malas causas obtinere, 
and hoc to optimam causam (obtinere). 

Erat ...regere| The imperf. seems to 
make the remark specially applicable to 
Pompey’s period of supremacy. It was 
difficult then to guide the State. 

1. levis est] Pompey gives the reason 
in 329.1. Domitius appears to have 

58 EP. 395 (ATT. VIII. 12 B). 

Firmo progressum in Castrum Truentinum venisse. 


Quanto enim 

magis appropinquare adversarius coepit, eo tibi celerius agendum 
erat ut te mecum coniungeres prius quam Oaesar aut tuum iter 

impedire aut me abs te excludere posset. 

2. Quam ob rem etiam 

atque etiam te rogo et hortor, id quod non destiti superioribus litteris _ 
a te petere, ut primo quoque die Luceriam advenires, ante quam — 
coplae quas instituit Caesar contrahere in unum locum coactae vos — 

a nobis distrahant. 

Sed si erunt qui te impediant ut villas suas — 

servent, aequum est me a te impetrare ut cohortes quae ex Piceno © 
et Camerino venerunt, quae fortunas suas reliquerunt, ad me | 

missum facias. 

delayed, as he was not sure what Caesar’s 
plan was in going from Firmum to 
Castrum Truentinum—whether to make 
a dash along the coast-line to attack 
Pompey (in which case Domitius would 
at once proceed to join Pompey) or only 
to goas far as Aternum and then proceed 
inland to Corfinium (in which case he 
would wait for Caesar). Pompey fears 
that in the latter case he and Domitius 
would be prevented from joining forces, 
and a junction seemed to him to be 
imperative under the circumstances. 

Firmo| This passage defends the ms. 
reading in Caesar B. C. i. 16. 1 Recepto 
Firmo, which has been altered to Aseulo 
and oppido. Nodoubt Caesarin ὁ. 15. 3says 
that after taking Auximum he Ascu/uwm 
Picenum proficiscitur ; but that indicates 
his direction (cp. Ο. E Schmidt, p. 128) 
rather than that he actually went to 
Asculum. He went to Firmum: at the 
news of his approach Lentulus fled from 
Asculum, Caesar did not go to Asculum, 
but went east to Castrum Truentinum to 
get the level coast-road in order to march 
south. Sooner than alter Firmo, which 
has virtually all the Mss. in its favour, 
we would, if it were necessary, add in the 
passage of Caesar (cacophony notwith- 
standing) expulsoque Lentulo <Asculo>. 
That Lentulus Spinther was at Asculum 
is certain: Caesar B. C. i. 15.3; ep. Lucan 
11, 468 depellitur arce Lentulus Asculea. 
See Mr. Peskett’s good notes on these 
chapters of Caesar, esp. 16. 1. 

2. primo quoque die} This use of 
primus quisque is somewhat different 
from the usual use of the phrase, viz. : 
“each successive’: see Mady.’on Fin. ii. 

105; Dr. Reid on Acad. 11. 49 ; Munroon 
Lucr. 1. 389: cp, Fam. xii. 1. 1. {728} 
Here it means ‘ on the first day possible’ : 
ep. Att. iv. 17. 3 (149); -Phil.. ini. 39, 
viii. 33. It looks as if it was a phrase 
belonging tothe sphere of public adminis- 

advenires|] The regular sequence 
would be advenias, as the verb strictly 
follows rogo et hortor; but the past tense 
of destiti led the writer into using ad- 
venires, though the clause id quod. . 
petere is really parenthetical. 

in unum locum... distrahant] ‘ be= 
come concentrated and effect a severance 
between us.’ 

ut villas suas servent| This shows that: 
many of the Optimates were prepared to 
neglect military considerations in order 
to preserve their property. . 

fortunas suas reliquerunt] ‘who have 
abandoned their own interests’ to serve 
the State. These were the new levies, 
under the command of Vibullius and 
Hirrus (322). 

missum facias| The use of the past part. 
of mitto with facere as equivalent to 
mittere, dimittere is found in the comic 
writers (e.g. Ter. Andr. 680: Eun. 90), 
and also in Cicero (e. δ. Rose. Am. 76: — 
Sest. 138: Phil. v.33) and Caesar — 
(347. 2 below). But the participle is 
always made to agree with the substan- 
tive. It has been suggested that we may 
save Pompey from having made a slip in _ 
grammar by regarding misswmfacere as — 
a single word. ‘Thielmann (Cornif., p. 28, 
quoted by Landgraf on Rose. Am.. 76): 
says of our passage: | 
plane aire: nee dicendi formu- q 

‘hoe enim exemplo — 

" Ciceronibus pueris. 



᾿ς tibus. 
_ parabatur repressa est. 

- respuuntur. 

_Servem, gratum est. 

See ca ete ey 3, 

dam adeo pervulgatam fuisse in sermone 
᾿ cotidiano et castrensi ut duo ex quibus 
constat verba interdum quasi in unum 
-coalescerent. : 


1. Non venit idem usu] ‘I have not 
had the same experience which you imply 
_ you have had when you write every time 
I feel a revival of hope. I feel that re- 
& vival only now, and only in a slight 
degree.’ It seems better not to take 
5 quotiens as an exclamation. Atticus 
would hardly have written ‘how often do 
I Yevive’! It would improve the 
sentence to insert primum, which might 
have fallen out before paulum. 

_ quae Koma adferuntur| Apparently in 
a letter from Philotimus 328. 1. 

Si... offendero) ‘If by to- morrow’s 


λαμπὰς ὄψεται θεοῦ ... θανεῖ, Eur. Med. 
᾿ 962. Cicero quotes ‘this line from the 
_ * Medea’ of Ennius (Ribbeck, p. 47) in 
_Rabir. Post. 29, as an example of a 
: ae ‘threat—Regum autem sunt haec 
‘animadverte et dicto pare’ et 
3  praeter rogitatum si plus’ | according to 

EP, 3296 (ATT. VII. 2). 

“light - I find thee here,’ εἰ σ᾽ ἡ πιοῦσα. 


π΄ 826. CICERO TO ATTICUS (Arr. vn. 26). 
4 -FORMIAE; FEBRUARY 133 A. U. C. Τοῦ ; B. Ὁ. 493 AET. CIC. 57. 

OM. Mined cia spem se recepisse scribit, de condicione sua, de re familiari, de 


1. Non venit idem usu mihi quod tu tibi scribis, ‘ Quotiens 
Ego enim nune paulum exorior, et maxime quidem iis 
_litteris quae Roma adferuntur, de Domitio, de Picentium cohor- 
Omuia erant facta hoc biduo laetiora. 
Caesaris interdicta, 

Itaque fuga quae 

Si te secundo lumine hie offendero, 

Bona de Domitio, praeclara de Afranio fama est, 
2. Quod me amicissime admones, ut mihi integrum quoad possim 
Quod addis, ne propensior ad turpem causam 

Professor A. Οὐ. Clark’s emendation] ¢# 
illae minae 

Sz fe secundo lumine haec offendero 

We do not know what Caesar’s exact 
threats were to which Cicero is alluding. 
Perhaps they were addressed to some of 
the senatorial governors who were holding 
towns in Picenum. 

2. ut mihi integrum ...servem| The 
Mss. have me. Dr. Reid (Hermathena xii 
(1903), p. 261) on Att. xvi. 2. 4 (772), 
idcirco trahebam ut quam diutissime inte- 
grum esset, holds that we should here 
read mihi integrum, supposing that mihé 
(mi) was assimilated to the preceding me 
and comparing Fam. i. 9. 10 (153) τέ 
integrum (the right of free action) mthé 

. reservarem : Caelius in Fam. viii. 6. 
5 (242) integrum tibi reserves. Add Fam. 
v. 2. 8 (14) respondit sibi non esse integrum. 
The accusative of the person, he says, is 
not found before Tac. Hist. iv. 62. 
Plancus in Fam. x. 21. 6 (861) has omnia 
integra servem: cp. x.-24. 3 (916): and 
Antony (391. 2) has wé tibi omnia integra 

60 EP, 3826 (ATT. VII. 26). 

videar, certe videri possum. Ego me ducem in civili bello, quoad 

de pace ageretur, negavi esse, non quin rectum esset sed quia 
quod multo rectius fuit id mihi fraudem tulit. 
noster alterum consulatum deferret et triumphum—at quibus 
verbis! ‘pro tuis rebus gestis amplissimis,—inimicum habere 
nolueram. Ego scio et quem metuam et quam ob rem. Sin erit 
bellum, ut video fore, partes meae non desiderabuntur. 3. De HS 
XX ‘Terentia tibi rescripsit. Dionysio, dum existimabam vagos 
nos fore, nolui molestus esse. ‘Tibi autem crebro ad me scribenti 
de eius officio nihil reseripsi, quod diem ex die exspectabam ut 
statuerem quid esset faciendum. Nune, ut video, pueri certe in 

Plane eum quoi — 

Formiano videntur hiematuri. 

ut scias. 

serves. We have adopted Dr. Reid’s 

eerte vidert] “1 allow that I may seem 
so,’ the emphasis is on videri. ‘I did 
refuse to take a prominent part... I 
was unwilling to have as an enemy, &c. 
But if there is war, I shall play my part.’ 
This makes fairly good sense. But M 
has videre: and Madvig (A. C. ili. 178) 
reads ridere. ‘I can laugh at that 

non quin| ‘not that it would not have 
been right totake a prominent position’ : 
ep. non quin ipse dissentiam, 486. 1. 

quod multo rectius fuit] Doubtless the 
course which he took against Catiline, as 
Manutius suggested. 

fraudem ἐπ] ep. Plaut. Mil. 294 
Sraudem creas. Usually the predicative 
dative is used, fraudi fuit. 

quem metuam | Who is this? Caesar 
(Manutius) or Pompey (Billerbeck) ? We 
think it is Caesar: for when Caesar con- 
sidered himself injured by Cicero he 
promptly proceeded to exact vengeance : 
ep. Suet. Iul. 20.4 Cicerone in iudicio 
quodam deplorante temporum  staium 
Publium Clodium inimicum eius, frustra 
iampridem a patribus ad plebem transire 
nitentem, eodem die horaque nona trans- 
duxit. Billerbeck refers to 333. 2 for the 
reasons why Cicero would have grounds 
to fear Pompey. Cicero’s inaction in 
the Pompeian cause at present (daucem 
in civili bello negavi esse) was certainly 

Et ego? 
bellum, cum Pompeio esse constitui. 

Nescio. Si enim erit 
Quod habebo certi faciam 

Figo bellum foedissimum futurum puto nisi qui, ut tu 
scribis, Parthicus casus exstiterit. 

not likely to be regarded with indulgence 
by Pompey if he should prove successful 
in the contest, and if he actually counte- 
nanced Caesar, Pompey would be natur- 
ally enraged. Moreover, Cicero may 
have been afraid that Caesar and Pompey 
would come to some azreement, and that 
Pompey would surrender him to Caesar’s 
vengeance, as he did previously. 

ὃ. HS xx.] This refers, no doubt, 
to the transaction eh the Oppii already 
alluded to: ep. 320. 

vagos| “" Se 
cp. 304. 5 

diem ex die| ‘from day today.” We 
have diem ex die ducere, Caes. B. G. i. 
16.4; diem de die prospectans, Liv. v. 
48.6; diem de die differre, Liv. xxv. 24, 4. 
The diem seems to be directly governed by 
the verb in each case, and not to be an 
accusative of duration of time. 

Parthicus casus| “ unless some Parthian 
chance, as you say, should fortunately 

‘on the move’ 

forces of the State against the Parthians: 
cp. what Caelius said, Fam. vili. 14. 4 
(280), si alter uter eorum ad Parthicum — 
bellum non eat video magnas impenderé — 
discordias quas ferrum et vis iudicabit. 
So Manutius, perhaps rightly. But edi- — 
tors since Schiitz interpret ‘ unless we 

i.e. unless there should be an — 
invasion of the Parthians which would — 
compel us to compose our civil quarrels, — 
and face the public foe; one or other οὗ 
the leaders being required to direct these — 

EP. 327 (ATT.. VIII.. 11 8). 61. 



-.. + 927.) .CICERO TO POMPEY (Arr. vit. 11 8.) 
FORMIAK; FEBRUARY 15; A. U. 6, 705; B. C. 493 ABT, CIG 57. 

M. Cicero nuntiat Cn. Pompeio se in ora maritima adhuc manere, sed, si re-- 
_ tinendam esse putet, opus esse et praesidiis et qui praesit. 

Sperat mox ad eum esse - 


1. A. ἃ. xv Kalend. Martias Formiis accepi tuas litteras, ex. 

- quibus ea quae in agro Piceno gesta erant cognovi commodiora. 
esse multo quam ut erat nobis nuntiatum, Vibullique virtutem 
industriamque libenter agnovi. Nos adhuc in ea ora ubi praepositi 

 sumus ita fuimus ut navem paratam haberemus. 

Ea enim audie-. 

_ bamus et ea verebamur ut, quodcumque tu consilium praecepisses, 

_ id nobis persequendum putaremus. 

Nune quoniam auctoritate et 

consilio tuo in spe firmiore sumus, si teneri posse putas T'arracinam 

eter pane ah > οὐχ 

have a repetition of the Parthian inci- 
dent.’ —The Parthians had suddenly left 
the province of Bibulus, at a time when 
he was apprehending very grave results 
from their invasion. According to this 
interpretation Atticus meant that there 
- would be a most hateful (because civil) war 
- unless Caesar should, by some chance, 
imitate the Parthian tactics and suddenly 
"ἢ suspend his operations without any appa- 
_ vent reason: see Att, vi. 6. 3 (276) ; vil. 
| 1,2; 2. 8 (284, 293). In defence of this 
_ view we may refer to 342. 7, Caesaris 
᾿ς ie per Apuliam ad Brundisium cursus 
© quid efficiat exspecto. Utinam aliquid 
simile Parthicis rebus! though that may 
' refer not to the recent Parthian invasion 
_ of Syria, but to Parthian attacks gener- 
| ally, which were of the nature of raids, 
and seemed, indeed, very formidable, but 
had little effect, and soon passed away. 
τς Orelli’s correction of scis of the mss. to 
_  seribis seems necessary: wt tu scis could 
not mean ὁ which you remember,’ and the 

Tih EEE ee ae ate aR 

πρόγοσ σε ΜΗ" 

δέ oram maritimam, in ea manebo, etsi praesidia in oppidis nulla. 
sunt. Nemo enim nostri ordinis in his locis est praeter M. Eppium,. 
~ quem ego Menturnis esse volui, vigilantem hominem et industrium. 
Nam L. Torquatum, virum fortem et cum auctoritate, Formuis 

natural sense of the words does not fit 
the context. 

1. whi] It is unnecessary to change wi. 
to cui. The verbs praeesse, praepont, 
praeficere are used absolutely: for in-. 
stance, we have in eo exercitu ... fratrem 
praefecerat, ‘he had given him a com- 
mission,’ Sest. 41; illo loco praepositus, . 
‘given a command there,’ Liv. xxvii. 16. 

navem| cp. 333. 6 fin. 

oram maritimam| 304. 5; 310, 3;. 
312. 5. 

M. Eppium] cp. Fam. viii. 8. 5 (223). . 
He was pardoned by Caesar after the: 
battle of Thapsus (Bell. Afr. 89. 5). 

quem... volui) This looks as if 
Cicero at least did something as governor 
of his district. 

LI. Torquatum| cp. note to 321. 1. 

cum auctoritate| ‘a man of weight, of 
importance’: cp. Petit. Cons. 28 (12), 
homo nequam, iners, sine officio, sine 

62 EP, 327 (ATT. VIII. 11 B). 

non habemus, ad te profectum arbitramur. 2. Ego omnino, ut 
proxime tibi placuerat, Capuam veni eo ipso die quo tu Teano— 
Sidicino es profectus. Volueras enim me cum M. Considio pro — 
praetore illa negotia tueri. Cum eo venissem, vidi T. Ampium | 
dilectum habere diligentissime, ab eo accipere Libonem, summa 
item diligentia et in illa colonia auctoritate. Fui Capuae quoad © 
consules. Iterum, ut erat edictum a consulibus, veni Capuam ~ 
ad Nonas Februar. Cum fuissem triduum, recepi me Formias. — 

3. Nune quod tuum consilium aut quae ratio belli sit ignoro. Si — 

tenendam hance oram putas, quae et opportunitatem et dignitatem 
habet et egregios civis et, ut arbitror, teneri potest, opus est esse 
qui praesit. Sin omnia in unum locum contrahenda sunt, non 
dubito quin ad te statim veniam, quo mihi nihil optatius est, idque 
tecum quo die ab urbe discessimus locutus sum. Ego, si cui adhue 

ingento, cum infamia; Plaut. Trin. 1096, 
qualine amico mea commendari bona? 
CA. probo et fideli et fido et cum magna 
fide; Most. 658, nullum genus est homi- 
num taetrius Nec minus bono cum iure 
(‘or more unreasonable’) guam danisti- 
cum; Varro R. R. i. 21. 1, canes cum 
dignitate et acres. 

2. Capuam veni] On January 25: ep. 
oll. 2. 

Teano Sidicino| an inland town in 
Campania, so called to distinguish it from 
another ‘'eanum in Apnlia. 

T. Ampium] For this Ampius Balbus, 
who was called tuba belli civilis, see In- 
troduction to this volume, II, No. 6. 

ab eo accipere Libonem] ‘that Libo has 
taken over the command of the troops 
raised by Ampius.’ For Libo ep. 305. 2; 
367. 4. 

quoad consules| ‘as long as the consuls,’ 
i.e., until January 28. 

ad Nonas| ‘forthe 5th’; that is, ‘ so 
as to be there on the 5th.’ 

3. opportunitatem et dignitatem] ‘ This 
coast-line has a favourable position, and 
is a locality of importance.’ Opportuni- 
tatem habet probably refers to the favour- 
ableness of its position ‘for keeping up 
communications with Spain, and for 
threatening Caesar’s hold of the capital’ 
(Watson). In 328. 2 (to Atticus) Cicero 
considers that the coast-line should be 
held, in order to secure the corn-supply. 

opus est gui praesit| This is, we think, 
the nearest thing to the resignation of 
Cicero’s official command that we have, 

and to the act to which he afterwards 
refersin the words a me Capuam reiciebam 
(343. δ); Capuam . . . aceipere nolui 
(345). But he did at first accept (or 
rather choose himself} the command 
of Capua (301. 4; 333. 4). Mr. Duff 
(Journal of Philology, xxxiii. (1914) 
p. 160) thinks that there was no definite 
resignation. He holds that Cicero at the 
outset raised some difficulties, and re- 
quired adequate forces (333. 3; 348.2; 
345. 2); but when he went to the district 
he took no active part in the preparations 
going on there; and six weeks later, 
when all was lost to Pompey in Italy, he 
found it possible to believe that the diffi- 
culties he had raised on accepting the 
commission amounted to a definite resig- 
nation of it. See on the whole question 
Addenda to the Comm. i. 

omnia . . . contrahenda] 
concentrated’ (325. 2). 

statim veniam] Cicero did not carry 
out this promise; he left Formiae with 
the intention of doing so, but returned 
thither, fearing lest he should fall in with 
Caesar: cp. 333. 7. 

idque . . . locutus sum] Cicero on Jan... 

‘are to be 

17th seems to have had an interview with _ 

Pompey, and said that he would prefer to 

' be with him, and not have the respon- 
sibility of a separate command; and — 
Pompey said that he did not want him to _ 
take any very active part, but to bea 

person in authority, to whom reports — 
might be made and to whom cases of 
difficulty might be referred (304. 5). a 

EP. $28 (ATT. ΥΩ 1). | 63 

_videor segnior fuisse, dum ne tibi videar, non laboro, et tamen si, 
‘ut video, bellum gerendum est, confido me omnibus facile satis 
facturum. 4. M. Tullium, meum necessarium, ad te misi cui tu, 
si tibi videretur, ad me litteras dares. 

4 M. Cicero Attico scribit se Pompeii litteris invitatum esse Luceriam, se invitum in 
ἐν eam causam descendere, sed tamen eo iturum esse, non quod auctoritate Pompeii sed 


- 1. Cum ad te litteras dedissem, redditae mihi litterae sunt a 
“Pompeio: cetera de rebus in Piceno gestis quae ad se Vibullius 
‘seripsisset, de dilectu Domiti, quae sunt vobis nota, nec tamen 
_ tam. laeta erant in his litteris quam ad me Philatinns scripserat. 
_Ipsam tibi epistulam misissem sed iam subito fratris puer pro- 
ficiscebatur; cras igitur mittam. Sed in ea Pompei epistula erat 
‘in extremo ipsius manu, ‘Tu censeo Luceriam venias: nusquam 
eris tutius.’ Id ego in eam partem accepi, haec oppida atque 
 oram maritimam illum pro derelicto habere, nec sum miratus eum 
"qui caput ipsum reliquisset reliquis membris non parcere. 2. Hi 

-  segnior| Cicero was plainly conscious (the indicative) vodis nota, because these 

_ that he had not done anything for the words are Cicero’s. 

_ Pompeian cause. litteris] 321.1. 

4, M. Tullium, meum necessarium] ‘my Philotimus| cp. 326. 1. 

friend, M. Tullius’: cp. 302. 1. Note in extremo| ‘atthe end’: cp. note to 

! B Cicero’ s kindly expression as regards his 322. 

subordinate. nusqguam eris tutius| Not the exact 

_ cut... dares| ‘so that you may give words: te hic tutissime puto fore was 

ig to him if you think well of doing Pompey’s expression: cp. 322. Cicero 

: uses ftutissimo,§ 2, a rare form like 


; ΄ litteras| Ep. 326. oram maritimam] 327.1 (note). 

i ip. 322. non parcere| ‘take no thought for’ 

seripsisset] * which (Pompey said) cp. Verg. Aen. x. 880, nee divom pareimus 

ibullius had told him’; but guae sunt τὲ, 


EP. 328 (ATT. VIII, 1). 

statim rescripsi hominemque certum misi de comitibus meis, me 
non quaerere ubi tutissimo essem: si me vellet sua aut rei publicae. 
causa Luceriam venire, statim esse venturum; hortatusque sum ut | 
oram maritimam retineret, si rem frumentariam sibi ex provinciis” 
suppeditari vellet. Hoc me frustra scribere videbam. Sed uti in” 
urbe retinenda tune, sic nunc in Italia non relinquenda testificabar 
sententiam meam. Sic enim parari video ut Luceriam omnes 
copiae contrahantur, et ne is quidem locus 816 stabilis, sed ex eo ipso, 
si urgeamur, paretur fuga. 3. Quo minus mirere si invitus in ~ 
eam causam descendo in qua neque pacis neque victoriae ratio 
quaesita sit umquam sed semper flagitiosae et calamitosae fugae, — 
eundum, ut quemcumque fors tulerit casum subeam potius cum 
iis qui dicuntur esse boni quam videar a bonis dissentire. Etsi 

propediem video bonorum, id est lautorum et locupletum, urbem 

TS no 

refertam fore, municiplis vero his relictis refertissimam. 
in numero essem si hos lictores molestissimos non haberem. 

2. me non quaerere ubi tutissimo essem | 
Charisius quotes this passage twice (196. 
23; 217. 18, ed. Keil), and in both places 
reads essent. Cicero naturally felt nettled 
at Pompey’s remark that he would be safer 
with him; but we do not tind any ex- 
pression of injured feeling in his answer 
to Pompey (Ep. 327): cp. next note. 

si... vellet] ‘if he wishes a supply of 
corn to come in to him from the pro- 
vinces.’ Cicero said nothing about this 
consideration in Ep. 327 to Pompey, unless 
it is implied in opportunitatem (327. 3). 

testificabar sententiam meam] ‘ I wished 
to put my opinion on record.’ Op. Fam. 
li. 4, 2 (175), et hoc quidquid attigi non 
fect inflammandi tui causa sed testificandi 
amoris mei. The use is different in Caelius 
(883. 1, deos hominesque amicitiamque 
nostraum testificor), where it means ‘ call to 
witness.’ Cicero complains elsewhere 
that his advice was never taken (333. 3). 

Sic... paretur fuga] ‘For I see the 
plan is that all the forces be concentrated 
at Luceria, and that not even that place 
is to be held, but that from it flight is 
to be effected if we are hard pressed.’ It 
is possible, as has been suggested by 
Ernesti, that si¢should be added after or 
before stabilis. The sed can hardly be 
considered as that which usually follows 
a parenthesis, for it is not resumptive, 

Quo ego 

but denotes the contrary of the idea con- 
tained in the parenthesis. ‘The meaning οὗ 
stabilis is unusual ; but it can mean ‘ firm,’ 
‘on which one can stand’: cp. Liv. xliv. 
9. 5, haud secus quam stabili solo per- 
sultabant; ib. 5. 10, stabilem ad in- 
sistendum nanctis locum. Madvig (A.C. 
iii. 178) denies the possibility of stabilis 
locus here, and would read standi sit. | 
3. in eam causam descendo| cp. Liv. 
xxxvi. 7, 6: Tac. Hist. iil. $1:, cpg 
demittam in 305. 3, and note. 
in qua... umquam] ‘in which the | 
question is never of peace or of victory.’ — 
eundum| Manutius would add Luce- | 
riam, and Boot would change eundum to | 
faciendum ; but ep. eundum 356. 4 ; ibitur, 
401. 3; eatur, Att. ΧΙ]. 42. 3 (681): 
also Lehmann, p. 133. We suppose with 
Miller that ewndwmn continues the sentence 
and that only a comma and not a full stop 
should be placed after fugae. Cicero says 
‘You may wonder why, under these cir- 
cumstances which are so deplorable, I am_ 
joining the Pompeians: but you will not 
wonder so much when I tell you that I 
must go and join them be their fortung 
what it will.’ 
lautorum et locupletum] ‘of men of 
style and wealth.’ 
lictores molestissimos] cp. 808 note 5 | 
333. 5. ; 

bs quam App. Claudius. 

: causa? qui cum omnes Caesarem metuebamus ipse eum diligebat, 

ἔ ἀγθηΐξαβ ; ὃ 
sint displicere. 
epistulis non obtunderem. 
_ munerere sane velim. 


aL ears cee 

EP. 329 (ATT. VIII. 12 0). 65 

‘me Μ᾽. Lepidi, L. Volcati, Ser. Sulpici comitum paeniteret, 
quorum nemo nec stultior est quam L. Domitius nec inconstantior 
4, Unus Pompeius me movet beneficio, 
auctoritate. Quam enim ille habeat auctoritatem in hac 
_ postquam ipse metuere coepit putat omnis hostis illi esse oportere. 
Ibimus tamen Luceriam, nec eum fortasse delectabit noster 
dissimulare enim non potero mihi quae adhuce acta 
Ego si somnum capere possem tam longis te 
Tu si tibi eadem causa est me re- 

329. POMPEY TO DOMITIUS (Arr. vit. 12 ὁ). 

LUCERIA ; FEBRUARY 16; A.U.C. 7053 B.C. 493; AET, CIC. 57. 

Cn. Pompeius magno opere L. Domitium hortatur ut quam primum ad se cum 

omni copia veniat ne Corfinii a Caesare interclusus haereat et ut communi consilio 
 copiis coniunctis remp. erigere possint. 


1. Litteras abs te M. Calenius ad me attulit ἃ. ἃ. xim1 Kal. 
_ Martias, in quibus litteris scribis tibi in animo esse observare 


_ Caesarem et, si secundum mare ad me ire coepisset, confestim in 
3 Samnium ad me venturum, sin autem ille circum istaec loca com- 
-moraretur,.te ei si propius accessisset resistere velle. 
j eenegno et forti istam rem agere existimo, sed diligentius nobis est 

Te animo 

Lepidi . . . Voleati] cp. 340. 3. M’. 
_ Aemilius Lepidus and L. Volcatius 
᾿ς Tullus were consuls in 66. They were 
_ old men now, and unwilling to go on their 
travels with Pompey if he left Italy 
7 (305. 4; 340. 3; ep. 365. 7). They 
- appear to have determined to attend 
_ Caesar’s Senate when he went to Rome 
in April (350. 2). 

_—-~paeniteret | Ἢ should not be dissatisfied 
_ with Lepidus, &c., as associates (in my 
᾿ς design of returning to Rome); none of 
_ them is stupider than Domitius, or more 
' unstable than Appius’ (who have adopted 
4a the other alternative of flying with 
_ Pompey). 

᾿ VOL. IV. 


4. non obtunderem]| “1 would not pester 
you’: cp. Fam. v. 14. 3 (585), from 
Lucceius Cupio non obtundere te. 

eadem causa | If you too are kept awake 
by reflecting on the unsatisfactory state 
of affairs. 

1. secundum mare] i.e. the mare Super- 
um. On this plan of Domitius see note 
to 325. 1. 

anime | ἔνε» 

istam rem agere| ‘ are carrying out your 
operations.’ agere rem (bellum) for gerere 
is said by Madvig (Lm. Liv. p. 236) to 
occur in no good or even tolerable author 


forti| ‘with spirit and 

66 EP, 829 (ATT. ἘΠῚ. 190. 

-videndum ne distracti pares esse adversario non possimus, cum ille 
magnas copias habeat et maiores brevi habiturus sit. Non enim 
pro tua providentia debes illud solum animadvertere quot in 
praesentia cohortis contra te habeat Caesar sed quantas brevi 
tempore equitum et peditum copias contracturus sit. Cui rei testi-- 
monio sunt litterae quas Bussenius ad me misit, in quibus scribit, 
id quod ab aliis quoque mihi scribitur, praesidia Curionem quae | 
in Umbria et Tuscis erant contrahere et ad Caesarem iter facere, — 
Quae si copiae in unum locum fuerint coactae, ut pars exercitus ad _ 
Albam mittatur, pars ad te accedat, ut non pugnet sed locis suis | 
repugnet, haerebis neque solus cum ista copia tantam multitudi- Ἷ 
nem sustinere poteris ut frumentatum eas. 2. Quam ob rem ἴθ 
magno opere hortor ut quam primum cum omnibus copiis hoe © 
venias. Oonsules constituerunt idem facere. Ego M. Tuscilio ad 
te-mandata dedi providendum esse ne duae legiones sine Picentinis 
cohortibus in conspectum Caesaris committerentur. Quam ob rem 
nolito commoveri si audieris me regredi si forte Caesar ad me — 
veniet: cavendum enim puto esse ne implicatus haeream. Nam | 
neque castra propter anni tempus et militum animos facere possum, | 
neque ex omnibus oppidis contrahere copias expedit ne receptum 

amittam. Itaque non amplius xu cohortis Luceriam coégi. 

3. Consules praesidia omnia deducturi sunt aut in Siciliam 

(it is found in Curtius iv. 10. 29 fin.). 
But here perhaps it is only accidental 
that the phrase refers to military measures, 
and we should translate ‘doing your 

Bussenius| not otherwise known. 

copia} cp. ὁ 3, and note to 3381. 1. 

2. hortor| cp. 325. 2. 

copiis| See Adn. Crit. 

hoc] = huc: see note to 346. 1. 

M. Tuscilio| not otherwise known. 
nolito commoveri | ‘do not be disturbed,’ 

praesidia ... facere) As this had 
occurred during the last ten days of 
January, and as Pompey seems to have 
only quite recently heard of it, we can 
see how defective his intelligence of the 
enemy’s movements was: cp. 319. 2, 

ut pars exercitus ... eas| ‘even though 
a part of the army should be sent to Alba, 
and only a part should oppose you, even 
though he should not take the offensive, 
but merely maintain the defensive in a 
position of his own choosing, still you will 
be in an impasse, and you will not be able 
with your following to make head against 
such a force even sufficiently to allow of 
your sending out foraging parties.’ For 
ut = " though,’ ‘supposing,’ see on 333. 5: 
and for suis locis, cp. Caesar, B.C.i 61. 3. 

cp. 330. 1. 
ne implicatus haeream) 
encircled and unable to stir.’ 
castra . . facere| ‘take the field’: 
cp. 331. 1. Pompey found the two — 
legions which he had taken over from ~ 
Caesar very untrustworthy: cp. § 4 fin. ; 
380. 1s, 531: 2, ὃ, ᾿ 
8. deducturi sunt| ‘are going to bring — 
all the garrisons from the towns.’ 
thinks there is something lost before these 
words, e.g. ad me; and Schmidt proposes 
to add Brundisium. But deducere means 
‘to remove from the towns,’ and the im- 
plication is plain that they would bring 
the forces to Pompey. The idea of sending 
one of the consuls to Sicily was soon ~ 
given up (331. 3, 4). a 
aut] Sternkopf would read aut hue 

‘lest I be 


EP. 330 (ATT. VIII. 12 D). 67 
ituri. Nam aut exercitum firmum habere oportet quo confidamus 
perrumpere nos posse, aut regiones eius modi obtinere e quibus 
repugnemus: id quod neutrum nobis hoc tempore contigit, quod 
et magnam partem Italiae Caesar occupavit et nos non habemus 
exercitum tam amplum neque tam magnum quam ille. Itaque 
nobis providendum est ut summam rei publicae rationem habea- 

primum ad me venias. 

Etiam atque etiam te hortor ut cum omni copia quam 
Possumus etiam nunc rem publicam 

erigere si communi consilio negotium administrabimus: si 

distrahemur infirmi erimus. 

Mihi hoe constitutum est. 

4, His litteris scriptis Sicca abs te mihi litteras attulit et 


Quod me hortare ut istuc veniam, id me facere non 

arbitror posse quod non magno opere 115 legionibus confido. 

330. POMPEY TO DOMITIUS (Arr. vu. 12 p). 

LUCERIA 5 FEBRUARY 17; A. U. C. 705 5 B.C. 495 AE'T. CIC, 57. 

Cn. Pompeius dolet L. Domitium Corfinii implicatum esse urgetque vehementer 
ut quacunque ratione possit erumpat et ad se iter faciat. 


1. Litterae milia te redditae sunt a. d. x111 Kal. Martias, in 

quibus scribis Caesarem apud Corfinium castra posuisse. 


putavi et praemonui fit, ut nec in praesentia committere tecum 
proelium velit et omnibus copiis conductis te implicet ne ad me 
iter tibi expeditum sit atque istas copias coniungere optimorum 

aut. This is very probable. Dr. Reid 
suggests δέ. 
ἐν obtinere| ‘to get and hold’; odtinere 
_ always means more than ‘ to obtain.’ Here 
_ perhaps ‘ to occupy.’ 
ο΄ eiusmodi . . . repugnemus| ‘such that 
- we might make them a basis for resist- 

amplum| There does not seem to be 
any distinction between amplum and 
magnum; for the collocation of these 
_ adjectives cp. De Imp. Pomp. 37 ; Caecina 
ap. 532. 6. 
ut... habeamus] ‘to pay the utmost 
regard to the safety of the state.’ 

Possumus . . . constitutum est] ‘We 
can even now raise the fallen state if we 
take the matter in hand with united 
counsels; if we are divided, we shall be 
weak. ‘This is my fixed opinion.’ 

4. Sicca| A friend of Cicero’s who 
had a house at Vibo: cp. Att. iii 4 (48) ; 
xvi 6. 1 (775), and see Index. 

1. ut... velit] For this explanatory 
use of the subjunctive with wt see on 
Petit. Cons. 47 (12), ‘all that I foretold 
has happened, ‘his refusal for the present 
to give battle, and his hemming you in 
by a concentration of forces with a view to 

F 2 

68 LP. 331 (ATT. VIII. 12 A). ; 

civium possis cum iis legionibus de quarum voluntate dubitamus: 

quo etiam magis tuis litteris sum commotus. Neque enim eorum 

militum quos mecum habeo voluntate satis confido ut de omnibus — 
fortunis rei publicae dimicem, neque etiam qui ex dilectibus con- 

scripti sunt consulibus convenerunt. 2. Qua re da operam, si 
ulla ratione etiam nunc efficere potes, ut te explices, hoc quam 
primum venias ante quam omnes copiae ad adversarium con- 
verniant. Neque enim celeriter ex delectibus hoc homines 
convenire possunt et, si convenirent, quantum iis committendum 
sit, qui inter se ne noti guidem sunt, contra veteranas legiones 

non te praeterit. 

331. POMPEY TO THE CONSULS (Arr. vim. 12 4). 

LUCERIA 5; FEBRUARY 17; A. U. C. 7055 B.C. 493 AET. CIC. 57. 

Cn. Pompeius consulibus nuntiat Domitium implicari hortaturque ut ad se 
Brundisium cum omnibus copiis quas contrahere possint festinent. 


1. Ego, quod existimabam dispersos nos neque rei publicae 
utilis neque nobis praesidio esse posse, idecirco ad L. Domitium 

prevent your road to me being clear, and 
your being able to unite your thoroughly 
loyal contingent (325. 2 cohortes quae 
fortunas suas reliquerunt) with these 
legions whose fidelity we cannot trust.’ 
Pompey relied on the army of Domitius 
to hold in check his two legions which 
had served under Caesar and whose 
sympathies were with their former com- 

commotus| Cp. 329. 2. 

voluntate| The dative both of the per- 
son and the thing is at least as usual as 
the ablative after confidere: cp. Schmalz, 
Antibarb. pp. 294-95. 

ut... adimicem| ‘to fight a decisive 

consulibus| ‘for the consuls’: see note 
on Fausto (333. 7). 

2. te explices| ‘extricate yourself.’ 

ad adversarium| So we read with 
Baiter. The mss. omit ad. Wélfflin (in 
‘Archiv’ iv. 3) holds that adversarizém is 
genitive plural, comparing Ter. Hecyr. 2 
Prol. 14 poetam . . . prope tam remotum 

iniuria advorsarium a studio, the longer 
form being rejected in order to avoid 80: 

frequent a repetition of the letter 7, and 

the use of a word which would contain as. 
many as six syllables. But the longer 
form seems to occur in De Div. ii. 52. 

st convenirent | ‘even if the new recruits. 
were concentrated on this point, you can- 
not fail to see the amount of reliance to 
be placed in them—they do not even 
know each other by sight—when opposed 
to experienced troops.’ For quantum, 
‘how much,’ really meaning ‘ how little,” 
ΟΡ. Tusc. v. 107 Lam vero exsilium, 88. 
rerum naturam non ignominiam nominis 
quaerimus, quantum demum a perpetua 
peregrinatione differt. Care must be taken 
to render the indicative noti sunt correctly, 
as being merely the statement of Pompey 
about them, and not a description of them, 
which would demand the subjunctive sint. 

About this time Pompey also wrote a 
brief letter to each of the consuls: cp. 
337. 2. 

OO St nade tee oh eee 

EP. 831 (ATT. VIII. 12 A). 69 

_ litteras misi, primum uti ipse cum omni copia ad nos veniret : si de 
_ se dubitaret, ut cohortis x1x quae ex Piceno ad me iter habebant 
ad nos mitteret. Quod veritus sum factum est, ut Domitius impli- 
caretur neque ipse satis firmus esset ad castra facienda, quod meas 
_ xIx et suas x11 cohortis tribus in oppidis distributas haberet—nam 
_partim Albae, partim Sulmone collocavit—neque se, si vellet, 
_expedire posset. 2. Nunc scitote me esse in summa sollicitudine. 
_ Nam et tot et talis viros periculo obsidionis liberare cupio, neque 
_ subsidio ire possum, quod his duabus legionibus non puto esse com- 
- mittendum ut illue ducantur, ex quibus tamen non amplius xiv 
- cohortis contrahere potui, quod duwas Brundisium misi neque 
 Canusium sine praesidio dum abessem putavi esse dimittendum. 
3. D. Laelio mandaram, quod maiores copias sperabam nos habi- 
turos, ut, si vobis videretur, alteruter vestrum ad me veniret, alter 
in Siciliam cum ea copia quam Capuae et cireum Capuam com- 
parastis et cum ls militibus quos Faustus legit proficisceretur, 
Domitius cum x11 suis cohortibus eodem adiungeretur, reliquae 
copiae omnes Brundisium cogerentur et inde navibus Dyrrhachium 
transportarentur. Nune, cum hoc tempore nihilo magis ego quam 
vos subsidio Domitio ire possim, . . . . . se per montis explicare, 

1. copia] If there is any more distinc- tribus in oppidis] Corfinium, Alba 



tion between copia and copiae than there is 
between ‘force’ and ‘forces,’ it may be 
that the singular denotes a hastily raised 
and irregular levy, and may be translated 
‘following.’ Dr. Reid quotes Mur. 78, 
where it is used of Catiline’s force: cp. 
Sal]. Cat. 56. 1; while copiae is the word 
for regular troops. Pompey occasionally 
applies copia to the forces of Domitius 
(329. 1, 3), ep. below §§ 3, 4, and copiae 
to those of Caesar (329. 1; 330. 1, 2). 

cohortis x1x] cp. 322, where it is 
stated that Vibullius had 14 cohorts and 
Hirrus 5. On the divergent accounts of 
the forces at Corfinium as given by 
Pompey and Caesar (B.C. i. 15. 2) see 
Addenda to the Comm. iii 

habebant| If habebant is retained, and 

᾿ς not corrected to haberent, we must under- 
_ stand that Pompey here informs the 

consuls that these cohorts were on their 

way at the time when he wrote to 
 Domitius, ‘I wrote to Domitius to send 

me the nineteen cohorts, which as a matter 
of fact were on their way to me.’ 
ad castra facienda] * to take the field’ : 

ep. 329. 2. 

Fucentia, and Sulmo. 

2. quod... potui| ‘because I did not 
think that the risk should be incurred of 
leading these two legions there, and in 
any case I have not been able to get more 
than fourteen cohorts of them together.’ 

duas| supplied from 333. 7. 

esse dimittendumj} ‘should be aban- 
doned’: often in Caesar, e.g. B.C. 1. 
25.43 44. 4. 

3. D. Laelio] cp. 348. 1. He was the 
accuser of Flaccus when Cicero defended 
the latter. He was along with Cicero in 
48 specifically exempted by Antony 
from the order of Caesar which pro- 
hibited all Pompeians from returning to 
Italy (420. 2, where see note). In Flacc. 
14 he is styled paternus amicus et perne- 
cessarius of Pompey. 

Faustus| Son of the dictator Sulla. 
He was one of the most violent of the 
Pompeians (367. 3). 

se per montis! Some such words as 
neque ipse possit or ipse autem quadam 
ratione fortasse possit (cp. 330. 2) must 
have fallen out after possim. 

70 EP. 332. (ATT. VIII. 2). 

non est nobis committendum ut ad has xiv cohortis quas dubio 

animo habeo hostis aecedere aut in itinere me consequi possit. 
4. Quam ob rem placitum est mihi (talia video censeri Marcello 
et ceteris nostri ordinis qui hic sunt) ut Brundisium ducerem 
hane copiam quam mecum habeo. Vos hortor ut quodcum- 
que militum contrahere poteritis contrahatis et eodem Brun- 
disium veniatis quam primum. Arma quae ad me missuri eratis, 
lis censeo armetis milites quos vobiscum habetis. Quae arma 
superabunt, ea si Brundisium iumentis deportaritis, vehementer rei 

publicae profueritis. 

De hac re velim nostros certiores faciatis : 

ego ad P. Lupum et C. Coponium praetores misi ut se vobis 
coniungerent et militum quod haberent ad vos deducerent. 

3832, CICERO TO ATTICUS (Arr. vit. 2). 

FORMIAE ; FEBRUARY 175 A. U. C. 705; B.C. 49; AET. CIC. 67. 

De litteris Attici, de litteris ad Caesarem a se datis, de perdita causa Pompeii et 
misera condicione sua, de sententia Attici ut ipse etiam Italia, si ille cedat, fugiat. 


1. Mihi vero omnia grata, et quod scripsisti ad me quae audi- 
eras et quod non credidisti quae digna diligentia mea non erant et 

quod monuisti quod sentiebas. 

dubio animo] 329. 2, 4. 

4. talta ... Marcello) Tyrrell sug- 
gested talia for alcia (altia) of the ss. 
(which Man. and Bosius altered to atgue 
ita), and for censori he read censerit with the 
old editors. For the disordered letters in 
altia=talia he compared 342. 1 tamen- 
lari =lamentari. But the phrase _ is 
peculiar, and we cannot give an exact 
parallel for this use of the passive censeri 
as if it were placere: we should expect 
censert <a M.> Marcello. Miiller reads 
placetque idem L. Caesari, M. Marcello, 
which is a somewhat violent re- writing of 
the clause: and Madvig (A. C. iii 180) 
would read adhibito C.Marcelio (i.e. the 
consul of 50 3.c.), which seems still less 

Brundisium| Manutius and others have 
supposed this to be a gloss. 

Ego ad Caesarem unas Capua 

P. Lupum] cp. 353. 2 Urbem quidem 
iam refertam esse optimatium audio. 
Sosium et Lupum, quos Gnaeus noster ante 
putabat Brundisium venturos esse quam se, 
aus dicere. 

C. Coponium| This Coponius came in 
command of the Rhodian fleet to Dyrrha- 
chium shortly before news arrived there of 
the defeat at Pharsalia: cp. De Div. i. 68. 
He was proscribed in 43, but saved by his 
wife, who surrendered herself to Antony 
(App. iv. 40 fin.). 

1. quod non credidisti] ‘I am obliged 
to you for not believing a report which 
reflected on my energy in the discharge 
of my duties, and for letting me know 
your own opinion.’ 

Capua] between February 4 and 7. 

= " 

| 3 EP. 332 (ATT. VIII..2). 71 

-litteras dedi, quibus ad ea reseripsi quae mecum ille de gladiator- 

_ibus suis egerat, brevis sed benevolentiam significantis, non modo 
sine contumelia sed etiam cum maxima laude Pompei. Id enim 
-illa sententia postulabat qua illum ad concordiam hortabar. Eas 
“si quo ille misit, in publico proponat velim. Alteros eodem die 
dedi quo has ad te. Non potui non dare cum et ipse ad me scrip- 
_sisset et Balbus. Earum exemplum ad te misi. 2. Nihil arbitror 
_ fore quod reprehendas. Si qua erunt, doce me quo modo μέμψιν 
_ effugere possim. ‘ Nilil,’ inquies, ‘ommnino scripseris. Qui magis 
Ἢ effugias eos qui volent fingere ?’ Verum tamen ita faciam, quoad 
fier poterit. Nam quod me hortaris ad memoriam factorum, dic- 
a torum, scriptorum etiam meorum, facis amice tu quidem mihique 
i gratissimum, sed mihi videris aliud tu honestum meque dignum 
in hac causa iudicare atque ego existimem. Mihi enim nihil ulla 
in gente umquam ab ullo auctore rei publicae ac duce turpius fac- 
_ tum esse videtur quam a nostro amico factum est : quoius ego vicem 
- doleo: qui urbem reliquit, id est, patriam, pro qua et in qua mori 
' praeclarum fuit. 3. Ignorare mihi videris haec quanta sit clades. 
Es enim etiam nunc domi tuae. Sed invitis perditissimis homini- 

bus esse diutius non potes. Hoc miserius, hoc turpius quidquam ὃ 


giadiatoribus] cp. 310. 2 and Caesar likely to be corrupted, and is rendered 

mB. 0. i. 14. 
᾿ ad concordiam] cp. 312. 5 nullwm maius 
negotium suscipere volui quo plus apud 
illum (Caesarem) meae litterae cohortation- 
esque ad pacem valerent. 
si quo ille misit] ‘if Caesar has passed 
on my letter to any quarter, he may post 
up all that I write to him as a public 
_ advertisement.’ We learn from 340. 1 
that Caesar did publish a letter of Cicero’s. 
_ There is no need to alter guo to quov: 
ep. quo = quibus (of persons): cp. Plaut. 
 Aul. 491 quo lubeant nubant dum dos ne 
fiat comes; Cic. Verr. iv. 38 apud eos quo 
se contulit propter virtutem splendidus et 
——- 2. μέμψιν] This is the conjecture of 
᾿ς Gronovius for esse of M!; M® gives enn, 
_ which is not very unlike MEMTIN, the 
_ form in which M gives μέμψιν in Att. X11. 
18. 2 (627) neque .. . potero μέμψιν effugere 
and xiii. 49. 1 (666) μέμψιν ἀναφέρει. 
_ Malaspina would read simply ea (for ee), 
 Bosius eapse. Brandt ingeniously sug- 
_ gested that 6 nassa lay hidden under esse 
and enim, but the Greek word is the more 

probable by the closely parallel passage 
in Att. xiii. 13, 2 (627). 

Nihil... fingere?| ‘Do not, you will 
say, write at all. How better will you 
escape those who will be desirous of 
fabricating stories (against you)?’ For 
nihil sevipseris cp. Mur. 65 nihil igno- 
veris... nihil omnino gratiae concesseris. 
The use of fingere without a direct acc. is 
rare: cp. 488. 4 dicerem quae ante futura 
dixissem ni vererer ne ex eventis fingere 
viderer, and Verr. iv. 30 quorum alterum 
jingere opinor 6. cera solitum esse, of 
course in a different sense from here. 

auctore reipublicae ac duce| ‘leading 
statesman and commander.’ 

vicem| ‘fate’: ep. De Domo 8 mihi 
uni necesse erit et meam et aliorum vicem 
per timescere. 

8. Ignorare| This is a peevish, petu- 
lant, and somewhat hysterical paragraph. 
Indeed Cic. confesses in the next letter 
that he showed a lack of calmness of 
mind in this letter (334.7 scripsique 
sedatiore animo quam proxime scripseram). 


Vagamur egentes cum coniugibus et liberis. In unius hominis 4 
quotannis periculose aegrotantis anima positas omnis nostras spes _ 
habemus, non expulsi sed evocati ex patria, quam non servandam _ 
ad reditum nostrum sed diripiendam et inflammandam reliquimus. — 
Ita multi nobiscum sunt, non in suburbanis, non in hortis, non in ¢ 
ipsa urbe, et si nunc sunt non erunt. | 
dem sed Luceriae, et oram quidem maritimam iam relinquemus, ¥ 
Afranium exspectabimus et Petreium; nam in Labieno parum — 
.. νον illud desideras. 

est dignitatis. Hic tu in me 

periculose aegrotantis| See Mayor on 
Juv. x. 283, where Cic. Tusc. i. 86, Vell. 
1]. 48. 2 and all the passages touching 
on the recovery of Pompey in Campania 
and containing moralizings thereon are 

Ita multi... non erunt] If these 
words are allowed to stand as in the text, 
the interpretation of them must be that 
given by Schiitz: ‘so many Pompeians 
are with us (sharing the flight of Pompey), 
not in their surburban villas (from which 
they might have been able to defend the 
city), not in Rome itself; and if some are 
now in Rome, they will soon be there no 
longer.’ But this is a directly contradictory 
sentiment to that which he expressed in 
328. 3 etst propediem video, bonorum 
urbem refertam fore, and to that which 
he expresses a little further on in this 
letter, domi vestrae estis et eritis omnes 
boni; there he says the Pompeians are 
likely to flock to Rome; how, then, can 
he say here that those who are now there 
are likely to leave it? Still he has just 
said to Atticus ‘ you are in your house now, 
but you may soon be forced by ruffians 
(meaning of course the Caesarians) to leave 
it.’ Boot’s proposed remodelling of the 
sentence, Jta multi nobiscum sunt, ut 
nune im suburbanis, nunc in hortis, nunc in 
ipsa urbe sint, et qui nune sunt (nobiscum) 
non erunt, is still more unsatisfactory, 
since it amounts to this, that he describes 
as abandonment of the city the conduct of 
those who still linger in its vicinity, 
instead of joining Pompey. Surely those 
who have abandoned the city to its fate 
are those who have joined Pompey. 
Cicero seems to mean ‘ You, Atticus, do 
not see the extent of the calamity. 
Pompey has made us leave the city: 
most of us have left it, and the few who 
remain will soon have todoso. And we 

EP, 332 (ATT. Vill. 2). 

Nihil de me 

cannot unite even in Capua, but must 
needs go off to Luceria, and presently we 
shall give up the western coast-line, and 
wait about till help comes from Spain with 
Afranius and Petreius.’ At this time the 
abandonment of the city seemed especially 
disastrous to Cicero: cp. 333.-3. quad 
foedius, quid perturbatius hoc ab urbe 
discessu sive potius turpissima nequissima 
fuga? Dr. Reid would punctuate Ita 
multi nobiscum sunt? non in suburbanis? 
non in hortis, non in ipsa urbe? et si non 
sunt, non erunt? ‘ Have so many followed 
Pompey in leaving the city ? are they not 
either there or in the vicinity? and if 
they have not gone back, will they not 
do so?’ 

Capuae .. . Luceriae| sumus must be 
supplied. Cicero means by ‘we’ the 
Pompeian forces. 

dignitatis] because Labienus had been 
a strong partisan of Caesar, and his deser- 
tion to Pompeianism did not raise his 
character, especially with the legions 
which had served under Caesar. Besides, 
he was socially inferior to the other Pom- 
pelans, who were for the most part 
nobiles. At first Labienus had by going 
over to the Pompeians raised their spirits 
(307. 1; 308.3; 313.2): but he never 
seems to have had much influence with 
them. He fought, however, to the very 
end, and fell at. Munda. 

Hic... desideras| Thereis a gap of 
sixteen letters in M between me and ἐμά. 

It is impossible to say what has been — 
We cannot gather much from — 
turpe there — 
may lend some countenance to ἀξίωμα. 
(with — 
Orelli) after quae est, where there is ἃ 
We think 
that a note of interrogation should be — 


365. 6, though perhaps 

Then we should read ἀξίωσις 

gap of seven letters in M. 

placed after omnes dont ‘Are 

Nos interea ne Capuae qui- — 

dico, alii viderint. 

_ Optimates going to continue to stay in 
Rome? ’, as the tenor of the whole para- 
graph is that leaving the city was a 
mistake, for once it was left by the 
Optimates all of them must leave it and 
- goon theirtravels (peregrinatio as Atticus 
ealled it, 365. 4). It isjust possible, how- 
' ever, that some words fell out like Hie tu 
inme <dominorum odium> illud desideras 
_* You would like to see in me something 
of that hatred of tyrants (which Granius 
' felt, and all Romans should feel)’ (cp. the 
line of Lucilius (Marx 1182) Granius autem 
_ non contemnere se et reges odisse superbos, 
mquoted in Att. vi. 3. 7 (264): ep. Att. 
“ii. 8.1 (96). See also below, ὁ 4, poterisne 
_igitur videre tyrannum?) for Cicero 
had been holding friendly correspondence 
~ with Caesar. Then would follow Hic 
quidem quae est <dominatio>? “ What 
_ tyranny is there here where 1am?’ As 
a certain latitude may be allowed in sug- 
gestions on such a doubtful passage as 
' this, we offer also the following guess. 
_ Cicero is peevishly complaining of the 
᾿ς boni who are staying in or near Rome, 
_ and possibly he is saying here that he 
_ Cannot return. Then Hine quidem quae 
est <domuitio>? Domi vestrae estis et 
eritis omnes boni. Quis istim [this is a 
_ Suggestion of Klotz] se mihi non ostendit ? 

*Who of our people of Rome does not 
openly meet me?’ (and is not in the least 
ashamed at not having come to the war). 
But whatever the explanation may be, 
_ the whole paragraph, as we said, is 
_ somewhat hysterical, and accordingly it 

τ Hie quidem quae est, . . ? 
estis et eritis omnes boni. Quis tum se mihi non ostendit ? quis 
| mune adest hoe bello? Sic enim iam appellandum est. 4. Vibulli 
res gestae sunt adhue maximae. Id ex Pompei litteris cognosces : 
_ in quibus animadvertito illum locum ubi erit διπλῆ. 
“Gnaeo nostro ipse Vibullius quid existimet. 
“spectat oratio? Kyo pro Pompeio libenter emori possum: facio 
_ pluris omnium hominum neminem: sed non ita wt tu uno in eo iudico 
_ spem de salute rei publicae. Significas enim aliquanto secus quam 
_ solebas ut etiam Italia, si ille cedat, putes cedendum. Quod ego 
‘nec rei publicae puto esse utile nec liberis meis, praeterea neque 
“rectum neque honestum. Sed cur ‘ Poterisne igitur videre tyran- 
num ?’—Quasi intersit audiam an videam, aut locupletior mihi sit 

EP. 332 (ATT. VIII. 2). 73 

Domi vestrae 

Videbis de 
Quo igitur haec 

will be exceedingly difficult to arrive 
at any restoration which will be quite 

tum] Probably Cicero means on the 
occasion of the Catilinarian conspiracy ; 
but it is rather forced to drag in that 
event here. 

4. Vibulli| cp. 327. 1; 328. 1; 350. 1. 
He fell into the hands of Caesar twice— 
once atCorfinium (Caes. B. Ὁ, 1. 34. 1), 
and again in Spain (ib. iii. 10. 1). 

διπλῆ) a marginal mark used by 
grammarians, like a V lying on its side, to 
indicate anything notable, or (in dramatic 
poetry) to mark the appearance of a new 

pro Pompeio libenter emori] 321. 2. 

sed non ita ut tu in eo iudico spem| So 
Wes. for sed non ita non meo iudicio spem 
of M. Manutius conjectured sed non 
sitam in e0 iudico spem; Miller sed non 
ut tu uno in eo iudico spem. For other 
attempted corrections see Adn. Crit. 
Almost any correction will leave a con- 
tradiction with § 3. 

Sed cur] The difficulty here which edd. 
have sought to solve by emendation or 
omission can easily be met by striking 
out the mark of interrogation immediately 
after cur. The meaning will then be ‘ But 
why do you say will you be able to look on 
the tyrant’s face?’ That is, what is the 
meaning of this question asked by you in 
your letter? ‘he ellipse of some such 
word as rogas or seribis is very common in 
these letters. Perhaps we should read Sed 
tu. See Adn. Crit. 

74 EP, 833 (ATT.. VIII. 8). 

quaerendus auctor. quam Socrates, qui cum xxx tyranni essent : 
pedem porta non extulit. Est mihi praeterea praecipua causa — 
manendi de qua utinam aliquando tecum loquar. Ego xu ὦ 
Kalend. cum eadem lucerna hance epistulam scripsissem qua — 
inflammaram tuam, Formiis ad Pompeium, si de pace apeunes 
profecturus, si de bello—-quid ero ἢ 

goo. CICKRO TO ATTICUS (Arr, ὑπ $). 
CALKS; NIGHT OF FEBRUARY 18 AND 193 A. U. C. 7053 B. C. 49; AET. 
CIC. 57: 

M. Cicero cum Attico per has litteras deliberat quid sibi, si Pompeius Italia cedat, 
agendum putet, et quo facilius ille consilium dare possit quod sibi in utramque partem 
in mentem veniat explicat. 


1. Maximis et miserrimis rebus perturbatus, cum coram tecum 
mihi potestas deliberandi non esset, uti tamen tuo consilio volui. 
Deliberatio autem omnis haec est: si Pompeius Italia excedat, 
quod eum facturum esse suspicor, quid mili agendum putes et, 
quo facilius consilium dare possis, quid in utramque partem mihi 
in mentem veniat explicabo brevi. 2. Cum merita Pompei summa 
erga salutem meam familiaritasque quae mihi cum eo est, tum 
ipsa rei publicae causa me adducit ut mihi vel consilium meum 

Socrates| He stayed in Athens during 

the rule of the Thirty: cp. Plat. Apol. 
32, CD; Xen. Mem. i 2. 32 ff.; Grote 

omnia; see also 346. 2. But the omission 
of the verb of motion is somewhat harsh 
here. Profecturtis eram is the reading of 

viii. 49. 

praecipua causa] possibly connected 
with his growing distrust of Terentia. 

Formis ad Pompeium) sc. ibam. For 
a verb of motion omitted cp. 376. 3 
continuo ipse in Pedanum, ego Arpinum. 

profecturus| could not stand for pro- 
fecturus eram even if it came from 
proficisct ; but probably it comes from pro- 
Jjicio: the meaning is ‘I am off to join 
Pompey, and am likely to do some good 
if we are to discuss the means of pre- 
serving peace; if the talk is to be about 
the conduct of the war, what position 
shall I hold ?’ cp, 345. 4 ecguae pacifica 
persona desideretur an in bellatore sint 

Ascensius, and he takes it from proficiset = 
M! has profectis: M? profectus; others 
praefectus, which is adopted by Wesen- 

quid ero| cp. 392. 4 quid erimus: it is 
common with videri; see Dr. Reid on 
Acad. ii. 76, who quotes gwd tidbit ego 
videor in epistulis 2 . 

1. Deliberatio| ‘The whole question to | 
be considered is this : what do you think — 
I ought to do if Pompey leaves Italy?’ __ 

quid in utramque partem] For ἃ 
balancing of arguments compare 318. 2. ὦ 

2. consilium| ‘decision’: cp. subito — 
consilium cept, 303. reais de 

556 videatur. 

— mea cumillius fortuna| The italicised 
words afford a good example of corrup- 
to ex homoeoteleuto. The addition is 
Virtually as old us Malaspina. He read 
yel fortuna cum fortuna iungenda. The 
actual reading given above is that of 
comitatum] “ company.’ 
7 quij agrees with significat; render ‘ I 
must fall into the hands of an individual 
(Caesar), andalthough he shows his kindly 
feeling for me in many ways (I took good 
care to try to earn it with this crisis before 
ἡ eyes), yet two things must be con- 
sidered.’ The parenthetic clause is an 
mstance of parataxis for hypotaxis, not 
rare in the letters. 
_ sacerdotio| In 53 Cicero was elected 
οὐδὲ (Plut. Cic. 86). 
non futurus sit qui fuerit] Lehmann 
(Quaest. p. 133) adds the words sit qui 
f “it, referring to 464. 4 Vetus est enim 
Ubi non sis qui fueris, non esse cur velis 
ivere,’ where see- note. The line is 
ifferently constructed by different 
scholars. Fleckeisen gives it Ubi non es 
iui fueris non est cur velis ibi vivere, and 
Biicheler the same, except that he gives 
tam for ibi. We should prefer to read 
Delis vitam vivere, scanning velis as a 
monoeylshe For vitam vivere cp. De 
g. Frag. 2. The conjecture of Gronovius 



ἘΡ 3995 (ATT: VIE. 8): "Τὸ 

gum illius consilio vel fortuna mea cum illius fortuna coniungenda 
Accedit illad: si maneo et illum comitatum opti- 
morum et eclarissimorum civium desero, cadendum est in unius 
dotestatem, qui etsi multis rebus significat se nobis esse amicum— 
et ut esset a me est, tute scis, propter suspicionem huius impen- 
dentis tempestatis multo ante provisum—tamen utrumque con- 
iderandum est et quanta fides ei sit habenda et, si maxime 
xploratum sit eum nobis amicum fore, sitne viri fortis et boni 
sivis esse in ea urbe in qua cum summis honoribus imperiisque 
isus sit, res maximas gesserit, sacerdotio sit amplissimo praeditus, 
non futurus sit qui fuerit, subeundumque periculum sit cum aliquo 
ore dedecore si quando Pompeius rem publicam recuperarit. 
hac parte haec sunt. Vide nunc quae sint in altera. 
st a Pompeio nostro sapienter, nihil fortiter: 
nisi contra consilium auctoritatemque meam. Omitto illa vetera, 
quod istum in rem publicam ille aluit, auxit, armavit, ille legibus 
per vim et contra auspicia ferendis auctor, ille Galliae ulterioris 

ee A 
Nihil actum 
addo etiam, nihil 

nomen futurus sit is clever. For non 
Suturus Sipfle-Béckel read nu/lus futurus. 
fore| The reading of ed. Iens is forte. 
Miller reads ewm aliquanto maiore dedecore, 
which is improbable. The reading of M, 
as well as of E and R, is fore, and though 
periculum would naturally be followed by 
ne with the subjunctive, as Lehmann 
pointed out, ¢imor with infinitive is found 
in De Orat. ii. 834 vincit utilitas plerumque 
cum subest ille timor ea neglecta ne digni- 
tatem quidem posse retineri, We might 
render ‘ and whether the risk should be 
run of being somewhat disgraced if 
Pompey should restore the State.’ 

3. contra consilium] ‘against my 
advice and opinion’: ep. 323 fin. In 
319. 3 he says megue ego ullius consili 
particeps. It is doubtful if he ever 
expressed decided opposition to Pompey’s 
plan before it was adopted. 

istwm] sc. Caesarem. ile is Pom- 
pey. — 
legibus . .. feréndis auctor] cp. Ter. 

Ad. 671 auctor his rebus quis est ? 

contra auspicia| Bibulus announced se 
servaturum de caelo for a great part of the 
year, which would render legislation 
irregular during that time. 

Gailliae wlterioris adiunctor| Dio Cass. 
xxXxvili 8 fin. says it was the Senate who 
gave Caesar Further Gaul. But Plutarch 

76 EP. 333 (ATT. VIII. 3). 

adiunctor, ille gener, ille in adoptando P. Clodio augur, ille 
restituendi mei quam retinendi studiosior, ille provinciae propa- 
gator, ille absentis in omnibus adiutor, idem etiam tertio consulatu, ; | 
postquam esse defensor rei publicae coepit, contendit ut decem 4 
tribuni pl. ferrent ut absentis ratio haberetur, quod idem ipse 
sanxit lege quadam sua Marcoque Marcello consuli finienti 
provincias Gallias Kalendarum Martiarum die restitit. Sed, ut — 
haee omittam, quid foedius, quid perturbatius hoc ab urbe discessu_ 

sive potius turpissima fuga? 
fuit potius quam 
rem publicam. 

publicam defensam velint. 

(Caes. 14 circ. med.) attributes the grant 
to the people supported by Pompey. 

in adoptando| ‘he who sanctioned as 
augur the adoption of Clodius (by Fon- 
telus), and was more zealous about pro- 
curing my restoration than preventing 
my banishment.’ These two sins of 
Pompey against Cicero himself are rather 
characteristically inserted among the in- 
stances of Pompey’s relations with Caesar ; 
but these wrongs to Cicero were wrongs 
done to the constitution in his person: 

restituendi . . .retinendi|] cp. 391. 2 
(from Antony) qui tibi ut beneficium 
daret prius iuiuriam fecit, and for the 
actual words Fam. 1. 9. 14 (1538) hominibus 
Jortioribus in me restituendo quam fuerant 
idem in tenendo. For the event cep. 
Vol. 15. p. 360. 

propagator | Pompey and Crassus pro- 
longed the tenure of Caesar’s provincial 
government in 55. Cp. Vol. 1113, p. Ixi. 
For provinciae propagator cp. Liv. xxiii. 
25. 11 consult propagari in annum im- 
perium: Suet. Aug. 23 praesidibus pro- 
vinciarum propagavit imperium. 

idem] This should in strict conformity 
with prevailing usage introduce someact of 
Pompey inconsistent with those previously 
recited, and should mean ‘ and yet’; but 
that is not the meaning here; there is no 
adversativeness in the sentence ; he who 

Quae condicio non accipienda — 
relinquenda patria ? 
Fateor, sed num quid hoe peius? 4. At recuperabit 
Quando? aut quid ad eam spem est parati? — 
Non ager Picenus amissus? non patefactum iter ad urbem? non~ 
pecunia omnis et publica et privata adversario tradita? Denique 
nulla causa, nullae vires, nulla sedes quo coucurrant qui rem 
Apulia delecta est, inanissima pars ~ 



condiciones — 


was guilty of all the connivance with 
Caesar already described, ‘ also’ struggled 
to induce the ten tribunes to propose the 
law allowing him to stand for the consul- 
ship without coming to Rome, and re- 
sisted Marcellus when-he wanted to fix 
the Kalends of March as the limit of 
Caesar’s tenure of his provinces. The force — 
of idem is, that not only when he was a 
confessed supporter of Caesar, but even — 
when he had made overtures to the 
Optimates, and thus dissociated himself 
ostensibly from Caesar, he did all he 
could to advance Caesar to the position 
which he now held. 

decem tribuni| ep. vol. 1112, lxv. 

Mireoque Marcelio| cp. ib. Ixx and 
Fam. viii. 9. 5 (211) Ipse tamen hane 
sententiam dixit nullum hoe tempore | 
senatus consultum faciendum. Pompey’s 
resistance was very slight. | 

4. ad eam spem| ‘to realize that | 

nulla causa] ‘no cause to fight for’: 
cp. note to Att. vii. 3. 5 (294). They had, 
as Bardt says, no ‘cry’ on their side, as 
Caesar had ‘the inviolability of th 

sedes quo concurrant| ‘no rallying 
point for those who desire the defence o 
the State.’ 

inanissima] ‘least populous.’ 


EP. 333 (ATT. VIII. 3). 7 

taliae et ab impetu huius belli remotissima, fuga et maritima. 
opportunitas visa quaeri desperatione. 
quo munus illud defugerem sed fsine causa, in 

Invite cepi Capuam, non 
qua nullus 

esset ordinum, nullus apertus privatorum dolor, bonorum autem 

‘rerum cupidi. 
sine pecunia. 

qguonam? Cum illo non: 

impetu| ‘brunt.’ 
_ fuga et maritima opportunitas] This 
‘may almost be called a hendiadys, ‘ the 
_ opportunity of flight which the seaboard 
affords.’ For maritima opportunitas ep. 
7327. 3. 
_ Invite cepi| This is the reading of E 
‘and of the second hand of O and M: the 
‘first hands of these mss. have in te. 
“Miller reads Lente after Orelli. Other 
 emendations are non accepi (Boot); non 
recepi (Lehmann and Supfle-Bockel). 
These emendations may be defended by 
345.2, Capuam... accipere nolui. Stern- 
kopf reads Hine reiecr. This latter (or 
‘perhaps Inde a me reieci) would be sup- 
| ported by 343. 5 (see below), a very 
Similar passage. The reading of the mss. is 
in te cepi. Nowit is clear from a compari- 
son of passages in the letters that Cicero 
originally undertook the administration of 
7 Capua together with the rest of the sea 
Oast. He writes nos Capuam sumpsimus, 
801. Δ 5686: διὸ 12. δ. Bei. Ὁ 
Att. viii. 11 Β, 2(327). But it is equally 
‘clear that he afterwards divested himself 
of all responsibility for Capua, which 
he thought could not be held with- 
out an armed force (exercitu or praesidio): 
ep. 343. 5 a me Capuam reiciebam quod 
fect non vitandi oneris causa sed quod vide- 
bam teneri illan urbem sine exercitu non 
posse. The old reading invite cept would, 
t herefore, well suit the meaning, ‘ it was 
against my will I undertook Capua’; he 
does not think it necessary to add ‘ ‘and 
: erwards repudiated that part of my com- 
Mission,’ because he knows that Atticus 
is aware of the fact. 
18 not necessary to make such violent 

Hence perhaps it. 

8 osset aliquis sed hebes, ut solet, et, ut ipse sensi, esset multitudo 
et infimus quisque propensus in alteram partem, multi mutationis. 
} Dixi ipsi me nihil suscepturum sine praesidio et 
5. Itaque habni nihil omnino negoti, quod ab. 
initio vidi nihil quaeri praeter fugam. Eam si nune sequor,. 
ad quem cum essem profectus, cognovi 
in iis locis esse Caesarem ut tuto Luceriam venire non possem. 

alterations of the text as non recepi or 
reieci, When Boot says, against the 
reading invite, that ‘hoc adverbio Cicero 
nusquam utitur’ he is mistaken, as it 
occurs in a passage of unimpeachable 
soundness, quem ego paulo ante sciebam 
vel pudentius vel invitius (nolo enim dicere 
de tam suavi homine fastidiosius) ad hoe 
genus sermonis accedere, De Or. 11. 364. 
It is hardly necessary to remind our 
readers how easily vt would fall out after 
in. Capere is a word which often ex- 
presses the assuming of a commission, 
e.g. Ter. Phorm. 73, O Geta, provinciam 
cepisti duram. 

tsine] The alteration usually adopted 
by editors is that of Lambinus in ea, with 
a comma atecupidi. We think it possible 
that we should read <non> sine causa. 
For the phrase cp. 320. 1. For the 
omission of non Miller quotes a great. 
number of cases in his note on p. 84. 27 of 
his edition, e.g, 332. 2 non expuilst (M} 
om. on): 3859. 2 non defendente (add. 
non Vict.). 

in qua| The antecedent is Capua, ‘ as 
in it there was no indignation of the 
classes or individuals, though there was. 
some on the part of the Optimates, yet, 
as usual, not at all keen.’ Strictly we- 
suppose the Joni would be comprised in 
the ordines ; but Cic. is thinking of those- 
who had identified themselves to some 
extent with the Optimate side in polities.. 

ipsi| sc. Pompeio. 

sine praesidio] cp. 327. 1, 2. 

5. Itaque... negoti| ‘Consequently I 
have had no responsibility at all’ (Jeans). 

Eam si nune sequor| ‘if I now pursue- 
that course.’ 


Infero mari nobis, incerto cursu, hieme maxima navigandum est. — 
Age iam, cum fratre an sine eo cum filio an quo modo? In utraque 
enim re summa difficultas erit, summus animi dolor. 
impetus illius erit in nos absentis fortunasque nostras? Acrior 
quam in ceterorum, quod putabit fortasse in nobis violandis aliquid — 
Age iam, has compedes, fascis inquam hos— 

se habere populare. 

laureatos, ecferre ex Italia quam molestum est! 
erit nobis tutus, ut iam placatis utamur fluctibus, ante quam ad” 
illum venerimus? Qua autem aut quo, nihil scimus. 
restitero et fuerit nobis in hac parte locus, idem fecero quod in ~ 
Cinnae dominatione Z, Philippus, quod L. Flaccus, : 
Mucius, quoquo modo ea res huic quidem cecidit, qui tamen ita — 
dicere solebat se id fore videre quod factum est sed malle quam 
armatum ad patriae moenia accedere. 
Sed est certa quaedam illa Muci ratio atque 
sententia, est illa etiam Philippi, 

fortasse melius. 

hieme maxima] “ depth of winter.’ This 
letter was written in the middle of 
February according to the unreformed 
calendar; but according to the actual 
seasons that would be about the begin- 
ning of January. For hieme maxima 
cp. tanta hieme, 312. 6. 

Age ...quomodo?| Lehmann reads: 
Age iam, cum fratre an sine eo 2 cum filio 
an quo amando ? ‘where shall 1 consign 
him ?’ (for security) : cp. 807. 3, interdum 
amandandt videntur in Graeciam (sc. 
Cicerones nostri): 315. 4, pueros ὑπεκθέ- 
μενος in Graeciam. 

impetus illius| ‘how Caesar will wreak 
his rage on me.’ 

se habere populare| From this we learn 
that Cicero had not yet lived down the 
unpopularity incurred by him for his 
high-handed proceedings against the 
Catilinarian conspirators: cp. 343. 7 
ut mea persona semper ad tmproborum 
ewium impetus aliquid videretur habere 

compedes| He gives this name to his 
Fasces, as fettering his freedom of action. 

p. § 5, below; also 303; 305. 4 lictores 
on. 398. 3 lictores ’ molestissimos. 
ut iam] “ even supposing for argument’s 
sake’; he had spoken above of his appre- 
hension that the voyage would be a rough 
one. For ut iam see note on Fam. i. 9. 
13 (153) and Madv. Fin. iv. 66: so often 

EP. 333 (ATT. VIII. 8). 

Qui autem | 

Qui autem locus” 
6. At si_ 

quod Q. 

Aliter Thrasybulus et 

et cum sit necesse servire 

See Munro on i. 
dilum refers to Pompey. 
‘ By what way or | 

si tam in T.ucretius. 

Qua autem aut quo| 
to what place.’ 

6. in hac parte] ‘on Caesar’s side.’ 
L. Marcius Philippus (cons. 91), and 
L. Valerius Flaccus (cons. 100), and 
Q. Mucius Scaevola (cons. 95) remained 
in Rome during the Cinnan revolution 
when the rest of their party fled to Sulla’s © 
camp. Thrasybulus (Xen. Hell. ii. 3. 427), 
on the other hand, left Athens during the © 
sway of the Thirty Tyrants, but returned 
to overthrow them. Cicero goes on to say 
that both these courses of conduct may be 
defended. Mucius Scaevola was put to 
death (cp. 368. 1; 373. 2, also note to | 
378. 4) by the order of C. Marius the 
younger: hence Cicero says of him ‘ who, 
though the step had a tragical ending in 
his case, yet used to say that he foresaw 
the issue which in fact resulted, and 
accepted it in preference to marching 
against his country.’ Σ 

certa quaedam] 

illa etiam] This certainly refers to the bs 
policy described in the words e¢ cum sit... Ἴ 
datum, but we cannot say for certain οὗ 
whose policy Cicero was thinking. Natu- — 
rally it would be that of Thrasybulus; if Ἴ 
so, we must suppose Philippi to be an ~ 
erroneous gloss. But, perhaps, the name ~ 

‘in a sense well 


~ ita mihi des consilium velim. 
et Brundisi. 

_ returned he was one of the first to join 
him; cp. Mommsen, R. H. iii, p. 331 
> (Eng. trans.). 

_ molestiam| His fasces impose on him 
_ the inconvenience that he cannot leave his 
_ country when he wishes, and return to it 
at once when the opportunity serves, as 
Thrasybulus did. 

Sit... amicus| ‘suppose Caesar is 
friendly to me, which is doubtful ; but 
suppose he is, then he will offer me a 

Non accipere| We have adopted the 
reading of Dr. Reid and Miiller, which is 
the simplest, and no doubt gives the sense 
of the passage: cp. 356. 1 ‘ Ht de tri- 
wmpho erit,’ inquis, ‘ixtegrum. Quid si 
hoe ipso premar? Accipiam? Quid foe- 
dius? Negem? Repudiari se totum, magis 
etiam quam olim in vigintiviratu putabit. 
ehmann proposes to add a considerable 
number of words Non accipere <pericu- 
sum est apud hune (or ab hoc): accipere> 
9 periculosum sit, invidiosum ad bonos. 
or ne in the concessive sense, ‘ granting 
that it is not,’ cp. De Sen. 34; Acad. ii. 
102; Tusc. ii. 14; iv. 49. It is abso- 
lutely necessary to add accipere. Hofmann 
retained the reading of the ms., making 
non = nonne (cp. 480. 1) and neconcessive, 

EP. 333. (ATT. VIII. 3). 



tempori et non amittere tempus cum sit datum. Sed in hoc ipso 
_habent tamen iidem fasces molestiam. Sit enim nobis amicus, 
_ quod incertum est, sed sit, deferet triumphum. Non accipere 
vide ne periculosum sit, accipere invidiosum ad bonos. 
nquis, difficilem et inexplicabilem ! 
nim fieri potest? Ac ne me existimaris ad manendum esse pro- 
ensiorem quod plura in eam partem verba fecerim, potest fieri, 
quod fit in multis quaestionibus, ut res verbosior haec fuerit, illa 
Quam ob rem ut maxima de re aequo animo deliberanti 
Navis et in Caieta est parata nobis 

O rem, 
Atqui explicanda est. Quid 

7. Sed ecce nuntii scribente me haec ipsa noctu in Caleno, 
 ecce litterae Caesarem ad Corfinium, Domitium Corfini cum firmo 

‘would not an acceptance of such an 
offer, even if safe, be unpopular with the 
Pompeians?’ But this does not seem to 
be the sense required here. 

Quid enim fieri potest?) ‘ what can 
possibly be done’ to save me from having 
to face this question, shall 1 accept such 
an cfter from Caesar or not?’ Dr. Reid 
suggests qui enim ferri potest 2 ‘how can 
the present state of things be borne?’ 
Perhaps the two clauses should be trans- 
posed: Quid enim fiert potest 2 Atygui 
explicanda est. 

verbosior ... vertor| ‘it may be that 
there are more reasons on one side, but 
more reason on the other.’ Or, as Mr. 
Winstedt translates, ‘it may be that 
there are more words on one side, and 
more worth on the other.’ 

Navis ...parata] cp. 327.1; 335. 3. 
For in Caieta instead of, as one would 
expect, Caietae, cp. Att. xiv. 7.1 (709) 
and note there (ed. 2); also C. 1. L. x. 
p. 603. | 

7. ad Corfinium] 80. 

commissurum ut] ‘ willdo such a thing 

esse ‘is before 

duabus| 331. 2. Lucan (ii. 472), in his 
rhetoric, perverts this departure of Scipio 
from Luceria into a desertion of the town 
Tu quoque commissae nudatam deseris 
arcem, Scipio, Luceriae quam quam fir mis- 

80 EP. 384 (ATT. VIL, 110). 

conscriptam in Siciliam sibi placere a consule duci scripserat ad 
consules. Sed turpe Domitium deserere erit implorantem eius” 
auxilium. Est quaedam spes, mihi quidem non magna, sed in — 
his locis firma, Afranium in Pyrenaeo cum Trebonio pugnasse, — 
pulsum T'rebonium, etiam Fabium tuum transisse cum cohortibus, 
summa autem, Afranium cum magnis copiis adventare. Id si est, 
in Italia fortasse manebitur. Ego autem, cum esset incertum iter } 
Caesaris, quod vel ad Capuam vel ad Luceriam iturus putabatur, - 
Leptam ad Pompeium misi et litteras ; ipse ne quo inciderem — 

reverti Formias. Haec te scire volui scripsique sedatiore animo 

quam proxime scripseram, nullum meum iudicium interponens — 

sed exquirens tuum. 

38384. POMPEY TO CICERO (Art. vit. 11 c). 

CANUSIUM; FEBRUARY 20, A. U. C. 705; B.C. 493 AET. CIC. 57. 

Cn. Pompeius hortatur Ciceronem ut ad se Brundisium celeriter veniat. 

S. V. B. E. Tuas litteras libenter legi. 

tuam pristinam virtutem etiam in salute communi. 

Recognovi enim 
Consules ad © 

officer: cp. Caes. B. C. i, 87. 1-3. We 

sima (another rhetorical extravagance : cp. 
should not alter with Orelli to Fadiwn 

Ep. 331. 2 above) pubes his sedeat castris 
iampridem Caesaris armis Parthorum se- 
ducta metu. 

Fausto conscriptam] ‘raised for Faus- 
tus.’ A is generally inserted before 
Fausto; but Hofmann shows that the 
dativus commodi is common enough in 
passages like this; he instances conseripti 
consulibus, 880. 1. Bardt thinks that 
Fausto dat. is =a Fausto, and compares 
Tusc. ii. 2, disputatione quae mihi habita 

(i.e. Fadium Gallum): cp. 345. 1; for 
Fadius had no cohorts at his disposal. 

summa | SC. Spés. 

ad Capuam] ‘for Capua,’ 
direction of Capua. 

Leptam| Q. Lepta was Cicero’s prae- 
fectus fabrum in Cilicia: ep. 302. 4 and 
Fam. iii, 7. 4 (244). 

i.e. in the 

ne quo inciderem | ‘lest I should fall _ 

into any difficulty,’ lit. ‘into any place’ 

ep. 332. 1, δ᾽ 

est. See Mady. 250a, who compares (after a verb of ‘motion) : 
N. D. ii. 124 sie dissimillimis bestiis com- quo ilie misit. Possibly we should read | : 
muniter cibus quaeritur: the action may quot in both places ce lest I should fall in 
be regarded as done for the interest of the with anyone’); as ὁ follows quo in each ee 
doer. So the legion was enrolled by case, that vowel may have been lost. a 
Faustus (331. 8) and for service under him sedatiore animo] cp. note to 332. 3. 4 
(for his interest): cp. Madvig on Fin. ἔν 
1.11. For Faustus cp. 8391. 3. CANUSIUM | cp. 848. 4. Es 
seripserat ad consules| Ep. 331. Tuas litteras| Ep. 327. ἐν 

Fabiwm tuum] This is no doubt Caesar’s 

Recognovi] Recognovi is a rare word for — 

ee eri 
ὡς fen ste 

ee ct 
TEAR sate 

beh τα. 

Bopem atque auxilium feramus, 
eeleriter Brundisium venias. 

By) tae 

agnovi, and Cicero would probably have 
added tuenda to the words in salute com- 
muni, Cicero attributes neglegentia to 
'Pompey’s letters (342. 6). There is a 
‘want of consideration towards Cicero in 
pyriting in an off-hand, careless fashion. 
Bardt contrasts the consideration which 
Pompey shows to Domitius with the brief 
and almost curt tone in whicn he writes 
to Cicero. 

q a) Cp. 357 with 374. 3. 

1. Dionysius] See on 316. ὃ. 
3 ΤῊ Atticus constantly undertook the 
defence of this ungrateful Greek. Dr. Reid 
asks—* Does noster mean here ‘our 
common friend,’ or is it the equivalent of 
8 ἢ referring to his note on Acad. i. 
$1, and Fam.i. 9, 24 (153), Lentuli tui 
strigue ; ; but Cicero contrasts the words 
In 394. 5, Dolabellam mewm vel potius 
hostrum. Itis possibly what Prof. Conway 
Calls the Plural of Patronage (The Singular 
“Nos in Cicero's Letters, § 26, pp. 49-56), 
uch as, for example, the repeated nos = 
᾿ in the letter of Q. Cicero to Tiro; ep. 

FAG μα Ὴ} ἐν AAA δ ἈΦ). MC ἐπ: ἐν να 

᾿ veritus] This is the only place outside 
VOL. Iv. 

EP. 335 (ATT. VIII. 4). 

eum exercitum quem in Apulia habui venerunt. 
¢ te hortor, pro tuo singulari perpetuoque studio in rem publicam, 
ut te ad nos conferas ut communi consilio rei publicae adflictae 

CIC. 57. 


Magno opere 

Censeo via Appia iter facias et 

335. CICERO TO ATTIOUS (Art. νι. 4). 

C. 7053 B.C. 493 AET. 

M. Cicero de ingrato Dionysii magistri Ciceronum animo queritur et quae audiri 
de C. Atio Paeligno nuntiat, Attici litteras exspectat. 


a 1. Dionysius quidem tuus potius quam noster, cuius ego cum 
“satis cognossem mores tuo tamen potius stabam iudicio quam meo, 
‘ne tui quidem testimoni quod ei saepe apud me dederas veritus 

Latin comedy where verert takes the 
genitive, Examples are given in Nonius 
(p. 497) from Afranius (e.g. si non 
vereare, nemo vereatur tui), Pacuyius, and 
Accius. Their precedent, however, would 
not justify us in ascribing the construc- 
tion to Cicero, the diction of whose letters 
conforms not to the extreme archaism of 
Accius and Pacuvius, but to the more 
modern colloquialism of Plautus and 
Terence. However, Terence, Phorm. 971, 
has the genitive with vereri— 

Neque huius sis veritus feminae primariae, 
quin novo modo ei faceres contumeliam— 

though in the same play (2338) he has 
non simultatem meam revereri saltem. It 
is the same kind of genitive as appears 
after pudet, paenitet, cp.Varro (ap. Nonium 
1.0. = Biicheler, No. 449, p. 209) non te 
tui saltem pudet si nil mei revereatur. We 

- have also an example in the archaizing 

Apuleius Met. ii. 2 ‘quin,’ inquit, 

‘etiam ipse parentem tuam accedis et 
salutas ?? ‘ Vereor’ inquam ‘ignotae 
mihi feminae.’ (Somewhat different are 
such genitives as cupiunt tui (Plaut. Mil. 
974) = cupidae sunt tui: fastidit mei (Aul. 



superbum se praebuit in fortuna quam putavit nostram fore: 
cuius fortunae nos, quantum humano consilio effici poterit, motum — 

ratione quadam gubernabimus. 

EP. 385 (ATT. VIII. 4). 

Cui qui noster honos, quod ob- 

sequium, quae etiam ad ceteros contempti cuiusdam hominis — 
commendatio defuit? ut meum iudicium reprehendi a Quinto 
fratre vulgoque ab omnibus mallem quam illum non efferre me 
laudibus, Ciceronesque nostros meo potius labore subdoceri quam — 
me alium ils magistrum quaerere. Ad quem ego quas litteras, dei — 
immortales, miseram, quantum honoris significantis, quantum 
amoris !—Dicaearchum mehercule aut Aristoxenum diceres arcessi, 

244) = fastidiosus est mei). Possibly 
Cic. fell into an archaic and colloquial 
expression, as he was writing with great 
indignation. But Boot denies the applica- 
bility of this passage by making feminae 
the dative after facere contuwmeliam, and 
taking huius sis veritus to mean ‘ did not 
care that (a snap of your fingers) for.’ 
But the natural construction is rightly 
recognized by grammarians, 6.5. Roby, 
1328. Dr. Reid thinks that the proba- 
bilities are heavily against the genuineness 
of testimoni tui veritus, and thinks that a 
word (e.g. verba) dropped out before 
veritus. So too Muller, who would add 
vim or pondus. Meyer adds auctoritatem. 

motum| Dr. Reid translates ‘the on- 
ward course.’ For gubernare fortunam 
he refers us to Vell. ii. 127. 1, and for 
fortuna used ‘for fortune generally, both 
good and bad, to 382. 4. 

ad ceteros| These words are to be 
taken with commendatio (cp. Phil. ii. 1; 
Off. ii. 45): though we should have 
rather expected ad alios ον ad omnis. Dr. 
Reid notes that ceteri is often used where 
omnes would at first sight be expected, 
because a limitation of the reference to a 
particular set of people is assumed, though 
not stated explicitly. To take only one 
example, cp. Off. 11. § 87, admiratione 
autem afficiuntur vv qui anterre ceteris virtute 
putantur, i.e. the rest of those with whom 
they live. So here ceteros = the rest of 
the people (besides myself) whom Diony- 
sius desired to approach. If the words ad 
ceteros are taken with contempti, they could 
only mean ‘ as compared with the others’ 
introduced by me to my friends, and that 
sentiment would not have been so ex- 
pressed, though this use of ad is common 
enough in Plautus: cp. Capt. 275 Nam ad 
sapientiam huius hominis nimius nugator 

Suit: Trin. 725, and in Cicero with nihil, 
e.g. De Orat. 11. 25 nihil ad Persium, where 
see Wilkins’s note, and cp. Madv. Fin. 
ili. 52. If we accepted Boot’s sugges- 
tion to read apud, that word would more 
naturally go with contempti, ‘despicable 
in the minds of others,’ though com- 
mended by me. 

cuiusdan | ‘a despicable kind of fel- 
low.’ Quidam slightly mitigates the force 
of the adj. or part. with which it is 
joined, like τις with adjectives in Greek 
and πως with adverbs. Dr. Reid holds 
that contempti cuiusdam hominis has all the 
appearance of being one of those exclama- 
tions with which copyists sometimes 
relieved their feelings, writing them on 
the margin. 

subdoceri| ‘secretly taught.’ Cicero 
says that he preferred to face the re- 
proaches of his brother Quintus and all 
his friends rather than give up eulogising 
Dionysius, and that rather than dismiss 
him for his incompetency as a teacher, 
he chose that his boys should be taught 
on the sly by (get an odd lesson from) 
himself. Possibly, however, the sub- 
indicates that Cicero was ready to take 
on himself the duties of an ‘assistant 
(under) master,’ ὑποδιδάσκαλος, 80 as to 
make up for the deficiencies in the 
teaching of the boys’ ostensible instructor. 

Dicacarchum aut Aristoxenum| These 
philosophers are pare mentioned together 
in Att. xiii. 32, 2 (610). 
that Dicacarchus and <Aristoxenus con- 
stantly go together because of the simi- 

larity of their views about the soul: e.g. 
and with such a passage as — 
this he compares 368. 2, where Cicero — 
says he had treated Dionysius with — 
more distinction than Scipio showed to © 

Tuse. i. 41: 


Dr. Reid says — 


dum. 2. Sed 

_ reciperem. Serhper enim, 

nulla exceptione praecidit. 
nihil mali non inest. 

3 consultationi meae. 

- ire Brundisium,t desertum. 

2. memoria bona] ‘But you, his con- 
ant defender, will urge he has a good 
memory. He will find that I have a 
~ better.’ Miiller would read Scilicet est or 
_ δὲ est, which is possible; and Dr. Reid 
Ὅν suggests Se dicit esse, which is very 
if 3 ttractive. 
ita... ut| ‘ina tone which I never 
“used to anyone in declining to take up 
"his case.’ 
τς numquam ... praecidit} ‘never was 
᾿ς ¢lient so low, so mean, so plainly guilty, 
- or so completely a stranger to myself, 
that I gave him as abrupt a a refusal as was 
Dionysius’ abrupt, unceremonious, un- 
Qualified No.’ The elliptic use of tam, 
Which we have endeavoured to express by 
ἃ paraphrase, is here complicated by the 
fact thatit is followed by the regular and 
normal use of tam before pruecise. After 
Aumili we must understand some such 
words as quam qui humilliimus. The near-~ 
est literal translation, then, of tam humili 
would be ‘ ever so humble,’ and this would 
e a suitable rendering as being itself a 
ose expression incapable of exact ana- 
ysis, since the Rorrect form seems to have 
en ‘never so,’ as in ‘and heareth not 
8 voive of chacmers, charming never so 
ἐ τλμα 
_ praecise| ἀποτόμως. Praeciderat = prae- 
6 negaverat, 402. 1. 
_ im quo vitio nihil mali non inest] cp. 
“ingratum si dixeris omnia dixti, a familiar 
yuotation of which we are not able to 
i. find the source : cp. Shakespeare, Twelfth 
Night, iii. 4. 388, ‘‘I hate ingratitude 
“More in a man than .. . any taint of 

LARUE Mate MAGE πες Pi tril a Lentil ἃ ΒΕῚ φῷ ἃ caeek Gude ee ἀν θυ Γῆν Μὲ 

EP. 335 (ATT. VIII. 4). 88 

non hominem omnium loquacissimum et minime aptum ad docen- 
‘est memoria bona.’ 
Quibus litteris ita ἸΏΒ ut ego nemini cuius causam non 
‘si potero, si ante suscepta causa non 

_impediar’ : : numquam reo cuiquam tam humili, tam sordido, tam 
_ nocenti, tam alieno tam praecise negavi quam hic mihi plane 
Nihil cognovi ingratius, in quo vitio 
Sed de hoe nimis multa. 
paravi: tuas litteras tamen exspecto, ut sciam quid respondeant 

Me dicet esse meliore.— 

3. Ego navern 

Sulmone C. Atium Paelignum aperuisse Antonio portas, cum 
_ essent cohortes quinque, Q. Lucretium inde effugisse scis, Gnaeum 
Confecta res est. 

vice whose strong corruption inhabits our 
frail blood.”’ 

3. navem| He had vessels in readiness 
at Caieta and Brundisium, 333. 6. 

cohortes quingue | Caesar says that 
there were seven cohorts under Lucretius 
and Atius at Sulmo (B.C. i. 18.1). We 
can hardly suppose that Cicero is alluding 
here to the five cohorts which Antony 
had (id.). 

Gnaeum...desertum]| The mss. reading 
given in the text cannot be translated. 
It is possible that Cicero wrote Gnaeum 
ire Brundisium, wit Domitium desertum, 
and that the general likeness between 
ire Brundisium and irt Domitium caused 
the latter words to drop out. Still 
more naturally, if the archetype had 
Brundisium ire, the words Domitium iri 
would have dropped out, the copyist 
raising his eyes after writing ire, and 
then, by an oversight, going on with 
the word after ἐγ. But perhaps it is 
more probable, as Dr. Reid suggests, that 
Cicero wrote Domitiwm deser tum, meaning 
‘that he has turned his back on Domitius.,’ 
With Pompey on the march to Brun- 
disium, Cicero would hardly say that 

- Domitius was going to be deserted. Yet 

it is hard to see how the news of the 
surrender of Domitius (if that is what is 
meant by confecta res est), which occurred 
only the day before this letter was written, 
can have reached Formiae. It is possible. 
that Cicero heard a rumour of this which 
was gathered from the letters of Pompey 
to the consuls (331), but that there was no 
confirmation of this until Pompey’s letter 

G 2 

84 EP. 386 (ATT. VIII. δὲ, 



ART. CIC. 57. 

M. Cicero Attico scribit Dionysium ipsum ad se venisse et se 5101 iam referri velle © 
eam epistulam quam Attico misisset ad illum perferendam, 
Curio commendando. 

Corfiniensi, de Tirone Μ᾽. 


1. Cum ante lucem vit Kal. ad te de Dionysio litteras dedis- 
sem, vesperi ad nos eodem die venit ipse Dionysius, auctoritate tua 
Quid enim putem aliud ? 

permotus, ut suspicor. 

cum aliquid furiose fecit, paenitere. 

CICERO TO ATTICUS (Arr. vit. 5). 

Β. Ὁ. 493 

Tum de exspectatione 

Etsi solet eum, 
Numquam autem cerritior 

fuit quam in hoe negotio. Nam, quod ad te non scripseram, postea 

audivi a tertio miliario timuisse 

πολλὰ μάτην κεράεσσιν ἐς ἠέρα θυμήναντα᾽ 

referred to in 339. 2 reached Formiae on 
the 24th. Hence Cicero’s anxiety on the 
23rd about the fate of Corfinium (336. 2). 
But confecta res est (‘it is all up’) pro- 
bably means only that Domitius wid/ 
certainly have to surrender now that 
Pompey has set his face for Brundisium. 
Yet even so the transmission of this news 
to Formiae from Luceria in three days 
(for Pompey left Luceria on the 19th) 
was rather rapid. 

1. Etsi] ‘Yet (he might have come on 
his own mere motion and uninfluenced 
by you, for) he usually gets sorry after 
his tantrums.’ 

cerritior| This is an excellent conjec- 
ture of Bosius for certior of the Mss. : 
cp. 375. 5, ego autem illum (Dionysium) 
male sanum semper putavi. Certus usually 
means ‘safe’ of a messenger; it also 
means ‘ firm,’ ‘determined,’ 396.3. But 
here a word suitable to furiose fecit is 
evidently required; such a word exactly 
is cerritior, and it is rare enough to be 
easily ousted by such a common word as 

a tertio miliario timuisse | 
had passed the third mile-stone,’ that is, 
as soon as he had got well out of the 
city and its suburbs. He wus apparently 

‘after he. 

resolved to leave the city and betake © 
himself to some place where Cicero could 
not even communicate with him. But 
when he had passed the third mile-stone, © 
he ‘became alarmed, took fright,’ and | 
went back again to Rome. But another | 
interpretation of a is perhaps more pro- 
bable, viz., that it means “ σέ the third 
mile-stone,’ as Miller has suggested : cp. 
Caes. B. G. ii. 7. 8 αὖ millibus. passuum 
minus duobus castra posuerunt: v. 32.15 
Frontinus Ag. 7 propius urbem a septimo 
milliario substructione andoften. For tum 
cum isse, which is rather clumsy, we 
suggested timuisse, which would closely 
resemble tmedissein the mss. For timwisse 
used absolutely ‘to take alarm,’ cp. 359. 
3, ipst tum se timuisse dicunt (a passage 
which suggests that we ought perhaps 
here too to read twm timuisse); and αὖ 
altera te ipsum nunquam timuisse certo 
scio, 538. 2: cp. also pertimuit, 338. 1. 
Possibly his uttering imprecations shows — 
that he was not frightened; and we — 
might perhaps suggest tumuisse § boiled — 
up with rage’: and this is closer to the — 
MS. reading than ¢imuisse: ‘tossing his” 
horns with rage upon the air, after, 1 4 
mean » having uttered many maledictions.” | 
πολλὰς .«θυμήναντα)]) δ'ἧ᾽ ὁ ἀο ποῦ 
know the source of this verse, but it) 

-meam mansuetudinem ! 

_ doubtless comes from some Alexandrine 
poet. It probably suggested well-known 
' passages to Vergil (Aen. xii. 104) and to 
Catullus (64, 111), mequieguam vanis 
_ iactantem cornua ventis. It reminds us 
of the Euripidean κεἰς κέρας θυμούμενοι 
_ (Bacch. 743), and προ be rendered :— 

> When he had wreaked the fury of his horns 
On the void air in vain. 

᾿ς Cicero then goes on to explain the sense 
in which he quotes the verse, which is, 
- ‘after he had uttered many idle curses, 
_ which,’ he adds, ‘I hope will come home 
) to roost, as the proverb has 10. Cum 
dixisset, the reading of the mss., should 
~ not bealtered. Editors make a mistake 
in changing it to ewm dixisse. For rough 
explanation of Greek introduced by w- 
quam, see 360. 4. 
| Sed mansuetudinem meam] We sug- 
_ gested in our previous edition to add en 
before mansuetudinem. But it is not 
necessary. The simple acc. of exclama- 
' tion is often found in Cicero, as Miller 
) allows: cp. Att. xiv. 5.2 (707) and our 
im note to Att. xiii. 33. 1 (616), ed. 2; ep. 
» Att. xv. 3.2 (733). If any addition were 
“necessary, we should adopt vide with 
' Miller. See Adn. Crit. 
_ «@ pedibus meis| If these words are 
' genuine, they must mean ‘from personal 
attendance on myself,’ which shows that 
_ Cicero had even to submit to personal in- 
_ convenience in recalling his angry missive. 
᾿ς Body-servants in close attendance on their 
_ masters might be said a pedibus stare. We 
have @ legutorum pedibus abduxerit in 

᾿ 99. Victorius changed meis to meum, and 
supposed servum a pedibus to mean ‘a 
| footman,’ but this designation of the 

EP. 336 (ATT. VIII. 5). 

| multa, inquam, mala cum dixisset : 


suo capiti, ut aiunt. 

Conieceram§in fasciculum una cum tua 
_ vementem ad illum epistulam: hance ad me referri volo, nec ullam 
' ob aliam causam Pollicem servum*a pedibus meis Romam misi- 
Eo autem ad te scripsi ut, si tibi forte reddita esset, mihi curares 
| _veferendam, ne in illius manus perveniret. 
scripsissem. Pendeo animi exspectatione de re Corfiniensi, in qua 
de salute rei publicae decernetur. 
‘inscriptus velim cures ad eum perferendum, Tironemque Curio 
᾿ commendes et ut det ei si quid opus erit in sumptum roges. 

2. Novi si quid esset 

Tu fasciculum qui est M’. Curto 

duties of slaves by the preposition a@ is 
post-Ciceronian: cp. Mr. John C. Rolfe 
in ‘ Archiv’ x. 497. Possibly the words 
a pedibus meis are a gloss. 

2. Pendeo animi] cp. note to 427.1, 
and to Fam. viii. 5. 1 (210). 

de ve Corfiniensi] We have inserted 
de re on the theory that it probably got 
out of its place and gave rise to the cor- 
rupt reading de M’. Curio. The regular 
preposition after exspectatio is de: cp. 
exspectatione de Pompeio, Att. iii. 14. 1 
(70). Exspectatio Corfiniensis for ‘ antici- 
pations of what is going on in Corfinium ἢ 
seems strange Latin, and cannot be 
absolutely defended by διατροπὴν Cor- 
Jiniensem (‘at Corfinium’) (369. 7), and 
clementiam Corfininiensem (374. 1). But 
Dr. Reid says: ‘‘I suppose it is the fact 
that exspectatio is a word describing the 
feelings of the mind, which makes this 
expression look different from a hundred 
others, such as pulsatio Puteolana; but 
I think it is hardly possible to set limits 
to the usage whereby an adjective is 
substituted for a noun dependent on a 
preposition. The best collection οὗ 
examples is in a pamphlet, ‘ Ueber den 
Gebrauch des adjectivischen Attributs, 
ἄς, by Wichert (Berlin: Weidmann, 

Μ΄. Curio] For Μ᾽. Curius who had 
business at Patrae, cp. 301i. 1 and intro- 
ductory note to 477. 

velin] On this word depend cures, 
commendes, roges, with the common ellipse 
of μέ in each case. 

in sumptum| ‘for expenses’: cp. 
337.5; Att.xv. 16. 4 (748) velim cures 

. ut permutetur Athenas quod sit in 
annuum sumptum ei, where perhaps we 
should add opus before sit: ep. Att. xii. 
24. 1 (560). 

86 EP. 337 (ATT. VIII. 6). 

337. CICERO TO ATTICUS (Arr. vit. 6). 

FORMIAE: FEBRUARY 21, A. U. Ὁ. 705: B,C. 49 ; AET. CIC. 57. 

M. Cicero Attico nuntiat C. Sosii praetoris adventum Formias, mittit exemplum i 
litterarum Pompeii ad consules datarum, de sollicitudine sua, de valetudine Attici et 
Piliae, de Tirone. 


1. Obsignata iam ista epistula quam de nocte daturus eram, 
_sicut dedi—nam eam vesperi scripseram—C. Sosius praetor in 
Formianum venit ad Μ᾽. Lepidum, vicinum nostrum, quoius 
quaestor fuit. Pompei litterarum ad consules exemplum attulit : 

2. “ Litterae mihi a L. Domitio a. ἃ. xu Kalend. Mart. adlatae 
sunt: earum exemplum infra scripsi. Nune, ut ego non scribam, 
tua sponte te intellegere scio quanti rei publicae intersit omnis 
copias in unum locum primo quoque tempore convenire. Tu, si tibi 
videbitur, dabis operam ut quam primum ad nos venias, praesidi 

Capuae quantum constitueris satis esse relinquas.” 

3. Deinde supposuit exemplum epistulae Domiti quod ego ad 
Di immortales, gui me horror perfudit ! quam 
sum sollicitus quidnam futurum sit! 

te pridie miseram. 

This letter was probably written on 
February 21. It is unlikely that Cicero 
in this anxious time would not have 
written to Atticus for three whole days. 
Ep. 333 was written during the night of 
the 18th and 19th, and according to our 
previous arrangement (which we now 
think was not right) Ep. 335 of Febr. 
22nd was the next letter, the present 
one having been assigned to February 
23. Besides, in this letter Cicero seems 
confident that Pompey will go to relieve 
Domitius, and he had plainly not received 
the alarming, though unconfirmed, news 
which led to the despairing last paragraph 
of Ep. 336. 

1. ista] This word, which ought in 
strictness to mean ‘that letter of yours,’ 
here means ‘that letter to you,’ on ac- 
count of the explanatory relative clause : 

Hoc tamen spero, Magnum 

cp. also Cassi litterae, meaning ‘a letter. 
to Cassius,’ in 328, where see note. 

epistula| This letter, written on the 
20th, is lost. 

C. Sosius| ep. 3538. 1. 

M’. Lepidum] consul in 66. 

Pompe: litterarum] This letter was 
written about Febr. 17 from Luceria. 
For a résumé of this letter see 343. 3. 
We must alter viii of M to wid with 
Corradus (343. 3). 

2. ut ego non scribam] ‘without a 
word from me’; lit. ‘even if I should 
not say a word.’ 

3. pridie] ‘yesterday,’ i.e. on the 20th. 
Schmidt (p. 143), however, thinks that 
it was ‘the day before Sosius came,’ 
i.e. the 19th. ; 

Magnum] ‘I hope Magnus will be ἃ 
great source of terror to his foes when : 

he arrives.’ 

EP. 338 (ATT. VIII. 7). 87 

[nomen imperatoris] fore magnum in adventu terrorem. 


᾿ etiam, quoniam adhue nihil nobis obfuit tnihil mutasset nee 

4 4. Modo enim audivi quartanam a ‘te discessisse. 
_ magis gauderem, si id mihi accidisset. 
eam diutius habere nec id esse vestrae concordiae. 
2 nostrum ab altera relictum audio. 

 aliis mutuatum. 

~ tatem Curi. 


Moriar si 
Piliae dic non esse aequum 
5. Tironem 
Sed eum video in sumptum ab. 

Ego autem Curium nostrum, si quid opus esset, 
_ rogaram. Malo ‘l'ironis verecundiam in culpa esse quam inliberali- 

CICERO TO ATTICUS (Arr. vim. 7). 

FORMIAE ; FEBRUARY 233; A. U. C. 7053 8. Ὁ. 493 AET. CIC. 57. 

De Pompeio fugam meditante, de incerta condicione sua, de viatico sibi per Philo- 

- timum curando. 


1. Unum etiam restat amico nostro ad omne dedecus, 

mitio non subveniat. 

Terrorem is used objectively 
as in Rep. i. 71, duobus huius urbis terro- 
ribus depulsis. ‘The words nomen impera- 
toris are probably a gloss on Magnum, 
» the common designation of Pompey. See 
Ε΄ note on Att. vi. 1. 22 (252). 

nihil . . . mehercule| It seems better 
to present to the reader here the corrupt 
_ words of the mss. than to put before him 
_ any of the attempts which have been made 
to correctthem. From the words fortiter e¢ 

| diligenter we may conclude that the early 
_ part of the corruption was nisi timiditas et 

4 neglegentia, as Madvig (A. C. iii 178 f.) 

7 saw. See Adn. Crit. It would seem as it 
several words have been lost after meher- 
7 cule. Possibly the long omission, as 

_ Madvig suggested, was due to Cicero 
repeating the word mehercule in sume 
such phrase as De te quoque gaudeo 

) mehercule. Cicero was plainly in good 

_ spirits when he wrote this letter. 
4. concordiae| This is written in a 
pleasant vein: ‘it is not in conformity 

ut Do- 

‘At nemo dubitat quin subsidio venturus 

with the usual harmony that subsists 
between you, that she should still have 
the ague that has left you.’ For Pilia’s 
attacks of fever cp. Att. vii. 5. 1 (296) ; 
401.4. In 44 we hear that she hada 
paralytic stroke (πειράζεσθαι παραλύσει), 
Att. xvi. 7. 8. [185): 

5. altera] ‘ the second (lighter) attack ’; 
see Att. vii. 2, 2 (298). 

in sumptum| cp. 336. 2. 

si quid opus esset royaram| Perhaps ut δὲ 
det (cp. 336 fin.) fell out after esse¢. The 
ellipse of dare is nearly always connected 
with the despatch of letters: yet cp. 
Att. xiv. 12. 1 (715) muita illis Caesar 
(sc. dedit); iv. 15. 6 (148) deinde Anti- 
phonti operam (dedi). 

Malo| ‘I hope it is Tiro’s modesty, not 
the stinginess of Curius, that is to be 
blamed for this.’ 

1. ad omne dedecus] ‘to crown (com- 
plete) his infamy.’ 

88 EP. 338 (ATT. VIII. 7). 

sit.’ Ego non puto. ‘ Deseret igitur talem civem et eos quos _ 
una scis esse, cum habeat praesertim et ipse cohortis xxx?’ 
Nisi me omnia fallunt, deseret. Incredibiliter pertimuit. Nihil 
spectat nisi fugam, quoi tu—video enim quid sentias—me comitem — 
putas debere esse. 2. Ego vero quem fugiam habeo, quem sequar 
non habeo. Quod enim tu meum laudas et memorandum dicis, 
malle quod dixerim me cum Pompeio vinci quam cum istis vincere, 
ego vero malo, sed cum illo Pompeio qui tum erat aut qui mihi 
esse videbatur ; cum hoc vero qui ante fugit quam scit aut quem 
fugiat aut quo, qui nostra tradidit, qui patriam reliquit, Italiam 
relinquit, si malui, contigit, victus sum. Quod superest, nec ista 
videre possum quae numquam timul ne viderem nec mehercule 
istum, propter quem mihi non modo meis sed memet ipso carendum 


sita tibi mandabo. 

quos una scis esse| Caesar B.C. 1. 23.2. 
Erant quinque senatorit ordinis L. Domi- 
dius, P. Lentulus Spinther, L. Vibullius 
Rufus, Sex. Quintilius Varus quaestor, L. 
Rubrius ; praeterea filius Domiti altique 
complures udulescentes, et magnus numerus 
equitum Romanorum et decurionum, quos 
ex municipis Domitius evocaverat. 

cum habeat praesertim| ‘and that too 
though he (Pompey) bas 30 cohorts.’ 
For cum praesertim cp. Fam. iii. 8. 6 (222) 
and note there: also Madvig on Fin, 
li. 25; v. 64, who would omit the e¢ ; but 
though we learn from Caes. B. C. i. 17. 2 
that Domitius had cohortes amplius xxx, 
the word ipse plainly refers to Pompey 
here. Cicero may have imagined that 
because Pompey (331. 1) spoke of meas 
xix cohortis and in 829. 2 of xiv cohortis, 
he had at least 30 cohorts at his disposal. 
The words ipse or et ipse could not refer 
to Domitius. 

2. Ego vero| ‘yes! I have a foe to fly 
from, but no friend to follow ’; here, and 
a little below, ego vero points as usual to 
the answer to a question really asked by, 
or rhetorically put into the mouth of, a 
correspondent or interlocutor. This epi- 
grammatic remark of Cicero’s became 
famous: cp. Plutarch Cic. 37; Quintilian 
vi. 3.109; Macrobiusii. 3. 7, who quotes 
some other satirical remarks of Cicero 
against Pompey, which induced Pompey 
to say that he wished Cicero would go 
over to the enemy. 

_ being money-lenders. 

3. Ad Philotimum scripsi de viatico, sive a Moneta—nemo 
enim solvit—sive ab Oppiis, tuis contubernalibus. 

Cetera appo- 

Quod enim tu meum laudas] ‘as to that 
sentiment of mine which you quote and 
call so memorable, that I should rather 
have defeat with Pompey than victory 
with your Caesarians—well, I do prefer 
defeat with Pompey, but it must be 
Pompey as he once was, or as | believed 
him to be; but as to the present Pompey, 
who flies before he knows from whom he 
is flying or whither he is going, who has 
betrayed us, has abandoned his country’s 
cause, and is preparing to abandon her 
shores—if I have chosen defeat with him, 
I have got my wish—my defeat is already 

ista . . . istum] the cause of Caesar 
and Caesar himself. 

memet ipso] ‘my very self,’ i.e. all 
the traditions of my past career. 

3. α Moneta] the temple of Moneta on 
the Capitoline Hill, where the Mint was. 
Here apparently bullion could be ex- 
changed for money, according to weight. 
Cicero may have ordered Philotimus to 
sell his plate to the Mint: cp. 436. ὃ. 
Te oro, ut in perditis rebus, si quid cogi 
confici ‘potest quod sit in tuto ex argento et 
si satis multa ex supellectile, des operam. 

nemo enim solvit] none of Cicero’s 
debtors would pay. 

Oppiis| See on 308.. 
contubernales, or ‘mates,’ 

They are called 
of Atticus ἃ. 

apposita | ‘requisite instructions,’ that 
is, instructions with reference to his 

Ἶ EP. 889 (ATT. VIII. 8). 89 

ο΄ 889. CICERO TO ATTICUS (Arr. vin. 8). 

FORMIAE ; FEBRUARY 24; A. U. C. 705; B.C. 495 AET. CIC. 57. 

Ἢ De Domitio a Pompeio turpiter deserto. 


Ε΄. 1. Ὁ rem turpem et ea re miseram! Sic enim sentio id 

! ᾿ demum aut potius id solum esse miserum quod turpe sit. Aluerat 
" Caesarem, eundem repente timere coeperat, condicionem pacis 
|} nullam probarat, nihil ad bellum pararat, urbem reliquerat, 
- Picenum amiserat culpa, in Apuliam se compegerat, ibat in 
_ Graeciam, omnis nos ἀπροσφωνήτους, expertis sui tanti, tam 
 inusitati consili relinquebat. %. Ecce subito litterae Domiti ad 
~ illum, ipsius ad consules. Fulsisse mihi videbatur τὸ καλὸν ad 

_ oculos eius et exclamasse ille vir’qui esse debuit, 

4 approaching journey. ‘Ad meum disce- 
dendi consilium,’ as Manutius says. For 
| appositus = ‘suitable for,’ ‘adapted to,’ cp. 

B tolerandam calamitatem; also Q. Fr. 1]. 
2. 1 (100). 

1. eare| ‘for that reason.” Then he 
goes on to explain why he uses the words 
_¢a re, ‘ because I hold disgrace to be the 
| erown of misery, or indeed the only real 
Pmisery *; @ case cannot be said to be 
_ really wretched till it involves disgrace, 
and nothing else can make it truly 

ἢ _ wretched. Vere, the conj. of Gronovius, 
is needless. 

4 se compegerat| cp. Plaut. Rud. 1147 
quae parentis tam in angustum tuos locum 

_ compegeris; De Orat. i. 46, oratorem in 

᾿ς wiicia et contiunculas tamquam im 

Ἢ ᾿ αἰϊφιοά pistrinum detrudi et constringi 

Ε΄ witebam. 

ἶσα nok trian ieee tieeet tet ene 

Τὸ yap εὖ μετ᾽ ἐμοῦ. 

Att. iii. 14. 2 (70) loco minime apposito ad 

Πρὸς ταῦθ᾽ 6 τι χρὴ καὶ παλαμάσθων 

By K \ , leet kee Wa) N , θ e 
iM ab TAaVT ἐπ ἐν τεκταινέεσὕύων 

R ille tibi πολλὰ χαίρειν τῷ καλῷ dicens pergit Brundisium. 
Domitium autem aiunt re audita et eos qui una essent se tradi- 
disse. O rem lugubrem! Itaque intercludor dolore quo minus 
; δὰ te plura scribam. ‘Tuas litteras exspecto. 

omnis nos . . . relinguebat| ‘ was 

leaving us unnoticed and unacquainted 

with this vital, this unheard-of, plan of 

2. tlle vir qui esse debuit] < his old self, 
the ideal Pompey.’ 

Πρὺς ταῦθ᾽ These are the words of 
Euripides, possibly from the TZelephus, 
which appear in a modified form in 
Aristophanes, Acharn. 659, where see 
Dr. Starkie’s note. 

τὸ γὰρ εὖ μετ᾽ ἐμοῦ) cp. Att. vi. 
1. 8 (262). 

At ille tibi] ethical dat.: ep. 402. 4, 
and often; see Index. ‘ But now you 
have him bidding a long farewell to 
honour’: cp. Eur. Hipp. 118, τὴν σὴν δὲ 
Κύπριν πόλλ᾽ ἐγὼ χαίρειν λέγω. The 
Latin expression is multam salutem dicere : 
cp. 474. 2, ego vero multim salutem et foro 
dicam et curiae. 

90. EP. 340(a) (ATT. VIII. 9, δὲ 1-8). 

340 (a). CICERO TO ATTICUS (Art. vitt. 9, §§ 1-3). 
AQUINUM (?); MARCH 30 . A. U. C. 7053; B. C. 493 ABET, CIC. 57. 

De epistula sua de pace ad Caesarem scripta et a se et ab aliis vulgata, de villis 

suis prope Arpinum visendis. 


1. Epistulam meam quod pervulgatam scribis esse, non fero 


Quin etiam ipse multis dedi describendam. Ea enim et 

acciderunt iam et impendent ut testatum esse velim de pace quid 
senserim. Cum autem ad eam hortarer, eum praesertim hominem, 
non videbar ullo modo facilius moturus quam si id quod eum 
hortarer convenire eius sapientiae dicerem. Eam si ‘admirabilem ἢ 
dixi, quom eum ad salutem patriae hortabar, non sum veritus 
ne viderer adsentari, quoi taliin re libenter me ad pedes abiecissem. 
Qua autem est ‘aliquid impertias temporis,’ non est de pace sed 

1. pervulgatam] The reference here is 
plainly to a letter written by Cicero to 
Caesar. In 366 are found the expressions 
here quoted. Cicero wrote 366 on 
March 19, Caesar had left Brundisium 
for Rome on the same day, so the letter 
met him on the road, say on the 22nd. 
Caesar at once sent Cicero’s letter to 
Rome for publication. It could have 
reached Rome and been published on the 
27th or 28th, and Atticus could have 
written about it on the 28th. Cicero 
may have received this letter of Atticus on 
the 30th, at some place between Formiae 
and Arpinum, perhaps Aquinum (cp. Att. 
Xvi. 13 a. 2 (902)), and replied at once on 
that day. So we have little hesitation in 
considering ῥ᾽ 1-3 (desperavi) as a different 
letter from the rest, which was written 
on February 25 (§ 4). Mr. Jeans (p. 192) 
attributes the division of this letter to 
Schutz, and says that it is generally 
accepted. It is assumed as obvious by 
Guthrie in his translation (11, p. 164), 
a second ed. of which was published 
in 1806; he says, ‘“‘I have not 
altered the usual arrangement of these 
letters (i.e. this one and 366); but this 
one is evidently misplaced, and in a 
regular order it ought to have been pre- 

ceded by our author’s letter to Caesar, 
here referred to’’: cp. also p. 167 of the 
same translation, note 2. Cicero here 
defends the expressions used in the letter 
to Caesar which became public; these 
had been criticized as being too adulatory, 
but Cicero defends himself from this. 
charge with his usual skill. However, 
as Watson remarks, ‘a more serious 
charge might be based on the difference: 
of its language from that of the two. 
letters to Pompey ’ (327, 343). 

testatum esse} ‘should be put on re- 
cord’: cp. testificor, below, and testifica- 
bar, 328. 2. 

quod eum hortarer] ‘The acc. of the 
thing after hortor is not unusual: ΟΡ. 
310. 8, pacem hortari non desino. With 
the neuter pronoun it is quite common: 
Cat.2. 12. 

quoi tali in re. abiecissem] A 
somewhat similar remark, showing — 
Cicero’s earnestness in the cause of peace, 
is given by Plutarch (Cic. 37), ἐν μὲν ody — 
τῇ βουλῇ ψηφιζομένων αὐτῷ θρίαμβον — 
ἥδιον ἄν ἔφη παρακολουθῆσαι Καίσαρι. 
θριαμβεύοντι συμβάσεων γενομένων. ᾿ 

Qua] sc. epistulae parte. ‘When I 
used the phrase spare some time, I didnot — 
mean to the consideration of peace, but to — 

ad Che δ. 

= eo τοι quod 

Ε ᾿ posset. 

BE UE SARS ἡ ὁ ASR USU A) HRY Bi TBE fhe SE ΜΕῚΦΥ Mee iM BB δεν ἣν 4 OP θεν Η RS μ 68 

_ exigency of the occasion demanded,’ 

EP. 340 (a 

es de me ipso et de meo officio ut aliquid cogitet. 
 ficor me expertem belli fuisse, etsi id re perspectum est, tamen eo 
Ι scripsi quo in suadendo plus auctoritatis haberem eodemque 
causam elus probo. 

a) (ATT. VIII. 9, ἃ 1-8). 


Nam quod testi- 

2. Sed quid haec nune? 

- Utinam aliquid profectum esset! Ne ego istas litteras in contione 
‘recitari velim si quidem ille ipse ad eundem scribens in publico 

 proposuit epistulam illam in qua est ‘ 

pro tuis rebus gestis am- 

_ plissimis’ (Amplioribusne quam suis, quam Africani? Ita tempus 
ferebat), si quidem etiam vos duo tales ad quintum miliarium, 

_ viderit Ὁ 

quid nune ipsum de se recipienti, quid agenti, quid acturo ? 
Quanto autem ferocius ille causae suae confidet, cum vos, cum 
δ: similis non modo frequentis sed laeto vultu gratulantis 
‘Num igitur peccamus ?’ 

Minime vos quidem; sed 

 tamen signa couturbantur quibus voluntas a simulatione distingul 

the consideration of myself and my obliga- 
_ tions to lompey.’ A reference to the letter 

_ 366. 3 will at once show that the explan- 

4 ation of the words aliquid imp. temporis 
here given is the natural and right one; 
| but it will be seen that the other way of 
_ understanding the words, 
time to the thoughts of peace,’ was not 

‘spare a little 

impossible. Now, the latter expression 

_ would be a grovelling one, implying that 
_ Caesar was such a great man that it would 
_be a favour on his part to devote a few 

minutes of his precious time even to the 

' consideration of so precious a thing as 
_ peace. 
' given by Cicero involves no derogation _ 
trom a dignitied tone. 
“not quite so successful when he urges 
_ that he dwelt on his own neutrality, and 
allowed that Caesar had a good deal of 
right on his side, only to increase the 
weight of his own recommendations of 
_ ‘peace. 

The explanation of the words 

His contention is 

2. ille ipse} Pompey. The letter re- 
ferred to seems to be that mentioned ina 

similar way in 315. 2, Perspici tamen ex 
| litteris Pompei potest nihil Caesari negart 
_ omniaque et cumulate quae postulet dart. 

‘this is what the 
_ supposed plea of Pompey in defence of 
the landatory expressions used in his 

Lia tempus ferebat) 

ἢ Ε letter a 

vos duo tales | Atticus and Sex. Pedu- 

- cacus, who were going to meet Caesar on 

Quae vero senatus consulta video? Sed apertius quam 

his return to Rome at the fifth milestone 
from the city. 

ad quintum miliarium] sc. obviam wwistis. 
Ellipse of verbs of motion is fairly 
common, see Index: e.g. with obvius cp. 
368. 1, guibus obvit Caesaris tabeliari. 
But here both odviam and wistis are 
omitted; and for such an_ extensive 
omission we can offer no parallel. But 
obviam ire was almost regarded as a single 
word: cp. sbviamitio, 431.1, where see 
note. ‘You are going to meet him, and 
at this very juncture what course does he 
pledge himself to, what is his present 
conduct, what are his designs for the 
future?’ Boot by the simple correction 
of de for unde has restored this passage. 
With the reading wnde se recipientt we 
should have to render quid ‘ why,’ the 
first time it occurs, and ‘what’ in the 
next two cases of its use. Nune ipsum is 
‘this instant.’ 

feroceus| ‘more proudly.’ 

viderit| probably the fut. perf. indic. 

‘ when he shall have seen.’ Β 

signa ... posset} ‘the marks are 
blurred by which sincerity can be dis- 
tinguished from hypocrisy. 

video | ‘foresee’: generally with animo : 
cp. 539. 2, quem (exitum bellt) tam video 
animo quam ea quae oculis cernimus, nee 
vero quidquam video quod non idem te 
videre certo sciam. 

apertius quam proposueram] sc. scripst: 
ep. Q. Fr. ii. 6, 2 (117). 

92 EP. 340(b) (ATT. VIIL. 9, 88 8, 4). 

proposueram. 3. Ego Arpini volo esse pridie Kal., deinde circum 

villulas nostras errare quas visurum me postea desperavi. 

340 (6). CICERO TO ATTICUS (Arr. vii. 9, §§ 3, 4). 

FORMIAE; FEBRUARY 255 A. U.C. 7055; B.C. 495 AET. CIC. 57. 

Consilia Attici Cicero probat. De Balbi minoris missione ad Lentulum consulem. 
Balborum opinionibus de animo Caesaris erga Pompeium minime credit. 

Εὐγενῆ tua consilia et tamen pro temporibus non incauta mihi 
valde probantur. Lepido quidem—nam fere συνδιημερεύομεν, 
quod gratissimum illi est—numquam placuit ex Italia exire, Tullo 
multo minus. Crebro enim illius litterae ab aliis ad nos commeant. 
Sed me illorum sententiae minus movebant : minus multa dederant 
illi rei publicae pignora: tua mehercule auctoritas vehementer 
movet: adfert enim et reliqui temporis recuperandi rationem et 
praesentis tuendi. Sed, obsecro te, quid hoc miserius quam alterum 
plausus in foedissima causa quaerere, alterum offensiones in 

3. Arpini volo esse pridie Kal.| If we 
are right in supposing that this letter was 
written at Aquinum, half-way between 
Formiae and Arpinum, on March 30, he 
would be at Arpinum next day, the day 
before the Kalends of April. 

Εὐγενῆ tua consilia .. . probantur] 
The new letter begins here. It was 
written on February 25: cp. ὃ 4. ‘Of 
your counsels, which are of noble strain, 
and yet, as the circumstances demand, 
not without prudence, I warmly ap- 
prove’: cp. Plut. Dem. 13. 5, εἴγε τῇ 
περὶ τὰς ὑποθέσεις (‘principles’) αὐτοῦ 
φιλοτιμίᾳ καὶ τῇ τῶν λόγων εὐγενείᾳ παρῆν 
ἀνδρεία πολεμιστήριος. The advice which 
Atticus gave is that contained in 366. 7, 
si M’. Lepidus et L. Voleatius remanent, 
manendum puto, ita ut si salvus sit Pom- 
peius et constiterit alicubi, hance véxuav 
relingquas et te in certamine vinci cum tllo 
Sacilius patiaris quam cum hoe in ea quae 
perspicitur futura colluvie regnare. 

Lepido . .. Tuilo| M’. Lepidus and 
L, Voleatius Tullus, consuls in 66: cp. 328. 
5, note. 

συνδιημερεύομενἾ cp. 333. 2, M’. 
Lepidus, quocum diem conterere solebam. 

illius | 1.6. of Tullus. 

commeant| ‘make their way,’ a some- 
what rare word in Cic. : cp. Cael. 38, ewius 
in hortos... libidines omnium commearent, 
and Leg. Manil. 55. 

Sed me minus movebant| The 
opinions of Lepidus and Tullus had not 
so much weight with him, as they were not 
applicable to his own case; for they had 
never given so many pledges as Cicero, 
in their past services, for their future 
conduct (cp. 349. 2). But the advice of 
Atticus, not to leave Italy, was accom- 
panied by a scheme for making the present 
secure and retrieving the past. 

quid hoc miserius guam| For this 
pleonasm, whereby the comparative both 
governs the ablative and is followed by 
quam, see on Att. iv, 8 ὁ, 2 (118). 

quaerere| here = acquirere ‘to earn.’ 

cp. e.g. Livy ii. 44. 3, neque enim umquam — 
defuturum qui et ex coliega victoriam Sibi 
et gratiam melioris partis bono publico — 
It is — 
especially used with words like daudem — 

velit quaesitam: also xxv. 6. 1]. 

honorem, &c., Lig. 37. 




ΟΡαΐαν!, quid iniustius? Sed 
dolorem retractando. 


| poterat ; 
| hoe τέρας horribili vigilantia, 
- quid futurum sit nescio. 

τ΄ talibus viris| the senators and others 
- shut up with Domitius in Corfinium. 
| illorum caede| if Caesar should put 
} them to death. 
386 4. ~ Balbus minor] 342.5; cp. 340. 3; 
Fe 6860. 1, 427. 1, and especially Fam. x. 
7 382. 1-3 (896). He was nephew of the 
- elder Balbus. 
Lentulum consulem] 342. 5. 
_ ut redeat) Iti is hard to say whether ut 
* here means ‘urging him to return,’ as 
| often after litteras mittere (cp. 418. 3), 0 
' ‘to induce him to return,’ taken pele 
" with cum promissione provinciae, or ‘if 
_ only he would return,’ ‘on condition of 
| his returning,’ cp. note to 470. 5. Most 
_ probably the latter, cp. 342. 5, cum 
| litteris Caesaris praemiorumque promissis 
 8ὲ Romam revertisset. 
nisi erit conventus| se. Lentulus. * Len- 
_ tulus will not be persuaded to transfer his 
allegiance to Caesar unless he has an 
' interview with Balbus’ (lit. ‘ unless he is 
met’): cp. 342. 5, quam potuit convenire ; 

| Balbo conventum; 382. 11, sed opus fuit 
_ Hirtio convento ? 





EP. 840(b) (ATT. VIII. 9, 8 8, 4). 

860.1, seripsit Balbus putareiamLentulum - 
 consulem tramisisse nec eum ὦ minore, 


q optima? alterum existimari conservatorem inimicorum, alterum 
_ desertorem amicorum? Et mehercule quamvis amemus Gnaeum 
‘a nostrum, ut et facimus et debemus, tamen hoc, quod talibus viris. 
_ non subyenit, laudare non possum. Nam sive timuit, quid ignavius? 
' sive, ut quidam putant, meliorem suam causam illorum caede fore 

haec omittamus; augemus enim 

4. vi. Kal. vesperi Balbus minor ad me 
᾿ yenit, occulta via currens ad Lentulum consulem, missu Caesaris, 
- cum litteris, cum mandatis, cum promissione provinciae, Romam 
ut redeat, quoi persuaderi posse non arbitror nisi erit conventus. 
Idem aiebat nihil malle Caesarem quam ut Pompeium adseque- 
ee : -retur—id credo—et rediret in gratiam—id non credo et metuo ne 
omnis haec clementia ad Cinneam illam erudelitatem colligatur.. 

' Balbus quidem maior ad me scribit nihil malle Caesarem quam 
_ principe Pompeio sine metu vivere. 
~ cum haee scribebam v Kalend, Pompeius iam Brundisium venisse- 
| expeditus enim antecesserat legiones x1 K. Luceria. Sed 

Tu, puto, haec credis. Sed, 

celeritate, diligentia est. Plane. 

Cinneam| For unam of the mss. Sul-. 
lanam and Cinnanam have been suggested, 
but Cinneus is the form which Cicero. 
uses in Fam. i. 9. 11 (153), and, as rare, 
would have been exposed to corruption. 

colligatur] ‘this clemency of his (1.6. 
reputation for clemency ) is being acquired 
so as to enable him to massacre his 
enemies, as Cinna did’; that is he 
would he able to surprise them, as _ his. 
apparent clemency would have lulled their 
fears to rest: cp. 352. 2 (Cuesaris) insi- 
diosa clementia. For colligere Watson com- 
pares benevolentiam colligere Lael. 61; 
rumorem bonum colligant De Leg. i. 50. 
Add 394. 1 ut collectam gratiam florentis- . 
simi hominis effunderem. We should have 
expected fuma clementiae, as in Livy xxi. 
48. 10 ut fama clementiae colligeretur. 

expeditus| ‘For in light marching 
trim he started off before the legions from 
Luceria on February 19th. But this. 
monster (Caesar) is endowed with terrible. 
alertness, rapidity, and activity.’ For 
vigilantia cp. 348. 1, guam vigilantem. 
Caesar was, as we should say in colloquial 
language, ‘ wide awake.’ 

94 EP. 341 (ATT. VIII. 10). ‘ 

341. CICERO TO ATTICUS (Arr. vi. 10). 
FORMIAE > FEBRUARY 26; A. U.C. 705; B. Οἱ 49; AET. CIC. 57. 

De Dionysio a se ipsius voluntate dimisso. 


Dionysius cum ad me praeter opinionem meam venisset, locutus 
sum cum eo liberalissime: tempora exposui: rogavi ut diceret 
quid haberet in animo, me nihil ab ipso invito contendere. Re- 
spondit se quod in nummis haberet nescire quo loci esset: alios 
non solvere, aliorum diem nondumesse. Dixit etiam alia quaedam 
de servulis suis qua re nobiscum esse non posset. Morem gessi : 
dimisi a me, ut magistrum Ciceronum non libenter, ut hominem 

ingratum non invitus. 

Dionysius | See on 316. 8. 

tempora| ‘ the present circumstances.’ 

contendere] ‘to demand, require’; fre- 
quently in this sense followed by αὖ, and 
ablative of person in Cicero, e.g. Pro 
Quinet. 77.2 Pam. a6, 1. 1177}; ° xili. 
We 3 (04) 3) 2e Votry 11. 101. 9) ὲ Or: i, 

quod in nummis haberet] ‘how his 
money affairs stood.’ Boot shows that 
this phrase refers not only to ready 
money, but to money out at interest (Verr. 
111. 199; Rosc. Com. 22). Some of his 
debtors did not pay ; in the case of others 
the money was not yet due. 

quo loci| The adverb gwo in the sense of 
‘where’ is rare, but classical: ep. De 
Div. ii. 185, e¢ simul dicere quo illa loci 
nasceretur: Att. 1. 13. 5 (19), res eodem 

Volui te scire et quid ego de eius facto 

est loci quo reliquisti; Hor. Carm. i. 38. 
3, rosa quo locorum sera moretur. 

qua re nohiscum esse non posset| ‘to 
show why he could not stay with me.’ 

Morem gessi| “1 yielded to him.’ 

ul mayistrum}] Boot compares ut in 
tantis iniuriis non invita, ut ὦ Vvire non 
libenter, Cluent. 14: cp. Att. ii. 18. 3 
(45), and iv. 1. 8 (90). 

Volui . . . iudicarem| ‘I wished you 
to know (this), and my opinion of his 
conduct.” Sjégren (p. 116) has shown 
that we should not add id after volui. He 
compares Acad. 11. 11, stomachari tamen 
coeptt. Mirabar : nec enim umguam ante 
videram (56. eum stomachari): Fam. x. 31. 
6 (824), Quaeres quanti aestimem (where 
Or., Wes., Btr. add id): and he refers 
to Lebreton (p. 151) for many examples. 

EP. 3)2 (ATT. VIII. 11). 95 

4 342. CICERO TO ATTICUS (Arr. virt. 11). 
_ FORMIAE; FEBRUARY 27; A. U. C. 7053 B.C. 493 AET. CIC. 57. 

_. De omni statu rei publicae dissidentibus Pompeio et Caesare et de misera condicione 
sua, quippe cui uterque timendus esse videatur, de Caesaris litteris et mandatis ad se 

Ε datis, de epistularum commercio inter se et Pompeium, de Caesaris per Apuliam ad 
_ Brundisium cursu et de sermonibus bonorum, de Demetrii libro περὶ ὁμονοίας ad se 
_ mittendo. 


9 Τ᾽ o*Plicatur. 
ΠΣ is nostris : 

_ videmur, expressimus. 

1. Quod... sum equidem] ‘ Asto your 
_ Supposition that I am suffering great 
anxiety of mind, yes, indeed I am.’ 
constitit consilinm | ‘a fixed resolve 
‘has been made.’ Lehmann (p. 8), com- 
_ paring this and other passages, introduces 
_ consistere before or after consilium in Att. 
pa. 25. 1 (486). We know of no other 
Beeesage in which consistere is used in this 
sense with consiliwm except Ter. Ad. 613, 
_pector 6 consistere nil consili quit. 
__ tamen| ‘that, in spite of what I have 
νῆσος (about its uselessness), I do all 
day.’ Thisisa use of tamen sometimes 
found in the letters e. g. Q. Fr. ii. 9. 3 
(152) and common in the comic drama, 
as in ‘T'er. Ad. 85, alieniore actate post faciet 
“tamen, " after all, all the same.’ Madvig’s 
Conjecture (A. C. ii. 236), made also by 
~ Boot qa adopted by Miiller, /amentari 
autem Ticet illud quidem totos dies, is very 
“pretty: illud quidem is a thoroughly 
-Ciceronian idiom ; but we are not justified 

is satiate PT te eee CCL aL φο τ φινφ δῶ 

| ae . Φ 
— 1. Quod me magno animi motu perturbatum putas, sum 
᾿ς equidem, sed non tam magno quam tibi fortasse videor. IJ.evatur 

_ enim omnis cura cum aut constitit consilium aut cogitando nihil 
Lamentari autem _licet. 
_ Sed vereor ne, nihil cum proficiam, etiam dedecor sim studiis ac 
consumo igitur omne tempus considerans quanta 
' vis sit illius viri quem nostris [libris] satis diligenter, ut tibi quidem 

Illud tamen totos dies. 

‘Tenesne igitur moderatorem illum rei 
_publicae quo referre velimus omnia ? 
in libro loquitur Scipio: ‘Ut enim gubernatori cursus secundus, 
/ medico salus, imperatori victoria, sic huie moderatori rei publicae 

Nam 516 quinto, ut apinor, 

in leaving the tradition of the mss. when 
they present us with a reading which is 
itself consistent with the context and with 

illius viri quem. . . expressimus]| ‘the 
ideal statesman delineated in the Re- 

nostris| Sjogren (p. 166) has shown 
that we should omit didris as a gloss. It 
is not found in M! EP, and Cicero gene- 
rally uses mea, nostra for his writings. He 
compares Lael. 4, mea legens; Fin. i. 7, 
quominus omnes mea legant; Off. i. 2, 
nostra legens ; Acad. i. 8, meorum ; ib., in 
illis veteribus nostris. 

Tenesne . . . omnia 3) ‘you grasp, do 
you not, the standard by which I would 
have the ideal statesman regulate all his 
acts?’ . 

quinto .. 
publica § 8. 

ut... honesta sit) ‘that it may be 
strong in resources, rich in wealth, great 

. in libro] of the De Re- 

96 EP, 342 (ATT. VIII, 11). 

beata civium vita proposita est, ut opibus firma, copiis locuples, — 
gloria ampla, virtute honesta sit. Huius enim operis maximi inter 4 
homines atque optimi illum esse perfectorem volo.’ 2. Hoc Gnaeus — 
noster cum antea numquam tum in hae causa minime cogitavit. 
Dominatio quaesita ab utroque est, non id actum beata et honesta — 
Nec vero ille urbem reliquit quod eam tueri non : 

civitas ut esset. 
posset, nec Italiam quod ea pelleretur, sed hoe a primo cogitavit, 

omnis terras, omnia maria movere, reges barbaros incitare, gentis 

feras armatas in Italiam adducere, exercitus conficere maximos. 
Genus illud Sullani regni iam pridem appetitur, multis qui una 
sunt cupientibus. An censes nihil inter eos convenire, nullam 
pactionem fieri potuisse ἢ Hodie potest. Sed neutri σκοπὸς est ille 

ut nos beati simus: uterque regnare vult. 
Voluisti enim me quid de his malis sentirem 
1Προθεσπίζω igitur, noster Attice, non hariolans ut illa 

breviter exposul. 

3. Haec a te invitatus 

cui nemo credidit, sed coniectura prospiciens : 

Iamque mari magno...... 

non multo, inquam, secus possum vaticinari: tanta rmalorum | 

in renown, noble in virtue. For I would 
that he should completely accomplish 
this, the greatest and best work in the 

2. non id actum . . . posset] ‘the aim 
has never been the happiness and honour 
of the State. Nor in truth did he abandon 
the city from any idea that he could not 
hold it.’ 

a primo] cp. note to 360. 5. 

movere| ‘to plunge in war,’ as in 

Vergil, Aen. vii, 312, flectere si nequeo 

superos Acheronta movebo. 

nihil inter eos . . . potuisse] ‘ that there 
is no agreement between them, that no 
bargain has been possible.’ 

σκοπὸς} There is no single Latin 
word which expresses ‘aim’ so well as 
σκοπός, so Cicero here and elsewhere 
uses that word: Att. 11. 18, 1 (46); 
xv. 29. 2 (768). 

uterque regnare vult| cp. 3892. 5, eum 
idem (Caesar) amicus esset Pompeto : sen- 
seram enim quam tidem essent. 

3. Προθεσπίζω... Ἰλιάς] “1 fore- 
tell then, my dear Atticus, not with the 
inspired ravings of Cassandra, whom no 
one believed, but with the foresight of 
reasonable anticipation. ‘Now o’er the 
mighty main’: almost in this wise, I 

say, 1 can prophesy : such an Iiiad of 
calamity hangs o’er us’: hariolans is 
used by the older writers, Plautus, Ennius, 
and others, of prophesying truly, by the 
inspiration of prophecy: and so it seems 
to be used here in opposition to the fore- 

casting of events by considerations of | 

ordinary reason. In the sense of ‘ talking 
nonsense’ we find the word used by 
Ter. Phorm. 492; Ad. 202. 

coniectura prospiciens | cp. 307.4, μάντις 
δ᾽ ἄριστος boris εἰκάζει καλῶς, and note 

Iamque mari| He uses the words of 
Cassandra in the Alexander of Ennius, but 
declares that in his case it is a rational 
forecast, while the utterance of Cassandra 
was due to divine inspiration, implying 
that reason is a surer guide. The whole 
passage, as restored from this and other 
passages, especially Orat. 155, where it 
is cited as preserving an example of 
exitium for exitiorum, is in dactylic tetra- 

᾿ Tamque mari magno classis cita 
Texitur, exitiim examen rapit ; 
Adveniet, fera velivolantibus 
Navibus complebit manus litora.. 

maloruin ... Ἷλι 495] =IAtas κακῶν, 
‘a whole Iliad of disasters’: cp. odiorum 

᾿ EP. 342 (ATT. VIII. 11). 97 

-impendet ᾿Ιλιάς. Atque hoc nostra gravior est causa qui domi 
 sumus quam illorum qui una transierunt, quod ille quidem alterum 
 metuunt, nos utrumque. 4. Cur igitur, inquis, remansimus? Vel 
ΠῚ paruimus vel non occurrimus vel hoc fuit rectius. Conculeari, 
inquam, miseram Italiam videbis proxima aestate tqaut utriusque 
in mancipiist ex omni genere collectis, nec tam proscriptio perti- 
mescenda, quae Luceriae multis sermonibus denuntiata esse dicitur, 
quamt universam interitus: tantas in confligendo utriusque viris 

video futuras. Habes coniecturam meam. Τὰ autem consolationis 

| Ilias, Plaut. Mil. 743 : tune vero longas 
Ι “condimus Iliadas, Ῥτορ. 11. 1. 14 : ep. Ovid 
' Pont. ii. 7. 34, Ilias est fati longa futura 
met; Demosth. Fals. Leg. 387, ὁ 148, καὶ 


κακῶν Ἰλιὰς περιειστήκει ϑηβαίους: ; also 
_ Lucian Conviv. 35; and often. 

hoc| ‘for this reason.’ 

quidem| So Klotz for gui of the ss. 
_ Editors usually bracket the word. 
_ metuunt]) The mss. give manuunt ; 
but it is well-nigh impossible that any 
other word but metuunt can have been 
originally written. As Miiller points out, 
‘the slip may have been made by the 
copyist owing to the proximity of 
remANsimus. None of the conjectures 
we made in our former ed. now com- 
-mends itself: the least unsatisfactory is 
‘the supposition that a Greek word is lost 
like μηνίοντα with habent following, 
_ 4. non oceurrimus| If this reading is 
‘sound, it must convey the same meaning 
‘as obire non potui, 345, “1 did not effect 
a meeting with him on his departure 
from Italy.’ <A conjecture mentioned by 
Boot, non erat cur wremus, is ingenious. 
Subsequently Boot read non occurrit 
melius, ‘no better course suggested 
itself’: but this would require nihil 
ather than non. 
aut utriusque in mancipiis!| Shuck- 
burgh translates ‘or [Italy will be] in 
the hands of the slaves of both leaders 
yathered from the four corners of the 
earth ’; and much the same is the render- 
ing of Mr. Winstedt. We doubt whether 
m can bear this meaning. Could one say 
urbs est in militibus, ‘the city is in the 
ands of the soldiers’? It is some- 
what strange that Cicero should speak 
of Pompey’s forces as ‘slaves’; but 



μ᾿ 4 5. 4} I BET HR Oi SS PANT OE RE 5.50) SE ὙΦ Εν 

ortasse aliquid exspectasti; nihil invenio! nihil fieri potest mise- 
rius, nihil perditius, nihil foedius. 

5. Quod quaeris quid Caesar 

he was thinking of all the eastern forces 
Pompey was going to bring against 
Rome (cp. 364. 2), and eastern nations 
were to the Romans and Greeks φύσει 
δοῦλοι; and the Gallic soldiery which 
were in Caesar’s service, and which he 
could not allow to be other than on a 
lower level of civilization than the 
Romans. Besides, we must remember 
that Cicero is writing in a peevish and 
bitter strain here, and his words are not 
to be taken as strictly literal. We think 
that the in is a dittography of m in 
mancipiis; and that we should add aut 
altertus utriusque after aut utriusque. 
For the conjectures of Boot and Madvig 
see Adn. Crit. Pompey’s plan all along 
was to use his great influence in the East 
and employ his fleet (362.4; 364. 2; 
392. 4) to starve out Italy; and to amass 
a large army of barbarian troops to lead 
against his country: cp. 365. 3, me, 
quem non nulit conservatorem istius urbis, 
quem parentem dixerunt, Getarum et Ar- 
meniorum et Colchorum copias ad eam 
adducere ? me meis ciwibus famem, vasti- 
tatem inferre Italiae ? cp. Dio Cass. xli, 
10. 3. 

proscriptio ... Luceriae| cp. 352. 2; 
367.3. Thess. have only zptio. Muretus 
conj. direptio. See Adn. Crit. 

tuniversam] The ed. Rom. has wni- 
verse, which may lend some support to 
Biicheler’s wniversae reip. The margin 
of Lambinus’s ed. has universus, which 
is possible: cp. Tusc. i. 90, facto interitu 
universo. Wes. suggests universae Italiae. 
Possibly wniversorum; but no certainty 
is attainable. Gronovius would supply 
<singulis est proscr>iptio. 

coniecturam| ‘ forecast,’ ‘ anticipation.’ 


98 EP, 342 (ATT. ΙΧ, 11). 

ad me scripserit, scripsit quod saepe, gratissimum sibi esse quod 
quierim, oratque in eo ut perseverem. Balbus minor haec eadem 
mandata. Iter autem eius erat ad Lentulum consulem cum © 
litteris Caesaris praemiorumque promissis si Romam revertisset. — 
Verum, cum habeo rationem dierum, ante puto tramissurum quam — 
potuerit conveniri. 6, Epistularum Pompei duarum quas ad me © 
misit neglegentiam meamque in rescribendo diligentiam volui tibi_ 

notam esse. 

aliquid simile Parthicis rebus ! 

Earum exempla ad te misi. 
Apuliam ad Brundisium cursus quid efficiat exspecto. 

7. Caesaris hic per — 


Simul aliquid audiero, scribam ad 

te: tu ad me velim bonorum sermones; Romae frequentes esse 


audire te multa_ necesse est. 

5. seripsit quod saepe| We have added 
scripsit, which makes the sentence run 
more smoothly, but is perhaps not abso- 
lutely necessary (cp. note to 351. 2), ‘ As 
to your question about what Caesar wrote 
to me, it was just the same as often.’ 
Cicero probably answered this letter 
without delay: cp. 3866. ὃ cum antea 
tibi de Lentulo gratias egissem. Neither 
Caesar’s letter nor Cicero’s reply is 

Iter autem eius| cp. 340. 4, which 
passage compare also for conveniri. 

rationem dierum| ‘when I count the 
days it will take Balbus to reach Lepidus, 
I think Lepidus will cross the sea with 
Pompey before the interview can take 

6. Epistularum Pompei duarum]| viz. 
322 and 324. Cicero’s replies are 327 
and 343. 

neglegentiam| This is usually inter- 
preted ‘careless style,’ and Cicero does 
at times notice faults of style, even in 
important documents, e.g. Att. xvi. 4. 1 
(771), pauca παρὰ λέξιν. But Cicero 
thought highly of Pompey as a writer, 
and calls him a luculentus scriptor (315. 
2); and there was nothing very incorrect 
in grammar or expression in Pompey’s 
letters. We rather think the word means 
‘perfunctory nature,’ ‘off-hand style,’ 
of his letters, and diligentiam is the 

‘studied nature’ of Cicero’s replies. 
Pompey’ s letters are very short indeed, 
just dashed off, merely orders giving no 
reasons or arguments. Cicero’s replies 

Scio equidem te in publicum non prodire, sed tamen 
Memini librum tibi 

adferri a 

(327 and 343) are very careful and 
studied documents. 

7. Caesaris exspecto] ‘I am 
looking out for the result of Caesar’s 
rapid advance through Apulia on Brun- 

Parthicis rebus| It is generally held 
that Cicero is here recurring to the 
aspiration already expressed in 326. 8, 
that some unexpected stroke of luck, like 
the sudden retirement of the Parthians 
from the province of Bibulus, might now 
occur. He seems to enjoy referring to 
this incident as a pure stroke of luck, 
whereas there is good reason to believe 
that it was brought about by the diplo- 
macy of Bibulus, who fomented dissension 
between the rival Parthian chiefs, Pacorus 
and his father Orodes (Dio Cass. xl. 30. 
2). eon jealousy of Bibulus (cp. 
Att. vi. 8. 5 (281); vil. 2. 6 (293), and - 
Ee will not allow him to accept 
any explanation of the incident but that 
it was a piece of unheard-of luck, ineredi- 
bili felicitate, Att. vi. 6. 3 (276). But we 
think with Prof. Goligher that this in- 
terpretation would require some specifi- 
cation such as Parthicis illis rebus; and 
that the reference is to, the general 
character of Parthian attacks, which — 
were of the nature of raids, formidable at 
first, but soon ceasing. Mr. Jeans ele-— 
gantly translates, ‘may it be like a 
chapter in Parthian history!’ ing 

Memini librum] ‘1 remember a book, 
De Concordia, being brought to you by 
Demetrius of "Magnesia, a book dedicated — 


Ἢ EP. 343 (ATT. VIII. 11 D). 99 


- Demetrio Magnete ad te missum [scio] περὶ ὁμονοίας, Eum mihi 
| velim mittas. Vides quam causam mediter. 


| 848, CICERO TO POMPEY (Arr, vit. 11). 

FORMIAE 3} FEBRUARY 273; A. U.C. 7053 B.C. 49; AET. CIC. 57. 

M. Cicero causas reddit cur ad Pompeium Brundisium venire non potuisset utpote 
ἃ Caesare exclusus, declarat se semper nihil malle quam pacem, sed si de pace despera- 
| tum sit se civis boni animum esse habiturum. 


_ 1. Cum ad te litteras misissem quae tibi Canusi redditae 
sunt, suspicionem nullam habebam te rei publicae causa mare 
 transiturum, eramque in spe magna fore ut in Italia possemus aut 
~ concordiam constituere, qua mihi nihil utilius videbatur, aut rem 
| publicam summa cum dignitate defendere. Interim nondum 
' meis litteris ad te perlatis ex his mandatis quae D. Laelio ad 
~ consules dederas certior tui consili factus non exspectavi dum 
~ mihi a te litterae redderentur confestimque cum Quinto fratre et 

to you by him. I wish you would let 
χη have it. You see what ré/e I am 
studying.’ Cicero mentions in Att. iv. 
11. 2 (124) a book by Demetrius which 
he then sent to Atticus. It may have 
been the same book πεοὶ ὁμονοίας, and 
have been used by Cicero in the De 
Republica. We hear of other works by 
‘the same writer, περὶ ὁμωνύμων πόλεων 
and περὶ ὅμωνύμων͵ ποιητῶν (cp. Pauly- 
Wissowa, iv. 2814). Demetrius was 
ἃ learned Greek, who lived at Rome in 
‘the time of Cicero. Dionysius of 
‘Halicarnassus (De Deinarcho 1) calls 
him πολυίστωρ. Mittere is applied to 
‘the dedication of a book in De Sen. 8, 
‘Fin. i. 8. The part Cicero'is studying is 
the reconciliation of Caesar and Pompey. 
᾿ς 5010) This word is probably to be 
omitted. It may have arisen from Scio 
_equidem, above. We might perhaps take 
ad te missum scio parenthetical (‘1 know 
that it was dedicated to you’), 

SIEM A DG ὁ Sore TEFEN NE 18 AT ΦΡΡΗΡ ae On hme ῥ ΦΕΥ͂ Prem om Μεθ; τ ρΉρη 

cum liberis nostris iter ad te in Apuliam facere coepi. 

2. Cum 

On this letter a valuable paper has 
been written in the Journal of Philology, 
xxx11I (1914), pp. 154-160, by Mr. J. Ὁ. 
Duff, of Trinity College, Cambridge. 

1. ditteras] viz. 327. 

misissem]| Boot, Wesenberg, and others 
would change misissem to misi eas, on 
the ground that it was at the time of his 
sending the letter, and not afterwards, 
that Cicero had no suspicion of Pompey’s 
intention to leave Italy. But may not 
misissem be regarded as an instance of an 
epistolary tense, and so conveying no more 
past signification than misi? cp. audissem, 
Att. vil. 16 fin. (852), The change would 
be rather violent. 

concordiam constituere | 
some pacific settlement.’ 

D. Laelio} ep. 331. 3 and note. 

confestimque| English idiom would 
say ‘but,’ not ‘and’: cp. 324 Nemo hue 
ita adfert omniaque quae nolim and note 

“bring about 

H 2 

100 EP. 343 (ATT. VIII. 11D). 

Teanum Sidicinum venissem, ©. Messius, familiaris tuus, mihi — 
dixit aliique complures Caesarem iter habere Capuam et eo ipso 
die mansurum esse Aeserniae. Sane sum commotus quod, si ita 
esset, non modo iter meum interclusum sed me ipsum plane — 
exceptum putabam. Itaque tum Cales processi ut ibi potissimum 
consisterem dim cértum nobis ab Aesernia de eo quod audieram — 
referretur. ὃ. At mihi cum Calibus essem adfertur litterarum 
tuarum exemplum quas tu ad Lentulum consulem misisses. Hae 
litteras tibi a 1,.. Domitio a. ἃ. xm Kal. 
Martias adlatas esse, earumque exemplum subscripseras, magnique 
interesse rei publicae scripseras omnis copias primo quoque tem- - 
pore in unum locum convenire et ut praesidi quod satis esset 
Capuae relinqueret. His ego litteris lectis in eadem opinione fui 
qua reliqui omnes te cum omnibus copis ad Corfinium esse ven- 
turum, quo mihi, cum Caesar ad oppidum castra haberet, tutum iter 
‘esse non arbitrabar. Cum res in summa exspectatione esset, utrum- 
que simul audiimus et quae Corfini acta essent et te iter Brundi- 
sium facere coepisse, cumque nec mihi nec fratri meo dubium esset 
quin Brundisium contenderemus, a multis quie Samnio Apuliaque 
veniebant admoniti sumus ut caveremus ne exciperemur a Caesare, 
quod is in eadem loca quae nos petebamus profectus celerius etiam 



scriptae sic erant: 

quam nos possemus eo quo intenderet venturus esset. Quod © 
2. C. Messius| cp. note to Att. iv. Litterarum tuarum] 337. 2. 
15. 9 (148). He proposed extravagant in eadem opinione fur qua religui) 

When the verb in both clauses is the 

powers for Pompey as corn-commissioner 
im “67: cp. Att. iy. 1. 7 (90); and) had 
previously interested himself for Cicero’s 

Caesarem ... Capuam] This is proof 
that it was surmised that Caesar might 
possibly leave Domitius alone and move 
southward at once. 

quod, st... putabam| This passage, 
as well as one in § 3 (admoniti sumus ... 
Caesare), is quoted by Nonius (298. 21) 
as from the Fourth Book of Cicero’s 
correspondence with Pompey. 

certum ... referretur | ‘certain news 
should be brought’ ; literally, ‘it should 
be reported for certain,” like certwm scire, 

3. cum Calibus essem| Mr. Duff (p. 
157 fin.) notices that this is not true. 
ns had got back to Formiae (337. 
1). : 

same, and the same preposition governs. 
both antecedent and relative, the pre- 
position need not be repeated: see on 
Q. Fr. 1. 4. 4 (72). 

cum ves in summa exspectatione ersety 
‘when the result was eagerly waited for’: 
ep. Plaut. Mil. 1279, ne sies in exspecta- 
tione, ‘don’t be waited for’ (cp. Capt. 253). 
For similar expressions with im cp. Att. 11. 
24, ὃ (41), res erat in ea opinione (cp. De 

Domo 11); 111. 18. 1 (76) am est aliquid 

in spe # 
cumque . 
both my brother and I were quite deter= 
mined to hasten to Brundisium.’ 
quod is... venturus esset | 
started for the same place as we were 

making for, and was likely to arrive — 

more quickly than we could at his 

. contenderemus| ‘and when — 

‘as he had — 

δ δ ες rte eee 



pa ber Sage 



Ε δ 

cum ita esset, nec mihi nec fratri meo nec cuiquam amicorum 
_ placuit committere ut temeritas nostra non solum nobis sed 
etiam rei publicae noceret, cum praesertim non dubitaremus quin 

[: semus. 

EP. 348 (ATT. VIII. 11 D). 


8] etiam tutum nobis iter fuisset te tamen iam consequl non pos- 
4. Interim accepimus tuas litteras Canusio ἃ. ἃ. x Kal. 

[ ᾿Μαιίίαβ datas quibus nos hortaris ut celerius Brundisium venia- 
" mus, quas cum accepissemus a. d. 111 Kal. Martias non dubita- 

7 _ bamus quin tu iam Brundisium pervenisses, nobisque iter illud 

~omnino interclusum videbamus neque minus nos esse captos quam 

“qui Corfini fuissent. 

Neque enim eos solos arbitrabamur capi 

qui in armatorum manus incidissent, sed eos nihilo minus qui 

_ sent. 

᾿ regionibus exclusi inter praesidia atque intra arma aliena venis- 
5. Quod cum ita sit, maxime vellem primum semper tecum 

δι... quod quidem [101 ostenderam cum a me Capuam reicie- 
᾿ Ν᾿... quod feci non vitandi oneris causa sed quod videbam 
_ teneri iliam urbem sine exercitu non posse, accidere autem mihi 

Ee Bpolebam quod doleo viris fortissimis accidisse. 

Quoniam autem 

_ tecum ut essem non contigit, utinam tui consili certior factus 


᾿ς 806, etiam reipublicae noceret| If im- 
' portant people like the Ciceros fell into 
_ Caesar’s hands, it might cause some per- 
' turbation i in the circle of the Optimates 
ἢ and dishearten their supporters ; and 
_ Cicero, too, may have had in mind that 
| Atticus said in a letter of Feb. 7 (365. 5), 
» «By joining Pompey, you will run great 
" danger,’ nec reip. proderis, cui quidem 
| posterius poteris prodesse, δὺ manseris. 
Cicero, by remaining in Italy, could 
' work for peace. 
4. twas litteras| viz. 334. 
(qui regionibus exclusi . . . venissent] 
‘who are cut off by certain districts (by 
their geographical position), and find 
' themselves between the fortified positions 
_ and inside the actual lines of the enemy ἢ 
ep. 356. 2, cum inter me et Brundisium 
5 Caesar eset. The praesidia appear to be 
_ the towns in Picenum and Samnium 
' which were then in Caesar’s hands. 
_ Wesenberg reads regionibus suis; but we 
do not feel quite certain what he means. 
Is it ‘ excluded from their own districts’ 

Nam suspicione adsequi non potui, quod omnia prius 
᾿  arbitratus sum fore quam ut haec rei publicae causa in Italia non 
 posset duce te consistere. Neque vero nune consilium tuum repre- 

(i.e. the districts held by their own 
forces)? Wes. says that we must have 
suis, so as to mark the contrast with 
arma aliena. 

5. cum Capuae reiciebam| See Addenda 

to Comm. i, and 327. 3. Si tenendam 
hane oram putas . . . opus est esse qui 
praesit. This is, we think, the ‘resig- 

nation’ of Capua to which Cicero is 
referring here; for after praesit he goes 
on to say in 327. 3, Sim omnia in unum 
locum contrahenda sunt, non dubito quin 
ad te statim veniam, quo mihi nihil optatius 
est, as he had also said to him on 
January 17, before they left the city. 
Cicero may have been ‘unwilling to 
accept’ Capua on January 17, but Pompey 
could not suppose that he ‘ refused’ it. 
Nam... consistere] Mr. Duff notices 
(p. 157) that this also (cp. § 3) is an 
untrue statement: cp. 303; tf 4; 
315. 1; 321.1; 365.6. But Cicero 
may in a measure be excused if we 
remember that he is here remonstrating 
about his never having been consulted by 


hendo sed fortunam rei publicae lugeo, nec, si ego quid tu sis — 
secutus non perspicio, idcirco minus existimo te nihil nisi summa ὦ 
ratione fecisse. 6. Mea quae semper fuerit sententia, primum de — 
pace vel iniqua condicione retinenda, deinde de urbe—nam de — 
Italia quidem nihil mihi umquam ostenderas—meminisse te arbi- 
Sed mihi non sumo ut meum consilium valere debuerit: | 
-secutus sum tuum, neque id rei publicae causa de qua desperavi, — 
quae et nune adflicta est nec excitari sine civili perniciosissimo 
bello potest, sed te quaerebam, tecum esse cupiebam, neque eius 


EP, 348 (ATT. VIII. 11 1). 

rel facultatem, si quae erit, praetermittam. 7. Ego me in hae 
omni causa facile intellegebam pugnandi cupidis hominibus non 

satis facere. 

Primum enim prae me tuli me nihil malie quam 

pacem, non quin eadem timerem quae illi sed ea bello civili 
leviora ducebam. Deinde suscepto bello, cum pacis condiciones 
ad te adferri a teque ad ea honorifice et large responderi viderem, 
duxi meam rationem quam tibi facile me probaturum pro tuo in 

me beneficio arbitrabar. 

Memineram me esse unum qui pro meis 

maximis in rem publicam meritis supplicia miserrima et crudelis- 
sima pertulissem, me esse unum qui, si offendissem eius animum 
cui tum cum iam in armis essemus consulatus tamen alter et trium- 
phus amplissimus deferebatur, subicerer eisdem proeliis, ut mea 

Pompey or informed of his plans (ep. 
343. 6; 356. 2); and that he does not 
mean that such an idea as Pompey’s 
leaving Italy never entered his head, but 
that Pompey never made any statement 
to him to lead him to think that such a 
plan wasin contemplation. For consistere, 
‘to make a stand,’ cp. 303; 365. 9; and 

nec... fecisse] ‘And if I cannot see 
what object you have had, I do not on 
that account feel any the less assured 
that you have acted on perfectly reason- 
able grounds.’ 

6. de pace... retinenda| On Cicero’s 
efforts on behalf of peace, cp. Addenda to 
Comm. iv. The use of the singular 
condicione here suggests that the change 
of condicione to condicionibus recommended 
by Boot on 311. 3 is not necessary. 

mihi non sumo| “1 make no claim.’ 

sed te quaerebam]| ‘but I wanted you’ 

eius ret facultatem | 
ing this.’ 

7. ad ea| Corradus altered to ad eas ; 

‘means of effect- 

but Sjogren (p. 167) has shown with ~ 
excellent learning that the neuter is often 
used to signify the general idea of the 
things in question, though naturally we 
might have expected a different gender. 
He compares Plaut. Poen. 1015, wut ea 
veneant (the commodities referred to were 
ligulas et nuces ; Cic. N. D. 11. 15, ut, . ὦ 
cum videat onnium rerum rationem, modum, 
disciplinam, non possit ea sine causa fiert 
tudicare: Att. 11. 9. 1 (36) cui longum 
esse quae ad ea (sc. dialogos) respondes. 
Prof. J. B. Mayor gives many examples 
in his note on N. Ὁ. ii. 7 ea ostendt. 

duxi meam rationem| “1 began to,con- 
sider seriously what my own interests — 
demanded’: for meam rationem see on — 
Att. vii. 9, 4 (300) δ 

consulatus .. . deferebatur| cp. 848. 2. 
neque (peccavi) cum post condiciones pacis — 
per L. Caesarem et Fabatum adiatas cavine — 
animum eius (sc. Caesaris) offenderem cur — 
‘Pompeius iam armatus armato consulatum 
triumphumque deferret. 

subicerer eisdem proeliis | 
the same struggles (as before)’. 

‘subjected to Q 
Madvig — 

EP. 348 (ATT. VIII. 11 D). 103 

_ persona semper ad improborum civium impetus aliquid videretur 

_ habere populare. Neque haec non ego prius sum suspicatus quam 
ΟΠ mihi palam denuntiata sunt, neque ea tam pertimui si subeunda 
" essent quam declinanda putavi si honeste vitare possem. 8. Quam 
_ brevem illius temporis, dum in spe pax fuit, rationem nostram 
 yides, reliqui facultatem res ademit. lis autem quibus non satis 
᾿ς facio facile respondeo: neque enim ego amicior Οὐ. Caesari umquam 
fui quam illi, neque illi amiciores rei publicae quam ego. Hoe 
inter me et illos interest, quod, cum et illi cives optimi sint et ego 
ab ista laude non absim, ego condicionibus, quod idem te intel- 
 lexeram velle, illi armis disceptari maluerunt. Quae quoniam 
Η͂ ratio vicit, perficiam profecto ut neque res publica civis a me 

and others read procellis, which is attrac- 
' tive, but, as Miller says, not certain ; 
᾿ς proeliis goes well with impetus. We 
_ may wonder if Pompey felt the covert 
reproach of Cicero, who points here at 
the scanty help Pompey gave him when 
he was attacked by Clodius. 

ut mea persona... populare| This is 
not easy. Possibly μέ means ‘ how,’ and 
is governed by memineram. For ut = 
‘how’ cp. Ter. Phorm. 224, meministin 
olim ut fuerit nostra oratio. But the 
change in construction is harsh. Or we 
may take wt as consecutive, ‘so that it 
would look as if my personality had 
always something attractive to the mob in 
that it stimulated bad men to attack me.’ 
Attacking Cic. was a road to popularity : 
ep. 333. 5, guod putabit fortasse in nobis 

- animum neque tu amici desideres. 

violandis aliquid se habere populare. For 
ut Moser reads e¢. Muller would read 
quod—but this alteration is not one likely 
to have been made. 

8. Quam brevem .. . ademit] ‘So quite 
briefly stated you see the policy I adopted 
for that time while peace was possible ; 
circumstances precluded any means of 
influencing the time that followed.’ For 
quam with the positive ep. note to 811. 2. 
See Adn. Crit. 

ab ista laude non absim| ‘am not 
without claim to the same honourable 
designation,’ i.e. of optimus civis. 

condicionibus| ‘negotiations.’ 

ut neque... desideres| ‘that the State 
shall not find me lacking in the zeal of a 
citizen nor you in that of a friend.’ 


EP, 344 (FAM. VIII. 15). 

344. CAELIUS TO CICERO (Fam. viu. 15). 

NORTH ITALY; ABOUT MARCH 9; A. U. 6. 705; B.C. 49; AET.. 
CIC. 57. 

M. Caelius Cn. Pompeium vituperat, C. 

Caesarem laudat, ut firmiorem: tum 

significat de desiderio conveniendi Ciceronis, de itinere ad Alpes, et de Domitio dimisso. 


1, Eequando tu hominem ineptiorem quam tuum Cn. Pom- 
peium vidisti, qui tantas turbas, qui tam nugax esset, commorit ? 
Ecquem autem Caesare nostro acriorem in rebus gerendis, eodem 


in victoria temperatiorem aut legisti aut audisti? 

Quid est ? 

num tibi nostri milites, qui durissimis et frigidissimis locis, teter- 
rima hieme, bellum ambulando confecerunt, malis orbiculatis esse 

pasti videntur? ‘Quid iam?’ inquis; ‘gloriose omnia.’ 

The date of this letter is about the 9th 
of March, as Schmidt (p. 165) has shown 
from ὁ 1 fin.,id guod iam existimo con- 
fectum, nist δὲ maluit Pompeius Brundisi 

1. Eequando . . . commorit?) ‘Did 
you ever see a sillier man than your 
Gnaeus Pompeius for creating such a 
rumpus, and he such a good-for-nothing ’ 
(or ‘trifler’)? gui... esset = cum is 

. esset. Ernesti and Baiter read cum 
tam nugax esset. For turbus (‘arow,’ ‘a 

rumpus’) Boeckel quotes many examples — 

from Plautus, e.g. Bacch. 1076; Pers, 
852; Amph. 476, nam Amphitruo actutum 
uxori turbas conciet ; Mil. 479; Stich. 83. 
For nugaz M reads nugas, which Prof. 
Lindsay on Plaut. Capt. 613 (Nugas ! 
‘Nonsense’) would retain. He says: 
‘It is from this interjectional use that the 
phrase nugas esse, fieri has arisen,’ and he 
quotes this passage and Varro Men. 513 
(Bucheler), p. 221. 1 (Riese), Quod si 
Actaeon oceupasset et ipse prius suos canes 
comedisset, non nugas (nugas set, LW 
nugas esset cod. Fabri) saltatoribus in 
theatro fieret. This may well be right. 
10 would be characteristic of Caelius to 
say ‘ when he is such bosh’ (or ‘rubbish’). 

acriorem in rebus gerendis| For Caesar’s 



activity and vigour cp. 340. 4 fin. ; 

348. 1. 
locis}_ Picenum and Samnium. 
teterrima| biting.’ 

ambulando| ‘by a mere parade.’ This 
usage of the modal ablative of the gerund 
belonged at this time to the language 
of ordinary life. Livy is the first writer 
who used it extensively in formal litera- 
ture: cp. vol. mr (ed. 2), p. cxv; also 
Becher, p. 36; Schmalz, Syntax, p. 278. 

malis orbiculatis}| ‘round apples.’ 
These are mentioned in lists of apples in 
Varro and Columella: from this passage 
we may infer that they were a delicacy. 
We should say ‘on plovers’ eggs,’ or 
‘on the fat of the land.’ 

‘Quid iam?’ inquis ; ‘ gloriose omnia.’ 
Sed st scias} So we punctuate, making 
‘gloriose omnia’ (sc. facta sunt) part of 
what Cicero is supposed to say—‘ *‘ why 
go on?” (or ‘* why all this ?’’) you ask. 
‘Everything is glorious.’’ Nay, if you 
only knew how anxious I am, then you 
would laugh at all this glorying of mine, 
which has no reference to me.’ Wesenberg 
supplies Jmmo after omnia: but it is 
simpler to read sed, which might have 
fallen out before si. Lambinus read 
Immo for omnia. Wesenberg reads ‘Quid ? 



tam’ inguis ‘ gloriose omnia ?’ supplying 
dicis; and C. F. Hermann has Quzd ? 
‘tam’ inguis ‘ gloriose 2’ Somnia ! “ Eh? 
“are they (you say) so very magnificent ? 
~ Moonshine !’ 

_ derideas| Wesenberg, after Gronovius, 
reads non derideas: for, says he, you do 
“not laugh at a friend when in anxiety. 
But if one were in anxiety, you might 
“very well say that it was ridiculous for 
him to boast. 

| Quae tibi] Wesenberg (Em. Alt. 24) 
wishes to read quod, as the relative refers 
only to one thing, viz. the victory of 
Caesar. It may, however, very well 
refer to the many anxieties which Caelius 
was beginning to feel lest Caesar might 
not carry out the usual practices of 
Victors in civil wars, such as wiping out 
the debts of his own partisans (cp. vol. 111. 
B{ed. 2), p. lv). 

Nam me| Wesenberg wishes to read 
| Caesar after me. The addition would no 
‘doubt be better from a strictly literary 
'point of view, but it is quite plainly 
Vaesar that is referred to, and Caelius is 
often careless. 

_ nisi si} a pleonasm, probably used in 
he ordinary language of conversation, 
found in Varro, Cornificius, and Cicero’s 
‘Epistles, Fam. xiv. 2.1(79): ep. Schmalz, 
“Antib. ii. 136. 

| 2. isto} ‘to that place of which I 
spoke to you’: sc. Rome—a frequent use 
‘in Ovid, 6. g. Pont. i. 2. 54, Peior αὖ 
admonitu fit status iste boni. 

_ et omnia intima conferre| ‘and have a 
a onfidential talk with you about every- 
discupio] ‘I am dying to see you,’ a 
olloquial expression: cp. Plaut. Trin., 
32; Catull. 106. 2. 

Sed tamen] ‘but what have I done to 

2 ae 3 ~ fog “ae - F ’ 2 . 

EP. 344 (FAM. VIII. 18). 


si scias quam sollicitus sim, tum hance meam gloriam, quae ad 
me nihil pertinet, derideas. Quae tibi exponere nisi coram non 
Ι “possum : idque celeriter fore spero. 
᾿ Italia Pompeium, constituit ad urbem vocare: id quod iam exis- 
_ timo confectum, nisi si maluit Pompeius Brundisi circumsederi. 
| 2. Peream si minima causa est properandi isto mihi quod te 
videre et omnia intima conferre discupio. Habeo autem quam 
Hui vereor, quod solet fierl, ne cum te videro omnia 
Sed tamen quod ob scelus iter mihi necessarium retro 
‘ad Alpis versus inecidit? Ideo quod Intimilii in armis sunt, 
neque de magna causa. Billienus, verna Demetri, qui ibi cum 

Nam me, cum expulisset ex 

deserve that I must needs turn back again 
to the Alps?’ Note that it is incorrect to 
write Alpis versus; a preposition must 
be added before the substantive: cp. 
Fam. iv. 12. 1 (613), in Italiam versus 
navigaturus ; Caes. Bell. Gall. vi. 33. 1, 
Labienum ... ad Oceanum versus... 
proficiscer iubet ; Kritz on Sall. Cat. 56. 4. 

Ideo| So we read with Lambinus, for 
Adeo, which gives no adequate sense. 
‘The reason is that the Intimilii are in 
arms.’ This answer does not exactly 
correspond to the question ‘ What have I 
done to deserve having to make this back- 
ward march?’ but the inconsequence is 
not at all obtrusive in the case of such a 
rhetorical question in a letter from Caelius. 
Lehmann (p. 41) suggests immo, which 
makes excellent sense, ‘nay (no fault of 
mine, but) because the Intimilii, &.’ ; but 
this is very far from the ss. reading. 
Dr. Reid (Class. Rev. xi. (1897) 351) 
suggests <Jd> adeo, quod, ‘ just this that.’ 
For adeo emphasizing the word after 
which it comes see Conington on Verg. 
Kel. 4. 11: id adeois very common. This 
is an attractive suggestion. 

Intimilii] a people in Liguria. Their 
chief town was Albiwm Incimilium, now 
Vintimiglia. For the spelling of this 
word see Mommsen in C.I.L. v. p. 900. 

Billienus, verna Demetri} cp. Fam. xvi 
22. 2 (650) and note there (ed. 2). For 
the spelling Billienus (M has Beldienus) 
see Adn. Crit. We need not alter to 
Bellient verna Demetrius with C. F. 
Hermann, who argues that a slave should 
not have had a Roman cognomen. But 
many cognomina, as Boot( Ods. Crit.,p.19) 
shows (after Mommsen (Rém. Forsch. i. 
51), were used as nomina at this time, e.g. 
Caepio and Verres. This Billienus was at 
this time a freedman. © 

106 EP. 345 (ATT. VIII. 12). 

praesidio erat, Domitium quendam, nobilem illi Caesaris hospitem, 
a contraria factione nummis acceptis comprehendit et strangulavit. 
Civitas ad arma iit: eo nune cum * cohortibus mihi per nives 
eundum est. Usque quaque, inquis, se Domitii male dant. 
Vellem quidem Venere prognatus tantum animi habuisset in 
vestro Domitio quantum Psecade natus in hoe habuit. 



345. CICKRO TO A'TTICUS (Arr. vin. 12). 

FORMIAE 3} FEBRUARY 28; A. U. C. 7053 B.C. 493 AKT. CIC. 57. 

M. Cicero Attico scribit se hance epistulam propter lippitudinem dictare, sed tamen 
scribere, ut Atticus sibi plane consilium suum explicet quid sibi in summo rerum 
discrimine faciendum putet, sibi omnia integra esse pluribus verbis ostendit, etiam quid 
Lentulus, quid Domitius agat et acturus sit scire vult et Demetrii librum de Concordia 
ad se mitti. ; 


1. Mihi molestior Zippitudo erat etiam guam ante fuerat. 

utriusque nostrum, nihil ad te litterarum dare. 

illi| for illic, as oftenin Plautus. 

cum * cohortibus| The number is 
omitted: perhaps it was iiit., which 
might have fallen out after c#, and which 
is actually read by some inferior Mss. 

Usque quaque ., . dant} ‘all along 
the line you say the Domitii are going to 
the bad.’ For se dare, cp. Att. 111. 23. 5(83) 
velim ut se initia dederint perseribas ; ‘Ter. 
Eun. 230, Mirum ni ego me turpiter hodie 
hic dabo; and the line quoted in Cie. 
N. Ὁ. iii. 66, Qui volt esse quod volt ita 
dat se res ut operam dabit, ‘ where there’s 
a will there’s a wavy.’ 

Venere prognatus| Caesar. 

vestro Domitio] Domitius Ahenobarbus, 
who was taken by Caesar at Corfinium, 
but who was at once 1eleased and allowed 
to repair to the camp of Pompeius. Boot 
(Obs. Crit., p. 19) would read nostro, 
which is found in some inferior Mss. ; 

because Caelius regarded Domitius as a 

special enemy (imimicissimus): cp. Fam. 
viii. 12. 1 (279); 14. 1 (280). 
Psecade natus| i.e. Billienus, the 

slave, son of Psecas, a common name — 
The | 

for atire-woman: cp. Juv. 6. 491. 
name also appears as applied to one of 
Diana’s nymphs (Ov. Met. iii. 172). 
The text is the brilliant emendation of 
Pantagathus for ipse cadenatus of the 

Ciceroni f. 8. d.| = filio salutem da. 

1. lippitudo| This 
added: cp. 348. 1. 

Gailo Fadio| This is the usual order — 
When a person is designated 
by nomen and cognomen, the cognomen is — 
For M. Fadius Gallus cp. © 

in Cicero. 

put first. 
Index and Fam. xiy. 14. 1 (241). 

Dic- | 
tare tamen hane epistulam malui quam Gallo Fadio, amantissimo | 
Nam pridie— 

word must be 


EP. 345 (ATT. VIII. 12). 


quoquo modo potueram scripseram ipse eas litteras, 
᾿ quarum vaticinationem falsam esse cupio. 

Huius autem epistulae 

_ non solum ea causa est ut ne quis a me dies intermittatur quin 
dem ad te litteras, sed etiam haec iustior ut a te impetrarem ut 
δ. aliquid temporis, quo quia tibi perexiguo opus est, expli- 
- mihi tuum consilium plane volo ut penitus intellegam. 

scat nies Ὑν 

. Omnia sunt integra nobis. 

Nihil praetermissum est quod non 

cat sapientem excusationem, non modo probabilem. Nam 

 certe neque tum peccavi cum imperatam iam Capuam, non solum 
‘ignaviae delictum sed etiam perfidiae suspicionem fugiens, acci- 
_ pere nolui, neque cum post condiciones pacis per L. Caesarem et 
ΠῚ, Fabatum adlatas cavi ne animum eius offenderem cui Pompeius 
iam armatus armato consulatum triumphumque deferret. 


3. Nee 

vero haec extrema quisquam potest lure reprehendere, quod mare 

vaticinutionem]| cp. 342. ὃ. 
dies intermittatur| cp. 349. 1. 
impetrarem] The change of mood in- 

volved in impetrarem after intermittatur 
is to be accounted for by the peculiar 

usage of the epistolary style. Jmype- 

_ trarem is an epistolary tense, and depends 
on scripsi understood : 

‘this letter is not 
solely to prevent a day passing without a 

| letter to you, but it [here Cicero remem- 

- bers that the etiquette of letter-writing 

projects the writer into the time when 
the letter will be read] was to beg you to 
give yourself time when you write, and 

| (asit will not take you long) I hope you 

- will thoroughly explain your view, and 

ie one. 

_ make it completely intelligible to me.’ 

2. Omnia sunt integra nobis| “1 have 
not committed myself to any course.’ 

sapientem ... probubilem| ‘a well- 
reasoned excuse, not merely a plausible 
? For non modo used in much the 

same way as nedum, cp. nulium meum 
— minimum dictum, non modo factum, Fam. 

is in M!, in EP (= 
this use of imperare cp. Plaut. Mil. 1159, 

9, 21 (153). 

imperatam...nolui] ‘when I refused 

ἡ to take on myself the charge of Capua, 
' which I was ordered to take, because 1 

wished to avoid not only the sin of 
incompetence, but the suspicion of 
treachery.’ imperatam is of a surety the 
‘reading of the archetype, as Sjogren 
(p. 75) has shown. See Adn. Crit. It 
3), in Cand Z. For 

_ hane ἐὐδὲ ego impero provineram ; Rose. 

Am. 59, cui (puero) cenam imperaret, ‘to 
whom he ordered the preparing of his 
supper’; Rep. vi. 1, libidines infinita 
quaedam imperant. It was altered in M? 
and others to imparatam, perhaps from a 
remembrance of 333. 4 ; 343.5. Pompey 
had expressed a wish that Cic. should 
undertake the duty (304. δ), and this may 
fairly be spoken of as a command, though 
one which Cic. accepted reluctantly, or 
rather did not definitely refuse to accept 
when Pompey spoke to him on the 17th 
of January. Pompey, we feel sure, was 
of opinion that Cicero had undertaken 
the duty; and so he had, even on his 
own showing (301. 3; 312. 5), though it 
is probable that he may have said some- 
thing to Pompey to the effect that he was 
not a verv competent man for the posi- 
tion. It is to this conversation on 
January 17 that Cicero is principally 
referring here when he says ‘he was 
unwilling to accept’ Capua. It is pro- 
bably to his letter 327. 3 that he is re- 
ferring when in 343. 5 he speaks of 
‘resigning ’ Capua, cum a me Capuam re- 
iciebam. FEarlier inthat month he under- 
took the duty readily enough, as would 
appear from 301. 3, and he seems tu have 
given some orders at any rate (327. 1). 

L. Caesarem| See Addenda to Comm. 

cui... deferret| cp. 348. 7 eui cum 
iam im armis essemus consulatus tamen 
alter et triumphus ampilissimus defere- 

108 EP, 845 (ATT. VII. 12). 

non transierim. Id enim, etsi erat deliberationis, tamen obire non | 
potui, Neque enim suspicari debui, praesertim cum ex ipsius 
Pompei litteris, idem quod video te existimasse, non dubitarim — 
quin is Domitio subventurus esset. Et plane quid rectum et quid — 
faciendum mihi esset diutius cogitari malui. 4, Primum igitur 

haec qualia tibi esse videantur, etsi significata sunt a te, tamen 
accuratius mili perscribas velim, deinde aliquid etiam in posterum 
prospicias fingasque, quem me esse deceat et. ubi me plurimum — 
prodesse rei publicae sentias, ecquae pacifica persona desideretur 
an in bellatore sint omnia. 5, Atque ego, qui omnia officio metior, 
recordor tamen tua consilia, quibus si paruissem tristitiam illorum 
temporum non subissem. Memini quid mihi tum suaseris per 
Theophanem, per Culleonem, idque saepe ingemiscens sum recor- 

tuam ad me sententiam. 

Qua re nune saltem ad illos calculos revertamur quos tum 
ut non solum gloriosis consiliis utamur sed etiam paulo 
Sed nihil praescribo. 

Accurate velim perscribas 

6. Volo etiam exquiras quam diligen- 

tissime poteris—habebis autem per quos possis—quid Lentulus 

3. erat deliberationis] The insertion of 
res is not necessary, though we have 
consilt ves est in reference to the same 
question in 303; for we find est tui con- 
silt, 308. 45 maioris consili esset, 378. 3: 
so also in 470. 2; Fam. iv. 6. 3 (574) 
magnae est deliberationis. Madvig (A. C. 
iii. 180) suggests δέ, si erat deliberatae 
rationis, tamen, in which the position of e¢ 
is rather awkward. 

obire non potur) obire is the word used 
for ‘keeping an appointment,’ as in obire 
diem, comitia; cp. obire vadimonium 
(sistere, occurrere ad vudimonium) opposed 
to deserere vadimonium. The meaning is 
that he could not join Pompey in ‘his 
flight, because he could not reach him 
before Pompey sailed. ‘The same meaning 
is expressed by non occurrimus in Att. 
Vili. 11. 4 (342). 

4. fingasque...omnia| ‘give me a 
sketch of what you tiuink would be the 
most graceful attitude for me to assume, 
where you think I could serve the State 
best, and whether the ré/e of a man of 
peace is required at all, or everything de- 
pends on a man of war,’ For the last 
clause see note on 332. 4. 

5. officio| .* principle.’ 

illorum temporum | 
life,’ i.e. his exile. 

Theophanem| the Greek who was so 
influential with Pompey: cp. Att. Ii. 
17. 3 (45), velim ex Theophane expiscere 
quonam im me animo sit ie ches. 

Culleonem| cp. Att. 11]. 15. 5 (78). 
We do not know the exact circumstances 
to which Cic. is alluding in this reference 
to Theophanes and Culleo. 

‘ad illos calculos| ‘let us go over the 
old calculation afresh.’ 

gloriosis| ‘so that we may adopt a 
plan which will procure not only glory, 
but also a certain degree of safety.’ 
Dr. Johnson pointed out that in classical 
Latin gloriosus if applied to a thing could 
mean ‘ illustrious,’ but if applied to a 
person must mean ‘ boastful.’ We know 
of no instance earlier than Suet. Cal. 8, 
if even that is one, of gloriosus meaning 
‘illustrious’ when applied to a person. 
Dr. Johnson censured Milton for using it 
of Cromwell. 

6. Lentulus] i.e. Lentulus Spinther, 
to whom Cic. wrote the letters of Fam. i. 
He had been captured at Corfinium 
(Caes. B. C. i. 28. 2), but released by 
Caesar : cp. 349. 3; 367. 1. 

‘ that crisis in my 

EP. 346 (ATT. VIII. 15 A). 109 

ἕ noster, quid Domitius agat, quid acturus sit, quem ad modum 
nunc se gerant, num quem accusent, num quoi suscenseant—quid 
dico, num quoi? num Pompeio? Omnino culpam omnem Pom- 
peius in Domitium confert, quod ipsius litteris cognosci potest, 
quarum exemplum ad te misi. Haec igitur videbis et, quod ad 
ante seripsi, Demetri Magnetis librum quem ad te misit de 
 concordia velim mihi mittas. 

346. BALBUS TO CICERO (Art. vin. 15 4). 

ROME; END OF FEBRUARY , A. U. 6. 7055; B.C. 495 AET. CIC. 57. 

L. Cornelius Balbus Ciceronem obsecrat ut Caesarem et Pompeium in concordiam: 
᾿ reducat. Vix et ne vix quidem sperat ut Lentulus suus consulatum Romae agere velit.. 
_ Caesaris clementiam Corfiniensem laudat eumque vera omnia scripsisse adseverat. 


1. Obsecro te, Cicero, suscipe curam et cogitationem dignissi- 
mam tuae virtutis, ut Caesarem et Pompeium perfidia hominum 
 distractos rursus in pristinam concordiam reducas. Crede mihi 
' Caesarem non solum fore in tua potestate, sed etiam maximum 
_ beneficium te 5101 dedisse iudicaturum, si hoc te reicis. Velim 
idem Pompeius faciat, qui ut adduci tali tempore ad ullam con- 
_dicionem possit magis opto quam spero. Sed, cum constiterit et 

quarum| sc. Epp. 325, 329, 330, 331. Ciceronian usage. For hoc = huc, a fre-. 
_ Demetri> Magnetis librum: cp. note to quent form in the comic writers, ep. 
| 342. 7. Neue- Wagener, ii.* 618, 614. It is found 
in Caelius, Fam. viii 6. 4 (242); in 
On the style of Balbus see Dr. H. Pompeius, 329. 2; in Plancus, Fam. x. 
_ Hellmuth, Veter die Sprache der Epistolo- 11. 2 (848), where see note; in D. Brutus, 
_ graphen δ. Sulpicius Galba und L. Cor- Fam. xi. 10. 2 (854); Lentulus, Fam. xii. 
_nelius Balbus (Warzburg, 1888). ᾿ 14. 4 (883); but apparently not in 
1. virtutis]| Dignus with genitive is Cicero: see note to 883. 4 and Wélfflin 
_ un-Ciceronian, but is perhaps found in in ‘ Archiv’ vii. 332. 

 Plaut. Trin. 1153, where see Mr. Gray’s magis opto quam spero| ‘itis rather a. 
note: cp. vol. 13 92. dream of mine than a hope’: see Dr. Reid 

Crede mihi| see note on Att. vill. 14. on Balb. 9, where he shows that sperare 
1, (849). is to look forward to what is practicable,. 
fore in tua Sorted ‘will meet your and may be expected to happen in the 
_ wishes’; ‘ put himself in your hands.’ ordinary course of events, while optare is 

hoe te reicis} ‘If you throw yourself to look forward to what can happen only 
into this matter,’ an unusual expression by an extraordinary stroke of good for- 
for si huie rei operam dasmaximam. The tune. Hence optare is ‘to indulge in 
_ use of the future perfect reieceris would wild dreams,’ as in Acad. ii. 121. 

_ have been far more in accordance with constiterit| ‘when he becomes settled, 

2 δῶ ἘΦ ΑΘ ae ee ee ΨΈ »ν ας εν τοὶ που aa, A = ee 

110 EP. 346 (AT2. VIII. 15 A). 

timere desierit, tum incipiam non desperare tuam auctoritatem 
plurimum apud eum valituram. 2. Quod Lentulum consulem 
meum yvoluisti hic remanere, Caesari gratum, mihi vero gratissi- 
mum medius fidius fecisti. Nam illum tanti facio ut non Caesarem 
magis diligam: qui si passus esset nos secum, ut consueveramus, 
loqui et non se totum etiam atque etiam ab sermone nostro aver- 
tisset, minus miser quam sum essem. Nam cave putes hoe 
tempore plus me quemquam cruciari, quod eum quem ante me 

diligo video in consulatu quidvis potius esse quam consulem.— 

Quod si voluerit tibi obtemperare et nobis de Caesare credere 
et consulatum reliquum Romae peragere, incipiam sperare etiam 
consilio senatus, auctore te, illo relatore, Pompeium et Caesarem 
coniungi posse. Quod si factum erit, me satis vixisse putabo. 
3. Factum Caesaris de Corfinio totum te probaturum scio; et quo 
modo in elus modi re, commodius cadere non potuit quam ut res 

sine sanguine confieret. 
valde gaudeo. 

Balbi mei tuique adventu delectatum te 
Is quaecumque tibi de Caesare dixit quaeque 

Caesar scripsit, scio, re tibi probabit, quaecumque fortuna eius 

fuerit, verilssume scripsisse. 

and recovers from his panic’; consistere 
seems to be used here like mente or animo 
consistere: cp. Phil. 11. 68; De Sen. 74; 
Q. Fr. ii. 3. 2 (102). The Thesaurus 
quotes no other instance of consistere used 
in this sense without mente or animo or a 
like word. 

2. meuwm] If this word is right, and 
should not be changed to mecum, it points 
to the fact that this Balbus received the 
Roman citizenship from Lentulus, from 
whom he took the name of L. Cornelius. 
Balbus acted as agent for Lentulus with 
the full consent of Caesar, 354. 2. 

ante i1@ | ‘more than myself.’ Cicero 
would have written plus quam me. A 
little below velatore should have been 
illo referente, and in § 3 confieret would 
have been conficeretur in a letter of 
Cicero’s. Confieret is used by Balbus 
both here and in 351. 1, and confieri by 
Sulpicius, Fam. iv. 5. 1 (534), 

auctore te, illo relatore| “ with you to 
originate the measures, and him to make 
the formal motions.’ 

me satis vixisse putabo| ‘I shall con- 
sider that my life’s work is done.’ 

3. guo modo in eius modi re] ‘ taking 

all the circumstances into account.’ A 
verb is usually supplied in this phrase, as 
quomodo nune se res habet, 309. 4; but 
we have guomodo in tanta insania, 362. 8. 

Balbi met tuique| Balbus the younger, 
nephew of the writer of the letter. He 
had been in Formiae on February 24 
(340. 4). 

Is . . . seripsisse] ‘whatever he 
(Balbus junior) has said to you about 
Caesar, and whatever Caesar has said to 
you in his letters, Caesar (I am per- 
suaded) will prove himself by his acts, 
whatever turn his fortunes take, to have 
been perfectly sincere.’ This is not very 
well expressed; but we think there can 
be no doubt that Caesar is the nominative 
to probabit and that eius refers to Caesar. 
If Balbus had expressed himself fully, he 
would have said et dixisse et scripsisse. 
We cannot suppose that Balbus is nomina- 
tive to probabit; for the fortunes of 
Balbus were not at stake. For the omis- 
sion of a subject accusative with inf. 
when it is the same as the subject of the 
principal verb ep. Roby 1346. 

scio| parenthetical: cp. memento, 362. 




; Ἷ 

oy Ρ 
δ! A 


_ et multa reperiri possunt. 

- We do not know from what town 
_ Caesar sent this letter. Possibly it was 
_ Canusium, where he may have received 
’ letters from Rome, as it was the first town 
_ he came to on the direct road from Rome 
_ to Brundisium. He was at Canusium 
᾿ς about March 3. From Canusium to 
’ Rome took about 5 or 6 days, so that this 
letter probably did not reach Balbus till 

_ about the 9th. It is of course possible 
| that Caesar wrote from Arpi, at which 
| town he stayed on March 1 (358. 2). 
_ Caesar probably ordered that copies of 
_ this letter should be sent to influential 
~ men who had not taken very decided 
action against him. 
me il. facere ... ut] ‘to see that,’ a 
τ΄ method of strengthening the verb common 
- ἴῃ Ciceronian speech. 
- Pompeium ... reconeciliarem] ‘ recon- 
_ ile, regain the friendship of, Pompey.’ 
- We should have expected Caesar to have 
- added mihi ‘to myself’; but the sense is 

' it: ep. Nepos, Hannibal 10. 2, conciliabat 
| ceteros reges ; Cic. Off. ii. 17, esse virtutis 
-  conciliare animos hominum, 

EP. 847 (ATT. 1X: 7 ©. 

so obvious that Caesar may have omitted | 


347, CAESAR TO OPPIUS AND BALBUS (Arr. 1x. 70). 
_ CANUSIUM (?) ; ABOUT MARCH 3; A. U. C. 705; B. C. 49; AET. CIC. 57. 

Caesar dicit se nova ratione vincendi utentem victoriam suam misericordia et 
liberalitate munire. De Num. Magio capto et dimisso. 


1. Gaudeo mehercule vos significare litteris quam valde pro- 
betis ea quae apud Corfinium sunt gesta. 
 libenter et hoc libentius quod mea sponte facere constitueram ut 

Consilio vestro utar 

quam lenissimum me praeberem et Pompeium darem operam ut 
- reconciliarem. Temptemus hoc modo, si possumus, omnium volun- 
Biates recuperare et diuturna victoria uti, quoniam reliqui crudeli- 
tate odium effugere non potuerunt neque victoriam diutius tenere 
praeter unum L. Sullam, quem imitaturus non sum. Haec nova 
sit ratio vincendi ut misericordia et liberalitate nos muniamus. 
_ Id quem ad modum fieri possit non nulla mihi in mentem veniunt 
᾿ De his rebus rogo vos ut cogitationem 

δὲ possumus] is parenthetical. If we 
read si possimus, the sense would be ‘let 
us try whether we can,’ like πειρᾶσθαι εἰ 
(Plat. Phaed. 95 8). 

diuturna| ‘lasting’ ‘no mere tem- 

reliqui] ‘the rest’ (sc. of those 
who were victors in civil wars): he 
is especially thinking of Marius and 

diutius| “ for any length of time.’ 

ut... muniamus| ‘to erect the strong 
bulwarks of mercy and generosity.’ This 
is certainly a very noble sentence. Fox 
said of this letter (Rogers’s “" Recollec- 
tions,’’ p. 71): ““ Caesar’s Commentaries 
do not entertain me somehow. ‘There is 
a want of thought in them—dry, and 
affecting to be written in a hurry—came 
here: went there. His letter to Oppius 
and Cornelius Balbus (Att. ix. 7c) is the 
most striking thing to his honour and 
seldom mentioned. Had sent for a Cicero 
and copied it out to transmit it to Bona- 
parte, when the news of D’Enzhien’s 
death [March 21, 1804] arrived and pre- 
vented it.’’ 


EP. 348 (ATT. VIII. 18). 

suscipiatis. 2. N. Magium, Pompei praefectum, deprehendi. 

Scilicet meo instituto usus sum et eum statim missum feci. - 


duo praefecti fabrum Pompei in meam potestatem venerunt et a — 

me missi sunt, 

Si volent grati esse, debebunt Pompeium hortari 

ut malit mihi esse amicus quam iis qui et illi et mihi semper fue- 
runt inimicissimi, quorum artificiis effectum est ut res publica in 

hune statum perveniret. 

348. CICERO TO ATTICUS (Art. vu. 13). 

FORMIAE ; MARCH 1; A. U. 0. 7053 B. C. 493 AET. CIC. 57. 

M. Cicero Attico scribit sibi omnem exspectationem in nuntiis Brundisinis esse. 
Caesaris acumen, vigilantiam, prudentiam laudat eique iam plurimos confidere dicit. 


1. Lippitudinis meae signum tibi sit librari manus et eadem 
causa brevitatis, etsi mune quidem quod scriberem nihil erat. 

Omnis exspectatio nostra erat in nuntiis Brundisinis. 

Si nactus 

hic esset Gnaeum nostrum, spes dubia pacis; sin ille ante trami- 
sisset, exitiosi belli metus. Sed videsne in quem hominem inciderit 

N. Magium| Numerius Magius(Caes. 
B. C. i. 24. 4) and Vibullius Rufus (ib. 
iii. 10. 1). Magius is mentioned again in 
370 and 371. 

missum fect} This is an expression 
belonging to the army: cp. Phil. v. 53, 
easque legiones bello confecto missas fierr 
placere; Bell. Afr. 54. 5, imdignos vos 
arbitror qui in meo exercitu ordines ducatis 
missosque facio. Bell. Hisp. 12.3; 138. 15. 
Also in Terence Andr. 833: cp. Cic. 
Rosc. Am. 76, 182. Somewhat different 
is ad me missum facias (325 fin.). 

praefecti fabrum] For fabrum some 
mss. have partium: see Adn. Crit. 
Lehmann, ‘ Att.’ p. 167, thinks that, if 
Pompey is regarded as not de iure general 
of the Optimates, but only at present their 
leader de facto, we should read partium. 
Magius was strictly the praefectus fabrum 
Pompei, but Vibullius was praefectus 
Domiti: cp. O. E. Schmidt, RA. Mus. 
(1897), p. 150, who thinks Vibullius may 

have been an officer of Pompey’s who 
was associated by him with Lentulus 
Spinther and Domitius. From the 
manner in which Cic. congratulates 
Pompey on the exploits of Vibullius, a 
presumption may be made that Pompey 
was especially interested in him (327. 1). 
It is very doubtful which reading we 
should adopt; but fabrum on the whole 
seems more probable than partium. 

artificiis| ‘intrigues,’ ‘machinations ” 

1. Lippitudinis] cp. 345.1, ‘that my 
eyes are sore you may see from the hand- 
writing (manus) of my secretary, and the 
same is the reason for the brevity of this. 

Si nactus hie esset] 
ceeded in reaching.’ 

spes dubia pacis| sc. esset, an epistolary 

Sed videsne. « 

‘If he has suc- 

. paratum] * But do you 




quid Domitius acturus sit et Lentulus. 

see the kind of man he is into whose hands 
the Republic has fallen? How clever, 
how alert, how well-prepared’: cp. 340 
Caelius, 344. 1, speaks of Caesar as 
acrem in rebus gerendis. 

2. municipales homines | 
“tants of the country towns.’ 
tani are the country farmers. 

| villulas... nummulos| ‘ their wretched 
farmsteads and money-bags.’ ᾿ 

' quam conversa res sit} ‘The best Mss. 
Bive est; but we must alter it to sit, the 
dblique interrogative. To retain the indic. 
ind translate ‘ But just look! How has 
the situation been altered?’ would be 
unduly rhetorical in such a plain letter as 

‘the inhabi- 
The rusti- 

et iam] Lehmann (‘ Att.’ 195) wishes 
‘to read ‘et tamen in the sense of ‘and 
further,’ ‘and indeed’: cp. 386.1. But 


EP. 349 (ATT. VIII. 14). 


res publica? quam acutum, quam vigilantem, quam paratum ? 
Si mehercule neminem occiderit nec cuiquam quidquam ademerit, 
Γ Ὁ iis qui eum maxime timuerant maxime diligetur. 
mecum municipales homines loqunntur, multum rusticani: Nihil 
‘prorsus aliud curant nisi agros, nisi villulas, nisi nummulos suos. 
Et vide quam conversa res sit; illum quo antea confidebant 

2. Multum 

Id quantis nostris peccatis 

Vitiisque evenerit non possum sine molestia cogitare. Quae autem 
impendere putarem scripseram ad te et iam tuas litteras exspec- 

CICERO TO ATTIOUS (Art. vii. 14). 
FORMIAE; MARCH 23 A. U. C. 705; B.C. 493 AET. CIC. 57. 

_ Non quod novi aliquid scribere possit sed ut in scribendo requiescat Cicero has 
‘litteras ad Atticum se ait mittere, exspectatione se torqueri quod Caesar citius ad 
“Brundisium accessurus esse videatur: iam labare suum consilium : cupere se scire 


' 1. Non dubito quin tibi odiosae sint epistulae cotidianae, cum 
‘praesertim neque nova de re aliqua certiorem te faciam neque 

tam may be explained thus: ‘I have 
written you what I think is about to 
happen, and now 1 am on the look-out for 
your forecast.’ 

For the date of this letter see § 2 triduo 
compared with Nonas, § 1. 

1, odiosae| ‘bore you.’ Cp. quod erat 
odium? quae superbiat Cluent. 109. 
Odiosus is the regular word for a bore in 
the comic drama, as in mihi odiosus es 
quisquis es, Plaut. Mil. 427 ; and the feel- 
ing he excites is odiwm, as in the common 
phrase odio me enecas, ‘ you are boring me 
to death.’ So non res sed actor mihi cor 
odio sauciat, Bacch. 213; iam hie me 
abegerit suo odio, Asin. 446 ; odiorum Ihas, 

Mil. 743: tundendo atque odio, ‘by. in- 
cessant boring,’ Ter. Hec. 123. ne 
cotidianae| cp. 345. 1. iN 

114 EP, 349 (ATT. Vii. 1h). 

novam denique iam reperiam scribendi ullam sententiam. Sed si 
dedita opera, cum causa nulla esset, tabellarios ad te cum inanibus- 
epistulis mitterem, facerem inepte: euntibus vero, domesticis 
praesertim, ut nihil ad te dem litterarum facere non possum, et 
simul—crede mihi—requiesco paullum in his miseriis cum quasi 
tecum loquor; cum vero tuas epistulas lego, multo etiam magis, 
Omnino intellego nullum fuisse tempus post has fugas et formi- 
dines nostras quod magis debuerit mutum esse a litteris, propterea 
quod neque Romae quidquam auditur novi nec in his locis quae ἃς 
Brundisio absunt propius quam tu bidui aut tridui. | 
disi autem omne certamen vertitur huius primi temporis. Qua 
quidem exspectatione torqueor. Sed omnia ante Nonas sciemus. 
Hodem enim die video Caesarem a Corfinio post meridiem 
profectum esse, id est Feralibus, quo Canusio mane Pompeium. 
Ko modo autem ambulat Caesar et iis diariis militum celeri- 


scribendi ullam sententiam] ‘any topic 
for correspondence.’ 

inanibus epistulis| It would be foolish 
to send special messengers with letters 
devoid of news. 

ut nihil... facere non possum| “1 
cannot help writing to you.’ 

crede mthi| Except here and in Att. v. 
10. 1 (198), Cicero always writes mihi 
crede; but erede mihi is the order adopted 
by many of his correspondents, e.g. D. 
Brutus, Fam. xi. 26 (892): Cassius, xii. 
12. 4 (856) ; Caelius, 408. 1. 

mutum...a sig ‘no time when our 
correspondence has been so small,’ lit. 
‘no time so silent on the score of letters.’ 
For this use of ὦ see on Att. v. 18. 2 
(218). Possibly Palmer was right in 
interpreting a in Ov. Her. xiii. 110, Cur 
venit a verbis multa querela latens? in 
this sense: /atens a verbis, ‘darkly 
worded,’ lit. ‘obscure (Jatens must be an 
adj.) in respect of words.’ 

a Brundsio . . . tridui| Boot wishes 
to omit guam tu, and translates ‘ which is 
less than two or three days’ journey from 
Brundisium.’ But it is close on 300 
miles from Formiae to Brundisium (ep. 
Schmidt, p. 147), and letter-carriers went 
only about 50 miles a day, certainly 
nothing at all like 100 milesaday. We 
think with Dr. Reid that it is necessary 
to alter the mss. reading diduwm aut 
triduum to bidui aut tridui: ep. Att. iii. 


7. 1(63), deinde ab Autronio quatridui 
(sc. iter); v. 16. 4 (208) quae (castra) 
aberant tridui: cp.17. 1 (209). Possibly 
we should read didui wia: cp. Caes. B. G. 
vi. 7. 2 bidut via aberant ; Plancus ap.) 
Fam. x. 17. 1 (872) Ventidius bidui 
spatio abest ab eo: Lentulus ap. Fam. 
xii. 15.7 (891) Cassium quatridui iter 
Laodicea afuisse. 

huius primi temporis | 
stage of the war.’ 

Non.| Boot rightly reads Non. for nos. 

Feralibus| Febr. 21. 

a Corfinio . . . Canusio] If there is 
any difference meant by the use of the) 
prep. (though we do not think there is), 
it would be ‘from before Corfinium,’ 
while Pompey simply departed ‘ from} 
Canusium.’ | 

diariis| ‘rations.’ Wesee no serious 
reason to alter this, the reading of M. 
Caesar fed his men exceptionally well, as 
he required them to make forced marches. 
Klotz, Wes., and Miiller alter to con- 
giariis, which makes good sense, but 18 
very far from the Ms. tradition. Boot 
supposes that dictis or dicteriis was the 
word Cicero used, and that Caesar 
stimulated his men to march fast by 
making jokes—not a very sustaining 
pabulum. Though Caesar was a ΝΣ 
judge of ἃ joke, and made collections of 

them (472. 4), we caunot assent to this 
emendation. : 

‘of this first 

EP. 349 (ATT. VII. 14). 


tatem incitat ut timeam ne citius ad Brundisium quam opus sit 
acoesserit. 2. Dices ‘Quid igitur proficis qui anticipes eius rei 
-molestiam quam triduo sciturus sis?’ Nihil equidem. Sed, ut 

_igitur sententiam mutas ?’ 

si mutata est, ut tibi adsentiar. 

citius quam opus sit] ‘sooner than we 

2. gui anticipes| ‘what good do you 
_ do by forestalling the unpleasant business 
_ which you will know all about in three 
days?’ Anticipare is a rare word in 
_ classical Latin. It occurs nowhere else 
_ in Cicero; but we find itin Luer. v. 659, 
_ (Sol) anticipat caelum ‘the sun seizes 
_ heaven before his time’ : Ov. Met. iii. 235, 


_ sed per compendia montis anticipata via est. 
_ triduo| This proves that this letter 
_ was written on March 2: ep. § 1 omnia 
_ ante Non. sciemus. 
᾿ auctores ti] Μ’. Lepidus and L, Vol- 
 éatius Tulius 365.7: ep. 340. 3, minus 
 multa dederant illi reip. pignora. 
desiderat| ‘asks for,’ ‘ requires,’ ‘ ex- 
_ pects’: cp. Rep. iii. 12, ab Chrysippo 
nihil magnum nee magnificum desideravi : 
_ Fam. iii. 9. 3 (249), Quod a me tale 
_ quiddam desideras: xii. 1. 2 (723) a vobis 

 quamquam) The conjunction depends 
on an ellipse: ‘{I say merely nee lau- 
_ dandos existimo| though in reality their 
_ conduct is intolerable.’ 

comes . . . socius|] This passage well 

supra dixi, tecum perlibenter loquor, et simul scito labare meum 
-consilium illud quod satis iam fixum videbatur. Non mihi satis 
_idonei sunt auctores ii qui a te probantur. Quod enim umquam 
eorum in re publica forte factum exstitit ὃ aut quis ab iis ullam 
rem laude dignam desiderat ? Nec mehercule laudandos existimo 
"qui trans mare belli parandi causa profecti sunt—quamquam haec 
_ferenda non erant, video enim quantum id bellum et quam pesti- 
_ferum futurum sit—sed me movet unus vir, cuius fugientis comes, 

rem publicam recuperantis socius videor esse debere. 

‘ Totiensne 

Ego tecum tamquam mecum loquor. 
Quis autem est tanta quidem de re quin varie secum ipse disputet ? 
Simul et elicere cupio sententiam tuam: si manet, ut firmior sim, 
3. Omnino ad id de quo dubito 
pertinet me scire quid Domitius acturus sit, quid noster Lentulus. 
‘De Domitio varia audimus, tmodo esse in Tiburti aut lepidi 

illustrates the difference in meaning 
between these two words, comes indicating 
merely community of space and circum- 
stances, sociws participation in action. 

Ego tecum| We have prefixed this as a 
motto to the whole correspondence, as 
accurately and pointedly describing the 
character of the letters to Atticus and his 
other most intimate friends, letters which 
constitute by far the largest and most 
valuable part of the correspondence. 

3. aut lepidi] We have given in the 
text the reading of M. The reading 
adopted in our former edition was modo 
esse in Tiburti haud lepide, modo eum 
Lepidis accessisse ad urbem: and our note 
was as follows :—‘‘ Cicero nearly always 
plays ona name when anameis susceptible 
of such treatment. Itisas if an English- 
man, playing on the name of friends 
named Gay, should write ‘ sometimes we 
hear he is in his place at Tivoli, where, 
however, heis far from gay : then that he 
has joined the Gays and gone to Rome, 
which last report, as well as the first, I can 
see is false.” The word item shows that 
two reports are spoken of, both of which 
are repudiated by Cicero. The easiest 
way to obtain this sense is to accept the 



quo cum lepidus accessisse ad urbem, quod item falsum video 
Ait enim Lepidus eum nescio quo penetrasse itineribus 
occultis, occultandi sui causa an maris apiscendi? ne is quidem 
Addit illud, sane molestum : pecu- 
niam Domitio satis grandem quam is Corfini habuerit non esse’ 
De Lentulo autem nihil audivimus. | 


scit. Iagnorat etiam de filio. 

quiras ad meque perscribas. 

conjecture which gives modo cum tor quo 
cum; but the reading is very doubtful. 
Lepide esse, ‘to enjoy oneself,’ represents 
a fashion of speech which is common in 
the comic drama ’’ : cp. wbi bene sit Plaut. 
Bacch. 84; pulcre ut simus Merc. 583. 
Other emendations which in one way or 
another suppose a joke are Boot’s in 
Tiburti Lenidi haud lepide quod cum 
Lepidis sit, modo accessisse or modo cum 
Lepidis accessisse : and Madvig’s(A. C. iii. 
180 n. 1) in Tiburta Lepidi haud lepide, 
modo, cum lepidius, accessisse. [As Dr. 
Tyrrell strongly held that there is a joke 
here, the above interpretation has been 
left, though it seems to me unlikely that 
Cicero would joke on _ this occasion 
without giving some indication that he 
was doing so. We must remember that 
M has in tiburti aut lepidi quo cum lepidus 
accessisse. Theactual restoration, without 
further Ms. assistance, seems hopeless: but 
not improbably the form of the sentence 
was something like this: modo ad Pom- 
peimm festinare (cp. 860. 2), guod falsum 
est ; modo esse in Tiburti Lepidi quocum 
Lepidus accessisset ad urbem, quod item 
falisum est. Or the first false rumour may 
have been <modoin Hispaniam profectum, 
modo ad Pompeium (ep. 358. 1) quod 
faisum est> ‘at one time that he had gone 
to Spain, at another to Pompey, which is 
false; at another that he was in the villa 
of Lepidus at Tibur, and that Lepidus 
had gone with him to Rome, which is 
likewise false.’ Possibly aut Lepiat may 
have arisen from Lepidi having been 
written above Ziburti and some copyists 
taking it as a variant. Itis possible toc 
that we need not alter to accessisset, for the 

EP. 349 (ATT. VIII. 14). 

infin. is at times found in relative sen- 
tences of the.Or. Obl. when the relative = 
et is: 
ne tenuissima quidem suspicione attigerat, 

cos nominavit, L. Luculium, a quo solitumml ᾿ 

esse ad se mittt C. Fannium, illum qui im 
P. Clodium subscripserat, 

cuius domum constitutam fuisse unde 
eruptio fieret: cp. also Lebreton, pp. 512 - 
910. 10» 

occultis] would have easily fallen out 
before occultandi : ΟΡ. occultum iter, 352. 1. 
Miller suggests occult<is explic>andi, 
comparing 331. 3 for explicare. 

a ἢ Oris It’: 
2 (8). 

apiscendi] So Mi: 
Jinem bonorum : 
sunt facienda omnia : 

ek morbi. See note on Fam. iv. ὃ. 
6 (555). 1015 often found in Plautus, e.g. 
Capt. 775: Rud. 17; Trin. 347: 
Terence Heaut. 693. 
de filio| We learn from 358. 1 that on 
March 8 the son of Domitius passed 

through Formiae on his way to his mother | 
(Porcia, the sister of Cato) at Naples. 

non esse redditam| Caesar B. C. i. 23. 4 

says that a sum of 6,000,000 sesterces, 

which had been left behind by Domitius, | 
was brought to him by the duumviri of 
Corfinium. Although this was clearly 
ascertained to be public money assigned 

by Pompey for the payment of the | 
troops, Caesar restored it to Domitius, ne 

continentior in vita hominum quam 

pecunia fuisse videatur, ‘to show that he | 
was as scrupulous about taking money as 

about taking life.’ 

Haec velim ex- 

cp. Att. 11. 24. ὃ (51) Quos in sonata x! 

see note on Att. 1. 3,_ 

cp. Leg. i. 52, αὧ 
quoius apiscendt causa » 
Luer. vi. 1235, nullo — 
cessabant tempore apisci ex aliis alios avidt — 

also i i 

LI. Domitium, 



EP. 350 (ATT. VIII. 15). 117 

ie 350. CICERO TO ATTICUS (Arr. vit. 15). 

FORMIAE; MARCH 3; A. U. C. 70535 Β. C. 49; AET. CIC. 57. 

τ΄ ΜΝ. Cicero ad Attici epistulas respondet, quid ipse agat dubitat, transeatne an 

-‘maneat, aliorum dissimilem esse condicionem, Adiungit exemplum litterarum Cornelii 
Balbi ad se datarum, quibus Balbus Ciceronem exhortatur ad pacem inter Caesarem 
_atque Pompeium conciliandam. 


1, A. d. v Non. Martias epistulas mihi tuas Aegypta reddidit, 
“unam veterem, 111 Kal. quam te scribis dedisse Pinario, quem 
non vidimus, in qua exspectas quidnam praemissus agat Vibullius, 
qui omnino non est visus a Caesare—id altera epistula video te 
Scire ita esse—et quem ad modum redeuntem excipiam Caesarem, 
‘quem omnino vitare cogito, et αὐθήμερον fugam intendis com- 
mutationemque vitae tuae, quod tibi puto esse faciendum, et 
ignoras Domitius cum fascibusne sit, quod cum scies facies ut 

1. Aegypta] a freedman of Cicero: 
ep. Att. xii. 37. 1 (579). Another letter- 
- carrier we hear of at this time was Anteros 

/ (372. 2). 
| exspectas|] i.e. you say you expect. 

᾿ς praemissus| sc. in Hispaniam: cp. 
0865. B.C. i 34.1. Quo (sc. in Gailliam) 
tum venisset cognoscit missum a Pompeto 
 Vibullium Rufwm quem paucis ante diebus 
| Corfinio captum ipse dimiserat : 38.1, Ad- 
᾿ ventu L. Vibulli Rufi quem a Pompero 
“missum in Hispaniam demonstratum est. 
_ Caesar took him prisoner again in Spain ; 
and later sent him with terms of com- 
promise to Pompey when both were in the 
δ Π of Dyrrhachium (ib. iii. 
“10. 1). 
᾿ς αὐθημερὸν] M reads authemonis. We 
᾿ Should naturally expect that some refer- 
ence to the estate of Atticus in Epirus is 
eontained in this corrupt word, e.g. ad 
~Chaoniam (Schiitz): ad Thyamim (Leh- 
“manun) ep. Leg. ii. 7: or possibly ad 
᾿Αμαλθεῖον : cp. i. 16. 18 (22). But Mr. 
Winstedt has a much more attractive 
correction, viz. αὐθήμερον, which we have 
adopted, ‘ and you say you are purposing 
flight the very day Caesar arrives.’ Atti- 

cus was fond of introducing Greek words 
into his letters: cp. 365.4, 5, 7, 8, 9. This 
is certainly the best emendation yet pro- 
posed. For other attempts see Adn. Crit. 

intendis| So we read with Schiitz. 
Miiller, in his learned note on p. 17. 27 of 
his edition, points out how often in is 
omitted ; it may have got transferred to 
αὐθήμερον and been transformed into ἐδ; 
tendere would suit well with fugam, but 
it would be a harsh zeugma to take 
it with commutationem. 

commutationemque tuae vitae] We do 
not think, as Boot does, that this refers to 
any new regimen of health (diaeta) that 
Atticus proposed to adopt, but to a whole 
change of life, giving up the business of 
a city man and living away from Rome, 
if Caesar became supreme there: cp. 
Tusc. i. 27 (mortem esse) quandum quasi 
migrationem commutationemque vitae, 

quod ... esse faciendum| ‘The ante- 
cedent to quod is the whole preceding 
clause, ‘a course which I think you 
should adept.’ 

cum fascibusne sit] The senate had 
conferred on Domitius the province of 
Gaul. Atticus wanted to know whether 

118 EP. 350 (ATT. VIII. 15). 

sciamus. Habes ad primam epistulam. 2. Secutae sunt duae, 
pridie Kal. ambae datae, quae me convellerunt de pristino statu, 
iam tamen, ut ante ad te scripsi, labantem. Nec me movet quod | 
scribis ‘Iovi ipsi iniquum.’ Nam periculum in utriusque ira- 
cundia positum est, victoria autem ita incerta ut deterior causa 
paratior mihi esse videatur. Nec me consules movent, qui ipsi 
pluma aut folio facilius moventur. Offici me deliberatio cruciat — 
cruciavitque adhue. Cautior certe est mansio, honestior existi-— 
matur traiectio. Malo interdum multi me non caute quam pauci 
non honeste fecisse existiment. De Lepido et Tullo quod quaeris, 
illi vero non dubitant quin Caesari praesto futuri in senatumque 
venturi sint. 8. Recentissima tua est epistula Kal. data, in qua 
optas congressum pacemque non desperas. Sed ego cum haee 
scribebam nec illos congressuros nec si congressi essent Pom- 
peium ad ullam condicionem accessurum putabam. Quod videris | 
non dubitare si consules transeant quid nos facere oporteat, certe 
transeunt vel quo modo nune est transierunt. Sed memento 
praeter Appium neminem esse fere qui non ius habeat transeundi. | 
Nam aut cum imperio sunt ut Pompeius, ut Scipio, Sufenas 

Domitius still retained the insignia of 
imperium ; the answer to that question 
might afford a clue to his attitude towards 
Pompey. Cicero says ‘when you learn 
the truth about this let me know.’ As 
Domitius was appointed to Gaul in super- 
session of Caesar, his retaining his fasces 
would be a defiance of Caesar, and his 
foregoing them would be a token of sub- 

2. convellerunt| ‘hurled me from my 
old position,’ a strengthening of the 
phrase (common in Livy) movere de statu. 
Atticus’s letter seems to have suggested 
to him that to join Pompey was the more 
honourable course. Cicero is somewhat 
partial to the word: cp. Att. v. 20. 10 

Lovi ipsi iniqguum| ‘storming against 
e’en Jove.’ The phrase was proverbial : 
cp. Fam. x. 12. 4 (838), Venit paratus 
Servilius lovi ipsi iniguus cuius in templo 
res agebatur, where see note. Perhaps it 
refers to the boastful impiety of Capaneus, 
Aesch. Theb. 428. Atticus meant that 
Pompey would pursue violently anyone 
who opposed him, would spare no one, 
however distinguished, reckless of conse- 

periculum in utriusque iracundia| Cicero 
says he is not greatly influenced by 

Atticus’s remark, that Pompey will be | 
as angry with those who stay in Rome as — 

with those who join Caesar, because there 
will be peril from the conqueror, which- 
ever side wins, and at present the worse 
cause (Caesar’s) seems to have the better 
chance of success. 

Lepido et Tullo | 

praesto futuri| 

3. NEC.’ 

cp. 840. 3; 349. 2. 

. putabam| This is worthy of 

note. Caesar was really all along desirous — 

of coming to terms with Pompey (though 
no doubt Cicero when in a desponding 
mood (cp. 359. 3) says Caesar was bent 
on the destruction of Pompey); but 
Pompey was bent on war. 

praeter Appium| Except Appius, who 

was censor, and was not invested with 
the imperium, and therefore was confined 
to Rome, not one of those who had joined 
Pompey were forbidden by law to visit 
the provinces if they pleased, being all 

either invested with the imperium, or — 

lieutenants to those who were. 

Scipio] was governor of Syria, 353. 4. ; 
For M. Nonius Sufenas cp. Att. iv. 15.4 | 

‘to be at Cuaesar’s — 






7 SS RS 
{ Ta eT 

sit intellego. 
᾿ yideor, potero biduo. 

EP. 351 (ATT. IX. 7 A). 


| Fannius, Voconius, Sestius, ipsi consules, quibus more maiorum 
concessum est vel omnis adire provincias, aut legati sunt eorum. 
Sed nihil decerno, Quid placeat tibi et quid propemodum rectum 
Plura scriberem si ipse possem. 
Balbi Corneli litterarum exemplum, quas 

Sed, ut mihi 

: die accepi quo tuas, misi ad te, ut meam vicem doleres cum 

me derideri videres. 


| que probari solent : 

(148), and possibly vi. 1. 13 (252). For 
Ὶ Fanni For Sestius 
“Note to 420. 1. We do not know anything 
al yut this Voconius. Lambinus suggests 
Coponius, 331. 4. 
᾿ς quibus provincias| Sulla did 
) nothing to infringe the military imperium 
of the consuls; after as before his law it 
_ was legal for them to ‘ approach any pro- 
‘vince.’ Lucullus went as consul to Asia 
in 74 B.c. (Greenidge, Roman Public 
i] # p- 201): cp. Mommsen, St. R. i?, 

ay ἀρ ‘ without an amanuensis.’ 
 kitterarum] i.e. Ep. 346. 

ut meam...videres} ‘so that you 
/ might sympathize with me on seeing me 
_ mocked’ by the pretence that I still 
‘possess an influence which I have lost 

(ATT. IX. 7A). 

ROME ; ABOUT MARCH 7; A. U. 6. 7055 B.C. 49; AKT. CIC. 57. 

L. Cornelius Balbus hortatur ne contra alterutrum arma ferat dicitque Caesarem, 
᾿ quacunque ratione usurus sit, id esse probaturum. 


1, Nedum hominum humilium ut nos sumus sed etiam am- 
/plissimorum virorum consilia ex eventu, non ex voluntate a pleris- 
tamen freti tua humanitate quod verissimum 
nobis videbitur de eo quod ad nos scripsisti tibi consilinm dabimus, 
quod si non fuerit prudens, at certe ab optima fide et optimo animo 
| proficiscetur. Nos si id quod nostro iudicio Caesarem facere opor- 
| tere existimamus, ut simul Romam venerit agat de reconciliatione 

1. Nedum| ‘The use of this word in 
the same seuse as on modo is quite un- 
Ciceronian, and has not the authority of 
any good writer. The meaning shows 
it to be corrupt in 402 fin., where see 
note: cp. Hellmuth, pp. 48, 44, on its 
usage in Balbus. 

ut nos sumus | for quales nos sumus, 
cp. Att. iv. 5. 1 (108) im istis principibus 
ut volunt esse. 

humanitate| “ considerateness’: ep. 
ᾧ 2. 

verissimum . . - consilium | ‘the best, 
soundest advice’: cp. 395. 2 Tuum con- 

silium quam verum est. 
quod... proficiscetur| ‘and if it does 
not turn out successfully, at any rate its 
source is perfect sincerity and good will.’ 
ut ...agat| This is the explanatory sub- 
junetive, for which see on Petit. Cons. 

120 EP. 351 (ATT. IX. 7 A). 

gratiae suae et Pompei, id eum facturum ex ipso cognovissemus, 
non desissemus te hortari velles iis rebus interesse, quo facilius et 
maiore cum dignitate per te qui utrique es coniunctus res tota 
confieret, aut, si ex contrario putaremus Caesarem id non facturum — 
et etiam velle cum Pompeio bellum gerere sciremus, numquam tibi _ 
suaderemus contra hominem optime de te meritum arma ferres, 
sicuti te semper oravimus ne contra Caesarem pugnares. 2. Sed 
cum etiam nunc quid facturus Caesar sit magis opinari quam scire 
possimus, non possumus nisi hoc: non videri eam tuam esse digni- — 
tatem neque fidem omnibus cognitam ut contra alterutrum, cum — 
utrique sis Maxime necessarius, arma feras, et hoc non dubitamus 
quin Caesar pro sua humanitate maxime sit probaturus. Nos 
tamen, si tibi videbitur, ad Caesarem scribemus ut nos certiores 
faciat quid hac re acturus sit: a quo si erit nobis rescriptum, statim 
quae sentiemus ad te scribemus et tibi fidem faciemus nos ea sua- 
dere quae nobis videntur tuae dignitati, non Caesaris actioni esse 
utilissima, et hoc Caesarem pro sua indulgentia in suos probaturum 

47 (Ep. 12), ‘if we were certain that 
Caesar would do what in our opinion he 
ought, namely, treat for recovery of 
friendly relations between himself and 
Pompey immediately on arriving at 
Rome, we should not cease to urge you 
to take part in the negotiations.’ We have 
inserted non desissemus immediately after 
cognovissemus, as the homoeoteleuton would 
then go far to account for the loss of the 
words from the mss. Some word like 
deberemus would do quite as well, or even 
the change of hortari to hortaremur. For 
reconciliatione gratiae suae et Pompet, cp. 
354. 1 concordiam suam et Pompei recon- 

id eum| For this id repeated cp. Madv. 
on Fin. v. 22. 

2. non possumus nisi] ‘our ability 
extends no further than this.’ The 
omission of scribere here (which seems a 
colloquial usage)may perhaps tend to show 

that it is not necessary to add seripsit in 
342. 5. Miller adds scribere here. | 

hac re] ‘things being as they are’: 
cp. 354. 2 Hac re. We have discussed 
this abl. in note to 131. 4. 

quae sentiemus| So ΜῈ: M? has cum 
sentiamus, which may possibly be tolerated 
in Balbus; though statim ut sentiemus — 
would be more correct. 

actiont| Boot altered to rationi, which | 
would express the idea of ‘ policy,’ ‘ in- | 
terests,’ quite well: cp. too 354. 2 
(Caesarem) prius tuae dignitatis quam suae— 
utilitatis rationem habiturum, but. the — 
genitives there make a difference. It is 
possible, however, that actioni ‘ proce- — 
dure’ may be right: cp. Rabir. perd. 14 | 
an vero st actio ista popularis esset .. Ὁ 
Gracchus eam reliquisset? In 364. 2 actio- 
means ‘ negotiation.’ di 

pro sua indulgentia in suos] ‘so kind is 
he to his friends.’ 

κλτο παλιν pt vats 



EP. 352 (ATT. VIII, 16). 121 

352, CICERO TO ATTICUS (Arr. vut. 16). 

FORMIAE}; MARCH 4 (ἢ 2); A. U. C. 7053 B.C. 49; AET. CIC. 57. 

M. Cicero Attico scribit se iter ad mare superum ut transeat quaerere, sed tamen 
non tum Pompeii auctoritate quam sermone hominum ut proficiscatur adduci. 


1. Omnia mihi provisa sunt praeter occultum et tutum iter ad 
mare superum. Hoc enim mari uti non possumus hoc tempore 
anni. Illuc autem, quo spectat animus et quo res vocat, qua veniam ὃ 
Cedendum enim est celeriter, ne forte qua re impediar atque ad- 
Nec vero ille me ducit qui videtur, quem ego hominem 
ἀπολιτικώτατον OMnium iam ante cognoram, nune vero etiam 
ἀστρατηγητότατον. Non me igitur is ducit, sed sermo hominum 
qui ad me @ Philotimo seribitur. Is enim me ab optimatibus ait 
conscindi. Quibus optimatibus, di boni? qui nune quo modo 
occurrunt ! quo-modo autem se venditant Caesari! Municipia 
vero ut deo, nec simulant, ut cum de illo aegroto vota faciebant. 
2. Sed plane quidquid mali hic Pisistratus non fecerit tam 

1. mare superum] the Adriatic. 
Hoe ... mari) 1.6. mare inferum, the 
Tyrrhenian Sea. 

Iliue| to Brundisium. 
qua| ‘by what route.’ 
ducit| ‘attracts.’ 

> / ‘ 
ἀπολιτικώτατον] a good-for- 
nothing statesman’: ἀστρατηγητότατον, 

_ fa good-for-nothing general.’ 

Philotimo| Terentia’s steward, at 
whose dishonesty he often hints in Att. vi. 

conscindi] ‘torn to pieces’ with abuse : 
cp. sibilis conscissi, Att. ii. 19, 3 (46). 

quinune... Caesari] wp. 369. 4 adde 
imbecillitatem bonorum virorum qui qui- 
dem, quod illum sibi meritoiratum putant, 
oderunt, ut tu seribis, ludum. 

Municipia vero ut deo) The common 
reading municipia veru deum implies the 
ellipse of some such verb as faciwnt or 
ducunt: but broad as are the limits of 
ellipse in these letters, it is difficult to 
see how such an ellipse could possibly 
be justified, as there is no word what- 
ever from which /faciunt or ducunt 
might be inferred. It seems probable 

that Cicero wrote something like muni- 
cipia vero ut deo (or ad deum M*), with 
which the words se venditant, or some 
word or words implied by these words, 
might be understood. Possibly ducunt, 
meaning ‘consider,’ may be understood, 
though elsewhere when it is understood 
it means ‘ lead,’ ‘conduct,’ Att. v. 17. 3 
(209): vi. 9. 5 (282). If we can sup- 
pose that something is lost, we suggest 
deamant eum: cp. 369. 4, hune adhue 
diligunt; or perhaps even de victoria 
gratulantur: cp. 359.4, Quicguam tu ila 
putas fursse de valetudine decreta muni- 
cipiorum prae his de victoria gratulationt- 

vota faciebant| When Pompey was ill 
in Naples, there were public prayers for 
his recovery, a circumstance alluded to in 
the celebrated passage of Juvenal already 
quoted from Sat. x. 283: cp. vol. 1118, 
Ῥ. xev. 

2. Pisistratus] cp. 318. 2 (Caesar) 
qui quidem incertum est Phalarimne an 
Pisistratum sit imitaturus. 

Jecerit] ‘did not in their opinion 

122 EP, 352 (ATT. VIII. 16). 

gratum est quam si alium facere prohibuerit. 
sperant, illum iratum putant. Quas fierl venses ἀπαντήσεις ex 
oppidis! quos honores! Metuunt, inquies. Credo, sed mehercule 
illum magis. Huius insidiosa clementia delectantur, illius ira- 
cundiam formidant. Iudices de cccLx, qui praecipue Gnaeo 
nostro delectabantur, ex quibus cotidie aliquem video, nescio quas 
eius Lucerias horrent. Itaque quaero qui sint isti optimates qui 
me exturbent cum ipsi domi maneant. Sed tamen quicumque 
sunt, αἰδέομαι Τρῶας. tsi qua spe proficiscar video, coniungoque 
me cum homine magis ad vastandam Italiam quam ad vincendum 
parato, dominumque exspecto. Et quidem cum haec scribebam 
111 Nonas iam exspectabam aliquid a Brundisio. Quid autem 
aliquid ? quam inde turpiter fugisset et victor hic qua se referret 

Propitium hune 

et quo. 

commit.’ Such, according to Watson, is 
the force of the subjunctive (virtually 
oblique). Possibly, however, it might be 
the fut. perf. indicative, ‘ whatever crime 
he shall have been found not to have 
committed will secure as much gratitude 
aus if he had prevented another com- 
mitting it.’ 

hune| is Caesar, illum is Pompey 
throughout : except in the last line of the 
letter si idle Appia veniret, where it must 
mean Caesar. 

Quas .. . ἀπαντήσεις) ‘what an 
ovation’ (newspaper slang, answering to 
Cicero’s use of Greek); or ‘reception’: 
cp. note to ἀναπάντητον, 3538. ὃ. 

insidiosa clementia| cp. 840, 4, note. ἡ" 

ludices de cccux| ‘those who were on 
the jury list of 360’ judges enrolled by 
Pompey for the trial of Milo: cp. note 
on Fam. viii. 8. 5 (223). 

Lucerias| ‘they shudder at vague 
Lucerias which they conjure up,’ that is, 
they fancy proscriptions are impending 
such as were threatened at Luceria, as 
we read in 342. 4: cp. Fam. vii. 11. 2 
(167), wna colloculio nostra pluris erit 
quam omnes Samarobrivae, ‘than all the 
Samarobrivas in the world’ (that is, than 
all you might gain by being with Caesar 
at Amiens). 

qui me exturbent| ‘who are they to 
hunt me out of Italy ?’ 

αἰδέομαι Τρῶας) Hom. 1]. vi. 442. 
This is his constant way of expressing 
his fear of public opinion. See Index. 

Quod ubi audissem, si ille Appia veniret, ego Arpinum 

dominumque exspecto] so Klotz for 
domum quem. He compares 342.2 Domi- 
natio quaesita ab utrogue est. Perhaps 
Deum num quem exspecto 2? for which cp. 
Att. ix. 6.5, guid tu autem possis ? aut 
quid homo quisquam ὃ vix iam deus. Or 

it might be Domo aliquem exspecto; et 

quidem, “1 am expecting a messenger 
from Rome (cp. 362. 4); and indeed as 
I am writing this, I am expecting some 
news trom Brundisium.’ 

aliquid 2?) ‘why do I say some news, 
when I expect the (definite) information 
of Pompey’s disgraceful flight, and the 
route by which Caesar is returning, and 
the direction in which he is moving ?’ 

Quod ... cogitabam| ‘on hearing 

which I think of going to Arpinum if 

Caesar returns by the Appian Way,’ 
Arpinum being much further than 
Formiae from the Appian Way. The 
alternative road was the Via Minueia, 
mentioned 360. 1, and Hor. Ep. 1. 18, 20.: 
It is uncertain where the Via Minucia 
was. The usual] opinion as regards this 
roid is that it diverged from the Appian 
Way at Beneventum, and that it went. 
through Aequum ‘Tuticum, Herdonia, 
Canusium, and Barium to Brundisium 3. 
while the Via Appia went through Taren- 
tum. Others hold that it was a road which 
branched off from the Via Valeria, pro-» 
bably at Corfinium, and. went south 
tirough Aufidena, Aesernia, Bovianum 
to Aequum ‘l'uticum, where it joined the 
Via Traiana. (The latter was made a 


EP. 353 (ATT. 1X. 1). 123 

3538. CICERO TO ATTICUS (Arr. 1x. 1). 
FORMIAE; MARCH 6 (8 1); A. σ΄. 0. 7053 B.C. 493 ABT. CIC. 57. 

M. Cicero Attico scribit se exspectare nuntium quid Brundisii actum sit, se 
nescire ubi P. Lentulus, ubi Domitius sit, multos optimatium iam in urbe esse, alios 
fore, se tamen cogitare, quod cunctatio sua a bonis non probetur, Arpinum proficisci, 
inde ad mare superum, ut Pompeium sequatur vel potius causam publicam quam is 
suscepisse videatur. 


1. Etsi cum tu has litteras legeres putabam fore ut scirem 

iam quid Brundisi actum esset-—nam Canusio vii Kal. profectus 

erat Gnaeus, haec autem scribebam pridie Nonas, x1111 die post- 
quam ille Canusio moverat,—tamen angebar singularum horarum 
exspectatione mirabarque nihil adlatum esse ne rumoris quidem. 
Nam erat mirum silentium. Sed haec fortasse κενόσπουδα sunt, 
quae tamen iam sciantur necesse est. 2. Illud molestum, me 
adhue investigare non posse ubi P. Lentulus noster sit, ubi 
Domitius. Quaero autem, quo facilius scire possim quid acturi 
sint, iturine ad Pompeium et, si sunt, qua quandove ituri 
sint. Urbem quidem iam refertam esse optimatium audio; 
Sosium et Lupum, quos Gnaeus noster ante putabat Brundisium 
venturos esse quam se, ius dicere. Hine vero vulgo vadunt. 
Etiam Μ᾽. Lepidus, quocum diem conterere solebam, cras cogita- 

public road by the Emperor Trajan ; it 
had previously been a road kept up by 
the municipalities: see C.I.L. ix. p. 592.) 
See Daremberg and Saglio s.v. Via, 

Ῥ. 798 b. 

1. moverat] used absolutely and in- 
transitively (= se movisse) also in Livy 
XXXvli. 28. 4: cp. id. 18. 8, priusquam 
hostes sentirent aut moverentur, Pergamum 
contendit. The latter passage would seem 
to show that castra is not to be understood 
as navem is to be understood with solvere. 

singularum horarum  exspectatione| 

hourly expectation.’ 

κενόσπουδα) ‘questions of mere 
curiosity, to which in any case we must 
soon know the answers.’ tamen seems to 
mean that whether these events are im- 

portant or not we must soon know about 

2. Sosium et Lupum.. . ius dicere| 
These have both been already mentioned 
as praetors—C. Sosius in 337. 1; P. Ru- 
tilius Lupus in 381. 4. 

ius dicere] cp. 368, 3 et stat urbs ista, 
praetores tus dicunt, aediles ludos parant,. 
viri boni usuras perseribunt: eyo ipse 
sedeo ! 

Hine vero vulgo vadunt] ‘there is a 
general move from here.’ Cp. Att. iv. 
10. 2 (121), ad ewm mane vadebam ;. xiv. 
11. 2 fin. (714), eras mane vadit, where 
see note. There is a slight notion of pomp 
in the word. 

quocum diem conterere solebam] ον. 
340. 3, Lepido quidem, nam fere συνδιημε- 
ρεύομεν, quod gratissimum ill est. 

124 EP. 358 (ATT. IX. 1). 

remus: deinde Arpinum volebamus. Inde, iter qua maxime 
ἀναπάντητον esset, ad mare superum, remotis sive omnino missis 
lictoribus. Audio enim bonis viris, qui et nunc et saepe antea 
magno praesidio rei publicae fuerunt, hance cunctationem nostram 
non probari multaque mihi et severe in conviviis, tempestivis 
quidem, disputari. Cedamus igitur et ut boni cives simus bellum 
Italiae terra marique inferamus et odia improborum rursus in nos, 
quae iam exstincta erant, incendamus et Luccei consilia ac Theo- 

3. Nos autem in Formiano morabamur quo citius audi- 

phani persequamur. 

3. Arpinum volebamus]| sc. ire: cp. note 
to 364. 2. 

ἀναπάντητον) This is generally 
taken simply as ‘ where the road is such 

that one will meet nobody’; lit. ‘where | 

the road is to be unmet.’ But the expres- 
sion is peculiar. We rather think it 
refers to such ἀπαντήσεις as are alluded 
tO. in 302. 2 = 662, 2: and: Ate. xviz 11,6 
(799), mansit Teani. Μιγίβοα ἀπάντησις 
et cohortatio, that is to ‘receptions’ such 
as would be accorded by country towns 
or even Rome to distinguished men. As 
the word is rare, we might coin a word 
‘unreceptionable’ on the analogy of such 
a word as ‘ unexceptionable.’ 

remotis ... missis| “ dispensing with 
or absolutely dismissing my lictors.’ The 
lictors are said ‘to be dispensed with’ 
(remotis) when they are not required to 
be in attendance ; sive has a corrective 
force, which Boot illustrates by pueri 
sive iam adulescentis, Att. vi 2, 2 (256) ; 
haec scripsi seu dictavi, xiv 21. 4 (728). 
Sometimes sive potius or sive etiam is 
used; omnino here goes with missis. 

mihi] ethical dative, or dative of 
disadvantage. ‘And many strictures are 
passed on me.’ Manutius altered to in 
me. Ο. E. Schmidt (Rh. Mus. 1897, 
p- 146) retains mihi. 

conviviis, tempestivis quidem] ‘at their 
entertainments, right early ones too’: 
tempestivis is literally ‘ early,’ that is, be- 
ginning before the customary hour of three 
or so in the afternoon, so that Cicero says 
‘early ones too’ in much the same sense 

in which a modern writer would say ‘ late 

ones too,’ i.e. fashionable and luxurious: 
cp. 469.6; 472. 8, and Dr. Reid on De 

4. Nam Scipio vel in Syriam proficiscitur 
sorte, vel cum genero honeste, vel Caesarem fugit iratum. 
celli quidem nisi gladium Caesaris timuissent manerent. 


Sen. 46. Mr. Winstedt translates by a 
happy turn ‘and that they sit half the 
day over their festive boards making 
caustic remarks about me.’ 

Luccei ac Theophani] These were the 
chosen advisers of Pompey. The -ὖ form 
of the genitive of proper names in -es 
is preferred hy Cicero, who writes Themis- 
tocli, Alcibiadi. \ucceius was a very 
violent Pompeian: cp. 367. 3. 

4. Nam] explains odia improborum 
rursus in nos incendamus, ‘ {I will incur 
their hatred by being the only one who 
deliberately and without excuse joined 
Pompey), for others have good special 
reasons for joining him, I only am com- 
pletely free to go or stay as I choose.’ 

Scipio] On the death of Julia Pompey 
had married Cornelia, the daughter of this 
Q. Metellus Scipio. Scipio could there- 
fore plead both his provincial government 
and his relationship as an excuse for not 
remaining in Rome, as well as his fear of 
Caesar’s vengeance. 

Appius... etiam] ‘ Appius has the 
same fear of Caesar’s vengeance, and has 
incurred recent enmities besides’ (with 
Dolabella, Caelius, and Curio). Zimore 
is an ablative of quality, and inimicitia- 
rum recentium is the genitive expressing 
the same relation. It seems to have been 
characteristic of early Latin to extend 
the limits of the genitive of quality, and 
a similar tendency is found, as so often 
happens, in Cicero’s letters, which are 
clearly tinged with the archaism of early 
Latin: cp. plurimarum palmarum gladia- 
tor, Rose. Am. 17; Cornificia vetula sane 
et multarum nuptiarum (Att. xiii. 29. 1 
(604) where see note); non multi cidi 

a τς ΤῊΣ ΤΣ 

qui nulli sunt, non causa, quae acta timide est, agetur improbe. 

EP. 354 (ATT. IX. 7 B). 125 

et eodem timore et inimicitiarum recentium etiam: praeter hune 
et C. Cassium reliqui legati, Faustus pro quaestore: ego unus cui 

utrumvis liceret: frater accedit, quem socium huius fortunae esse 
pon erat aequum cul magis etiam Caesar irasceretur. Sed impe- 
trare non possum ut maneat. Dabimus hoc Pompeio quod debe- 
Nam me quidem alius nemo movet: non sermo bonorum, 

Uni, uni hoc damus, ne id quidem roganti nec suam causam, ut 

ait, agenti sed publicam. Tu quid cogites de transeundo in Epirum 
scire sane velim. | 

354. BALBUS ΤῸ CICERO (Arr. 1x. 78). 

ROME; MARCH 9; A. U. 6. 705; B.C. 495 AET. CIC. 57. 

Balbus Ciceronem hortatur ut nullam partem belli suscipiat et a Caesare preasidium 



L.S. V. B. #. Postea quam litteras communis cum Oppio ad 
te dedi ab Caesare epistulam accepi cuius exemplum tibi misi, ex 

hospitem accipies, multi toci, 479. 4; and 
see note to Fam. v. 10. 3 (696), ed. 2. 
For a case in which Cic. uses both abl. and 
genit. of quality together, cp. Fam. i. 7. 
11 (114), Lentulum nostrum eximia spe, 
summae virtutis adulescentem. It is pos- 
sible, of course, to take inimicitiarum as 
an objective genitive depending on timore ; 
but it is more likely that the genitive is 
one of quality. See Adn. Crit. 

praeter hunc| ‘save Appius and Cas- 
sius, all the rest hold military commands, 
and Faustus (367. 4) is proquaestor: I am 
the only one who could go or stay as I 

Srater accedit| ‘to this is added the 
consideration of my brother’s case, whom 
it is not fair toinvolve in my own difficul- 
ties, so that he should be thus exposed still 
more to the resentment of Caesar,’ as he 
had been one of the most able of Caesar’s 
officers in Gaul, and Caesar would natur- 
aily resent his now proceeding against 

him. M has liceret ... accederet .. - 
irasceretur ; the verb intervening between 
the two imperfect subjunctives was 
wrongly assimilated to them by the 
copyists, and there is no reason why we 
should write dice¢ and trascetur, as many 
editors do. 

quod debemus| Schmidt 
1897, p. 146) reads quoi. M! has quo. 

quae. . . improbe| ‘which has been 
conducted with timidity and will be con- 
ducted with crime’ (Shuckburgh). 

ne id quidem] ‘though he does not 
even ask me for that proof of my fidelity, 
and though (as he says) the battle he is 
fighting is not his own, but his country’s.’ | 

(Rh. Mus. 

1. 8. V. 8. EB.) = si vales, bene est: ep. 
Fp. Obs 

litteras communis} Ep. 351. 

ab Caesare epistulam| Ep. 347. If this 
was despatched from Canusium on March 
3, it would arrive in Rome about the 8th. 

126 EP. 354 (ATT. IX. 7B). 

quibus perspicere poteris quam cupiat concordiam swam et Pompei 
reconciliare et quam remotus sit ab omni crudelitate: quod eum 
sentire, ut debeo, valde gaudeo. De te et tua fide et pietate idem 
mehercule, mi Cicero, sentio quod tu, non posse tuam famam et 
officium sustinere ut contra eum arma feras a quo tantum bene- 
ficium te accepisse praedices. 2. Caesarem hoc idem probaturum 
exploratum pro singulari eius humanitate habeo, eique cumulatis- 
sime satis facturum te certe scio cum nullam partem belli contra 
eum suscipias neque socius eius adversariis fueris. Atque hoc non 
solum in te, tali et tanto viro, satis habebit, sed etiam mihi ipse 
sua concessit voluntate ne in iis castris essem quae contra Len- 
tulum aut Pompeium futura essent quorum beneficia maxima 
haberem, sibique satis esse dixit si togatus urbana officia sibi 
praestitissem quae etiam illis si vellem praestare possem. Itaque 
nunc Romae omnia negotia Lentuli procuro, sustineo, meumque 
officium, fidem, pietatem iis praesto. Sed mehercule rursus iam 
abiectam compositionis spem non desperatissimam esse puto, 
quoniam Caesar est ea mente qua optare debemus. Hac re mihi 
placet, si tibi videtur, te ad eum scribere et ab eo praesidium 
petere, ut petiisti a Pompeio, me quidem approbante, temporibus 
Milonianis. Praestabo, si Caesarem bene novi, eum prius tuae 

meumgue ... praesto| ‘and I do for 
them what in duty, honour, and devotion 
I am bound to do.’ 

Hac re| see on 351. 2. 

praesidium]| ‘military protection’: cp. 
Att. 1. 16. 5 (22), Clamare praeclari Ario- 
pagitae sé non esse venturos nist praesidio 
constituto, Refertur ad consilium: una 
sola sententia praesidium non desideravit. 
The military protection would be osten- 

ex quibus| Balbus forgets that the letter 
he speaks of has been called by him 
epistulam, not litteras, though he had 
already written cuius. ‘This shows that 
we are not to be too ready to correct this 
writer’s letters. 

concordiam suam et Pompei reconciliare | 
‘to restore harmonious relations between 
him and Pompey’: cp. 851 ué agat de 
reconcilintione gratiae suae et Pompet. 

pietate| ‘devotion.’ sibly to guard Cicero from the attacks οὗ. 
sustinere ut] ‘to allow of’: see on the lower class of Caesar’s supporters 
362. 6. (cp. 368. 3) who were always hostile to 

him (cp. 343. 7); but it may also have 
been, as Bardt thinks, to act as a watch 
on Cicero to prevent his taking any action 

2. humanitate] ‘considerateness.’ 
certe 5010) cp. note to 428. 1. 
mss. except ΟἹ here have cerie. 

We know he was 

distinction is said to be certo scio (as it is 

below, § 3), ‘I have certain knowledge’ ; 
certe scio, “1 am sure I know.’ But it is 
doubtful if this distinction is always 

tali et tanto viro] 
eminence and position.’ 

quorum beneficia] Balbus owed his 
citizenship to Pompey and Lentulus: 
cp. 346. 2. 

‘a man of such 

on behalf of Pompey. 
carefully watched during May: ep. 
Κωρυκαῖοι (404. 1). 

temporibus Milonianis| cp. Asconius, 
p. 40, ed. Clark (= 41 Or.). Quem (sc. 
Causinium Scholam) cum interrogare M. 
Marcellus coepisset, tanto tumultu Clodianae 
multitudinis circumstantis exterritus est ut 
vim ultimam timens in tribunal a Domitio 
reciperetur. Quam ob causam Marcellus et 



dignitatis quam suae utilitatis rationem habiturum. 3. Haec 
quam prudenter tibi scribam nescio, sed illud certe scio me ab 
singulari amore ac benevolentia quaecumque scribo tibi seribere : 
quod te—ita incolumi Caesare moriar !—tanti facio ut paucos 
aeque ac te caros habeam. De hac re cum aliquid constitueris 
velim mihi scribas. Nam non mediocriter laboro wt utrique, ut 
vis, tuam benevolentiam praestare possis, quam mehercule te prae- 
staturum confido. Fac valeas. 

EP. 855 (ATT. IX. 2). 

355. CICERO TO ATTICUS (Arr. rx. 2). 

FORMIAE ; MARCH 7; A. U. 6. 705; B.C. 493 AET. CIC. 57. 

Quod Atticus epistula quadam scripserat se gaudere Ciceronem mansisse, iam 
quaerit Cicero utrum ipse eius sententiam parum meminerit an ille sententiam 


ipse Milo a Domitio praesidiwm implora- 
wverunt . . . Pompeius promisit se postero 
die cum praesidio descensurum, idque fecit. 
Qua re territi Clodiani silentio verba 
testium per biduum audiri passi sunt. 
Interrogaverunt eos M. Cicero et M. Mar- 
cellus et Milo ipse. Cicero, as a cross- 
examiner, had to get military protection 
as well as M. Marcellus: cp. Fam. iii. 
10. 10 (261) guo studio providit ne quae 
me illius temporis (sc. Miloniani) invidia 
attingeret, cum me consilio, cum auctoritate, 
cum armis denique texit suis (sc. 

3. quam prudenter| cp. 351. 1, quod 
(consiliwm) si non fuerit prudens, at certe 
ab optima fide et optimo animo proficis- 

ab singulart amore| ‘from especial 
affection,’ ab = * starting from,’ “ arising 
from.’ For a ep. note to 409.1, 396. ὃ, 
and possibly Luer. i. 935, id qguoque enim 
non ab nulla ratione videtur: Off. i. 7, 
omnis enim a ratione suscipitur insti- 
-tutio: D. us Fam. xi. 10. 1 (854), 


Etsi Nonis Martiis, die tuo ut opinor, exspectabam epistulam 
a te longiorem, tamen ad eam ipsam brevem quam 1111 Nonas 
ὑπὸ τὴν διάλειψιν dedisti rescribendum putavi. 

Gaudere ais te 

tu enim a certo sensu et vero iudicas de 
nobis. Munro, however, understands ab 
in these passages in the sense of stare αὖ, 
‘to be on the side of,’ = stare cum. 

die tuo] ‘the day of your attack,’ 
‘the day on which the intermittent fever 
occurs’: cp. 361. $3; 364.2; Att. vii. 
8. 2 (299). 

eam ipsam brevem| We have a quota- 
tion from this short letter in 365. 8. 

ὑπὸ τὴν διάλειψιν)] ‘just on the 
intermission of the fever.” So we read 
with Gurlitt (Terthritisches zu Cicero’s 
Briefen, Steglitz 1898, p. 4). Orelli also 
conjectured διάλειψεν. The mss. give 
AIAAHY inde. Hippocrates has πυρετὸς 
διαλείπει, ‘the fever is intermittent.’ 
We must accordingly read διάλειψιν 
in 365. 8, supposing that a few letters 
which were being copied mechanically 
were overlooked. Copyists sometimes 
omit Greek letters, but hardly ever insert 

. them. 

128 EP. 356 (ATT. IX. 2A). 

mansisse me et scribis in sententia te manere. 
superioribus litteris videbare non dubitare quin cederem, ita si 
et Gnaeus bene comitatus consvendisset et consules transissent. 
Utrum hoc tu parum commeministi an ego non satis intellexi 
an mutasti sententiam? Sed aut ex epistula quam exspecto 
perspiciam quid sentias aut alias abs te litteras eliciam. 
Brundisio nihildum erat adlatum. 

356. CICERO TO ATTICUS (Arr. rx. 24). 

FORMIAE$ MARCH 8; A. U. 6. 7053 B. C. 493 ABET. CIC, 57. 

M. Cicero dubitare se scribit de consilio ab Attico sibi dato, exponit de misera 
condicione sua si Caesaris partes sequatur, apud Pompeium se in offensa esse non 

posse cum ille se potius neglexerit, de adventu Postumi Curtii, de nuntio Brundisio 

nondum adlato. 


1. O rem difficilem planeque perditam! quam nihil praeter- 
mittis in consilio dando! quam nihil tamen quod tibi ipsi placeat 
explicas! Non esse me una cum Pompeio gaudes, ac proponis 
quam sit turpe me adesse cum quid de illo detrahatur. Nefas 
esse approbare. Certe. Contra igitur? Di, inquis, averruncent! 
Quid ergo fiet si in altero scelus est,in altero supplicium ? Im- 
petrabis, inquis, a Caesare ut tibi abesse liceat et esse otioso. 
Supplicandum igitur? Miserum. Quid si non impetraro? Et 
de triumpho erit, inquis, integrum. Quid si hoe ipso premar ἢ 
Accipiam ? Quid foedius? Negem? Repudiari se totum, magis 

etiam quam olim in xxviratu putabit. Ac solet, cum se purgat, in 

ita st] ‘that is to say, if.’ senate when anything is said in derogation 

Mihi autem. 

commeministi] a rare word, but occa- 
sionally found in Cicero: e.g. De Orat. 
i. 227; iii. 85; Tusc. 1. 13. 

1. in consilio dando] ‘This is the 
longior epistula referred to in Ep, 356. 
It probably arrived on the 7th, and was 
answered next morning. It was written 
on the 5th (365. 9). 

adesse . . . detrahatur] 

‘to attend the 

of him’: 360. 6, cum aliquid in senatu 
contra Gnaeum agatur. 

Accipiam 2... putabit] cp. 338. 6, 
deferet triumphum. Non aceipere vide ne 
periculosum sit, accipere invidiosum ad 
bonos. Orem, inquis, difficilem et inexpli- 

xaviratu| In the year 695 (59) Cicero 
had offended both Caesar and Pompey. by 

declining a place among the twenty com- 

ΝΥ en  πτππ νι 

IS ΜῊ ΜΕΥ ai eT sh hid 


ἢ missioners appointed under the Julian law 
_ for the division of the Campanian land. 
He was also offered by Caesar a post as 
Ἢ ‘lieutenant in Gaul, but refused it: cp. 
| Att. ii. 19. 4, 5 (46) ; Prov. Cons, 41; and 
mis, p. 29. 
- . Quanto . . . asperius] ‘How much 
- more irritated will he be now at asimilar 
Ἂν; gape 

τ΄. 2. offensa] ‘1 am in great disfavour.’ 
~ Gicero is here probably quoting from the 
τ letter of Atticus: for Cicero does not use 
_ offensa elsewhere: he would have | used 
ensio. Caelius uses offensa, 383. 
_dmappnoiactoy)| ‘his ΠΣ 
tion is estopped,’ ‘cannot say a word for 
 itself;’ because he is now of opinion that 
- Cicero’s forecast of the whole situation 
"was more accurate than his own. Cicero 
ia seen that the municipal towrs could 
ot hold out against Caesar, that men 
would. not answer. the call of Pompey 
arms. that peace on any terus was 
preferable to war, that the public funds 

cenum should have been. occupied by 

twm| ‘if I refuse to join him when 
ere is nothing to prevent me, then he 


EP. 356 (ATT, EX. 2 A). 

Σ sed quia ingrati animi crimen horreo. 
Ν ‘nostrum illi, quoquo tempore fuerit, ut scribis, ἀσμενιστὸν fore. 
Nam quod ais, si hic temperatius egerit, consideratius consilium 

were not safe in the treasury, and that 


me conferre omnem illorum temporum culpam : ita me sibi fuisse 
"ἢ iene, ut ne -honorem quidem a se accipere vellem,...Quanto 
_ nune hoc idem accipiet asperius ? ‘Tanto scilicet quanto et honor 
hie illo est amplior et. ipse robustior. 
dubitare quin magna in offensa sim apud Pompeium hoc tempore, 
non video causam cur ita sit hoc quidem tempore. 
‘amisso Corfinio denique certiorem me sui consili fecit, is queretur 
Brundisium me non venisse cum inter me et Brundisium Caesar 
-esset ἢ Deinde etiam scit ἀπαρρησίαστον esse in ea causa querelam 
Me putat de municipiorum imbecillitate, de dilectibus, de 
_ pace, de urbe, de pecunia, de Piceno occupando plus vidisse quam 
‘se. Sin cum potuero non venero, tum erit inimicus; quod ego non 
eo vereor ne mili noceat—quid enim faciet ἢ ; 

2, Nam quod negas te 

Qui -enim 

Tic δ᾽ ἐστὶ δοῦλος τοῦ θανεῖν ἄφροντις ὧν ;— 

Confido igitur adventum 

will be incensed with me.’ Boot altered 
twm of the mss. to iure, but it is hardly 

Tis δ᾽... &v;] ‘ But who’sa slave, 
if he recks nought of death?’ This line 
of Kuripides is twice quoted by Plutarch. 
De audiendis Poetis, ὁ. 18, p. 34 B, καὶ 
πάλιν τοῦ Εὐριπίδου λέγοντος “ τίς δ᾽ ἐστὶ 

. ὥν ;᾽ ὑπακουστέον ὅτι καὶ περὶ πόνου 
καὶ νόσου τὰ αὐτὰ εἴρηκεν. Cons. ad 
Apollonium, c. 10, p. 106D, μέγα γάρ 
ἐστι TO μετὰ πείσματος τεθαρρηκότας 
εἰπεῖν “τίς δ᾽ ἐστὶ δοῦλος τοῦ θανεῖν 
&ppovtis ὥν ;’ 

ἀσμενιστὸν) ‘acceptable’ ; this is 
a verbal adjective in the positive degree 
from ao wert Cor, and should be accented as 
in text, not ἀσμένιστον, which is usually, 
but wrongly, taken as a superlative of 
ἄσμενος ; for, in the first place, the word 
could then only mean ‘ very glad,’ not 
‘very welcome,’ which latter sense the 
passage demands;..and_ secondly, the 
superlative of ἄσμενος used by Cicero is 
ἀσμεναίτατος. See Att. xiii. 22, 1 (635),, 
where 4 ἀσμεναίτατα͵ means, as it ought to 
mean, ‘ most gladly.’ 
. temperatius| This, not’ temperantius, is 
the. right reading, for temperate is often 



te daturum, ‘qui hic potest ‘se gerere non’ perdite P Vetant> vitas, ἢ 
mores, ante ἐπα ratio suscepti snes soci, vires’ επφασνῳ aut " 

etiam constantia. 

3. Vixdum' cpldtlarh tuam legeram, cum: ad me currens | idl | 
illum Postumus Curtius venit, nihil nisi classis loquens et exer- — 

EP. 356. (ATT. IX 2A). 


eitus; eripiebat Hispanias, tenebat Asiam, Siciliam,: Africam, 
Sardiniam, -confestim in Graeciam persequebatur. . EKundum 

igitur est nec tam ut belli quam ut fugae socii simus. Nec enim — 

ferre potero sermones istorum, quicumque sunt: non sunt. enim 

certe, ut appellantur, boni. 

used by Cicero, temperanter never. The 
difference between the two words would 
be infinitesimal in a ms., the ” being indi- 
cated only by a horizontal stroke over the 
a, which was sometimes omitted. 

qui hic. . . perdite| ‘How can he 
(Caesar) fail to pursue a course of 
violence ? ’ 

Vetant vita] Boot reads Vetant for 
vita: but more probably we should add 
Vetant before vita. For Lehmann (p. 111) 
shows that vita must be retained, quoting 
483. 4, guid acta tua vita, quid studia 

. .@ te flagitent tu videbis; Sull. 71, 
tamen eum mores ipsius ac vita convince- 
rent; Muren. 74, eam usus, vita, mores, 
cwitas ipsa respuit, and Phil. x. 3. 
Lehmann would add cogent after con- 
stantia, comparing Verr. v. 30, ut eum, 
etiamsi naturaa parentis similitudine abri- 
peret, consuetudo tamen ac disciplina patris 
similem esse cogeret; a poet quoted in Att. 
li. 19, 3 (46) si neque leges neque mores 
cogunt. The influences which forbid him 
to adopt any but a desperate course are— 
‘his former life, his character, his pre- 
vious acts, the nature of the enterprise 
on which he has embarked, the material 
strength or even the resolution of the 
Pompeian party.’ Ante facta is probably 
an allusion to the complicity of Caesar in 
the Catilinarian conspiracy (see vol. 15, 
pp. 20-22), which is more clearly recog- 
nized in a subsequent letter: see 392. 8, 
non est committendum ut vis paream quos 
contra me senatus, ne quid resp. detrimenti 
caperet, armavit. (Observe the strange 
ambiguity introduced into this sentence 
by the anastrophe of contra, a figure 
which Cicero affects: ep. guem contra = 
‘against whom,’ Mur.9; Verr. v. 153.) 
Boot does not seem justified in giving to 

Sed tamen id ipsum scire cupio, quid 

constantia the bad sense of " obstinacy ‘ 

we cannot find that Cicero ever uses thie 

word except in a good sense. Indeed, it 
is contrasted with ‘obstinacy’ in Mur. 
31, quae enim pertinacia quibusdam, eadem 
aliis constantia videri potest. In our pas- 
sage, at any rate, it is used in a good sense : 
for Cicero is dwelling on the qualities of 
the Pompeians that make them formidable 
to Caesar, ‘their forces and resolution.’ 
3. Postumus Curtins| Cicero detested 
this intolerable man, and was indignant 
at his ambition: cp. 394. 7. He was a 
violent Caesarean from the time when 
Cicero asked Caesar to make him a ?¢ri- 

bunus militum, Q. Fr. iii. 1. 10 (148). 
See note to Ep. 597. 1 
eriprebat persequebatur| ‘he 

talked of Caesar’s wresting the Spains 
from Pompey, occupying Asia, and pur- 
suing Pompey into Greece.’ ‘This use of 
the verb is very rare in Latin, but not so 
unusual in Greek, e.g. σὺ δ᾽ ἦσθα Θηβῶν 
... ἄναξ, Eur. Herc. Fur. 467, means ‘ you 
(he used to say ) will be king of Thebes ’ 

πλουτεῖς ἐν ov πλουτοῦσι, ‘you talk of 
yourself as an heiress among beggars,’ 

Andr. 211. So Aristoph. Thesm. 616, 
τί καρδαμίζεις = “ cress me NO cresses,’ ie. 
‘don’t talk to me about cresses’; Vesp. 
652, μὴ πατέριζε, “ father me no fathers.’ 
Not unlike is voto... mittit in hortos, 

Pers. ii. 36, for ‘she prays.that he may 

come to those pleasure-grounds,’ 

quicumque sunt} * whatever they are.’ 

He will not allow that they deserve the — 

name doni, which he generally applies to 
the Pompeian party: cp. 352, 1, Quibus 
optimatibus !: Att. ii. 16. 2 (43), ingratis 
ai eorum hominum qd appellantur 




‘rerum uti possim. 
' brevitatique litterarum ignosces. 

' This letter reached Cicero at Formiae 
‘on the 11th. It was probably written 
from Canusium or Rubi about the 4th or 

a glimpse of our friend Furnius, and not 
having been able conveniently to speak 
with him, or hear what he had to say, being 
in a hurry and on a journey, yet I could 
not let slip the opportunity of writing to 
you.’ Praeterire quin is a rare construc- 
“tion; but it occurs in Sail. Cat. 53.6. It 
is to be observedthat the word praeterire 
might be omitted (Rav. omits it) without 
‘Injury to the sentence, non possum quin 
being good colloquial Latin, and common 
an the comic drama (Plaut. Mil. 262; 
Trin. 705; Ter. Hec. 385, nequeo quin), 
hough Cicero generally says non facere 
sum quin, 489.1; Att. xii. 27. 2 (562). 
erhaps the nearest parallel in Cicero to 
praeterire quin is praetermist quin in 

a ἰδ eos i = 4 ony 

EP, 357 (ATT. IX. 6A). 


loquantur, idque ut exquiras meque certiorem facias te vehe- 
Nos adhue quid Brundisi actum esset plane nescie- 

357, CAESAR ἸῸ CICERO (Arr. 1x. 64). 

B.C, 493 AET: -CIC. 57. 

_ Caesar rogat Ciceronem ut eum Romae videat ut ope omnium rerum uti possit. 


Cum Furnium nostrum tantum vidissem neque loqui neque 
audire meo commodo potuissem, properarem atque essem in itinere, 
praemissis iam legionibus, praeterire tamen non potui quin et 
‘scriberem ad te et illum mitterem gratiasque agerem : etsi hoc et 
eci saepe et saepius mihi facturus videor: ita de me mereris, 
imis a te peto, quoniam confido me celeriter ad urbem venturum, 
ut te ibi videam, ut tuo consilio, gratia, dignitate, ope omnium 
Ad propositum revertar: festinationi meae 


Reliqua ex Furnio cognosces. 

a. Er. in. 6, 1 {151} sep, Phil, ty 25. 
We have exspectari diutius non oportere 
quin, Caes. B. G. iii. 24. 5. 

meo commodo| abl. modi: cp. tuocom- 
modo, 389.4; reip.commodo, Fam.i.1, 3 
(95); commodo valetudinis tuae, Fam. 
xvi. 1, 2 (285). 

properarem| We should expect δέ or 
cum before this word. 

ita de me mereris| ‘such are your 
services to me.’ Watson well compares 
Fam. ii. 5, 2 (176), ne cum veneris non 
habeas iam quod cures: ita sunt omnia 

ad urbem] Neither Caesar nor Cicero 
could go into the city without laying 
down the imperium. 

ope| In a subsequent letter (374), Cicero 
complains that Caesar speaks of looking 
forward to Cicero’s opes, not his opem, his 
resources, not his resource. 

propositum| ‘I will now return to 

K 2 

132 ‘EP. 358 (ATT. ΙΧ. 8): 

de rebus Brundisinis nuntium nondum ane essé, 


1. Domiti filius transiit Formias ὙΠῚ Idus currens ad matrem 
Neapolim mihique nuntiari iussit patrem ad urbem esse, cum de eo 
curiose quaesisset servus noster Dionysius. Nos autem audieramus— 
eum profectum - sive ad Pompeium sive in Hispaniam. Id cuius 
modi sit scire sane velim. Nam ad id quod delibero pertinet, 
si ille certe nusquam discessit, intellegere Gnaeum non esse. 
facilis nobis ex Italia exitus cum ea tota armis praesidiisque 
teneatur, hieme praesertim. Nam, si commodius anni tempus 
esset, vel infero mari liceret uti. Nune nihil potest nisi supero 
tramitti, quo iter interclusum est. Quaeres igitur et de Domitio — 
et de Lentulo. 2. A Brundisio nulla adhuc fama venerat, et 
erat hic dies vir Idus, quo die suspicabamur aut pridie ad Brun-— 

disium venisse Caesarem. πα Kal. Arpis manserat. 

what I began with,’ namely, my apology 
for the shortness of this hasty nete. This 
is the meaning of propositum in Att. xiv. 
1, 2 (708) sed ad propositum: Fam. xv. 
14. 6 (241) Extremum illud est de tis 
quae proposueram, where see note. Boot 
understands the word to mean ‘ I shall 
return to my plan,’ i.e. I shall later on 
tell you the course of action | propose to 
adopt when I come to Rome. This makes 
good sense ; and the expression would be 
better if we added tum (1.6. when I come 
to Rome) after propositum. Hofmann 
translates ‘I must get back to my 
business,’ meaning ‘1 must close my 
letter now.’ 

1. matrem] Porcia, the sister of M. 

servus noster Dionysius | He was Cicero’s 
reader (anagnostes), He stole several of 
his books, and ran away to Illyria in 45. 

road thither is barred.’ - 

303. 1. 


Cicero wrote tothe governors, P. Sulpicius | 
Rufus, Fam. xiii. 77. 2 (638), and Vati- 
nius, Fam. v. 11. 3 (676), about him. | 
sive ad Pompeium sive in Hispaniamyy 
cp. note to 349. 3. 
Id cuius modi... velim] 51 would like 
you to look into how this matter stands.”* 
Nam... exitus| ‘ For it is important 
for the point I am considering, if it is 
really true that Domitius has not gone 
away anywhere, that Pompey should 
know that all modes of departure from 
Italy are difficult for us.’ | 
anni tempus] The calendar had’ got ) 
very much out of order. Though nomi- — 
nally it was March 9. according to the | 
sun it was really now about January 20, i 
quite mid-winter. 
tramitti| impersonal ‘ No crossing can — 
be made except by the Adriatic, and the i 

de Domitio et de εἰ προ δ 849. 4 





ἡ 2. audire | | ‘to listen to,’ that is, ‘to 
give heed to’ what he says. For Curtius 
_ Postumus, cp. 356. 3. : 
τ΄ tempestatum] ‘the state of the weather.’ 
eum] Caesar. 
_ quod... esset| ‘because the ship- 
owners had heard of his liberality.’ Per- 
_haps we should add a before naviculariis ; 
but naviculariis may be dative: cp. Tac. 
- Ann. v. 10. 3, cum auditum id Poppaeo 
_ Sabino, ‘came to the ears of,’ the same 
eee notion as that of cognitus. 

1. [Natali]] We have bracketed this 
word, which Sternkopf first suggested 
might be a gloss on die tuo, written pro- 
ably by a copyist who did not know that 
ies tuus meant the day on which Atticus’s 
intermittent fever used to return ; though 
t seems strange that the copyist did not 
ut the gloss in elsewhere, e.g. 355.1; 
861. 8: 363.2. That dies tuus by itself 
could mean ‘ your birthday’ is shown by 
Att. xiii. 42. 2 (681), though the use is 
rare; and there is no reason why Cicero 

might not make this one allusion only to 
tticns’ s birthday. Professor Goligher 
᾿ patices, too, the improbability that Atticus 

EP. 359 (ATT. IX. 5). 

si Postumum ‘audire velles, persecuturus erat Gnaeum.- 
_Isse enim iam putabat coniectura tempestatum ac dierum. 

4 “summaeque cum benevolentiae tum etiam prudentiae. 
- Philotimus postridie quam a te acceperat reddidit. 
quidem quae disputas difficillima, iter ad superum, 



CICERO TO ATTICUS (Arr. rx. 5). 
A. τ΄. C. 7053 B. 0.495 AET. CIC. 57. 

Gratias agit de epistula ab Attico eius die ad se data, de incerta condicione sua et 
de summis difficultatibus consilii capiendi. 


1, [Natali] die tuo scripsisti epistulam ad me plenam consili 

Kam mihi 
Sunt ista 

would have written a long letter on his 
fever-day, when Cicero fears that it would 
be burdensome to him even to.vead a letter 
during the attack (371.3). But there is 
an important consideration which shows 
that March 10 could not have been 
Atticus’s birthday. Nepos (Att. 21. 1). 
says that it was not until after Atticus 
had completed his 77th year (cwm septem 
et septuaginta annos complesset) that he 
was attacked by the disease which proved 
fatal, and that after the first attack 
he lived for three months, dying on 
March 31 (ib. 22) in 32 .c. His birthday 
cannot have been later than the end of 
December. Accordingly we must take die 
tuo in its usual sense in these letters, as 
meaning the day on which the ague 
attacked Atticus. His ague was a quartan 
(393.3; 401. 4; 402. 6). It occurred on 
the 4th (365. 8); the 7th (355); the 10th 
(359.1); the 13th (361. 3; 363. 2). 0. E. 
Schmidt (p- 149) wishes to read Fatali for 
Natali, ‘your day of doom,’ i.e. your 
fever-day. This is certainly clever; but 
it is rather too strong a word. 

Philotimus| He appears to have been 
occasionally acting. as letter-carrier be- 

134 EP. 859: (ATT. 1X. δ). 

infero, discessus Arpinum ne hune fugisse, mansio Formiis ne’ 
obtulisse nos gratulationi videamur, sed miserius nihil quam ea — 
videre quae tamen iam, tam inquam, videnda erunt. Fuit apud — 
me Postumus:'‘scripsi ad te quam gravis. Venit ad me etiam ὃ 
Q. Fufius, quo vultu, quo spiritu! properans Brundisium, scolagil 
accusans Pompei, levitatem et stultitiam senatus. Haec qui in Ἷ 
mea villa non feram, Curtium in curia potero ferre? 2, Age, Ν 
finge me quamvis εὐστομάχως haec ferentem, quid illa pic Μ, 
TuLi1? quem habebunt exitum? Et omitto causam rei publicae, — 
quam ego amissam puto cum vulneribus suis tum medicamentis 
iis quae parantur, de Pompeio quid agam? quoi plane—quid 
enim hoc negem ?—suscensui. Semper enim causae eventorum 
magis movent quam ipsa eventa. Haec igitur mala—quibus 
maiora esse quae possunt ?—considerans vel potius iudicans elus 
opera accidisse et culpa inimicior eram huic quam ipsi Caesari: 
ut maiores nostri funestiorem diem esse voluerunt Alliensis pugnae 
quam urbis captae, quod hoc malum ex illo (itaque alter re- 
ligiosus etiam nune dies, alter in vulgus ignotus), sic ego decem. 
annorum peccata recordans, in quibus inerat ille etiam annus qui 
nos hoe non defendente, ne dicam gravius, adflixerat, praesentisque 
temporis cognoscens temeritatem, ignaviam, neglegentiam, sus-— 
censebam. 3, Sed ea iam mihi exciderunt. Beneficia eiusdem 


cogito, cogito etiam dignitatem. 

tween Rome and Formiae at this time ; 
cp. 321.1; 352.1. It took about one 
day and a half to come from Rome to 

discessus| ‘my departure to Arpinum 
involves the difficulty, that I might be 
suspected of trying to avoid Caesar, while 
my staying at Formiae involves another 
difficulty, that I might be suspected of 
presenting myself before him with con- 
gratulations,’ lit. ‘for congratulation (of 

Postumus| Curtius Postumus, men- 
tioned immediately afterwards as Curtius: 
cp. 366. 3. 

gravis] ‘tiresome,’ ‘burdensome’: cp. 
Helonius, vir gravissimus, Att. v. 12, 2 

Q. Fufius] Calenus, Cicero’s life-long 
enemy, always a strong Caesarean, 

quo vultu, quo spiritu ἢ ‘what a look 
of pride, what arrogance! ’ 

Intellego, serius equidem quam 

2. evorouaxws| “ with sang-froid.’ 

quid illa.... exitum| ‘what about 
the question of my vote? (cp. Att. vii. 
3, 5, Ep. 294) : what issue will ἐξ have ?’ 

tum . - parantur | ‘and by the treat- 
ment that i is being applied to it.’ 

movent] Casaubon and Wes. add me: 
but it is not necessary: cp. Att. xii. 35 

(577) quod non magno opere moveret, nist — 

. nollem, 

' Alliensis pugnae|] July 18. 

religiosus] For dies region see Mar- 
quardt 111. 283. 

ille . . . annus| 

3. exciderunt | 
sible that the meaning may be ‘ but these 
words have but fallen from my pen,’ or 
‘these things are of the past.’ 
non memini, 364. 1. 

Beneficia| ep. 362. 3. 

58 B.C. : 
‘but all this I have 

This we think is. the right © 
However, it is just pos- 

But ep. a 


eee ween Ὡς 



gi kk 


EP. 359 (ATT. 1Χ. δ). 135 

yellem propter epistulas sermonesque Balbi, sed video plane nihil 
aliud agi, nihil actum ab initio nis? ut hune occideret. Ego igitur— 
sicut ille apud Homerum, cui et mater et dea dixisset.. 
Αὐτίκα yap Tot ἔπειτα μεθ᾽ “Ἕκτορα πότμος ἕτοιμος, 
matri ipse respondit, 

Αὐτίκα τεθναίην, ἐπεὶ οὐκ ἄρ᾽ ἔμελλον ἑ ἑταίρῳ 
Κτεινομένῳ ἐπαμῦναι . . 

- quid si non ἑταίρῳ solum sed etiam evepyéry? adde, tali viro 
talem causam agenti—ego vero haec officia mercanda vita puto. 
Optimatibus vero tuis nihil confido, nihil iam ne inservio quidem. 



Video ut se huic dent, ut daturi sint. 

Quidquam tu illa putas 

fuisse de valetudine decreta municipiorum prae his de victoria 

gratulationibus ? ‘‘l'iment’ 


Sed videamus quid actum sit Brundisi. 

At ipsi tum se timuisse 
Ex eo fortasse 

alia consilia nascentur aliaeque litterae. 

sermonesque| We do not hear of con- 

versations of Cicero with Balbus at this 
time. Perhaps they were with friends of 
Cicero, who reported them to him. 
_ sed video... occideret} ‘but I see 
clearly that there is no other object, there 
has been ‘no other object but the death of 

Ego igitur| The sentence, broken by a 
long parenthesis, is resumed by the words 
ego vero: ‘Accordingly I, imitating the 
answer given by Achilles to his mother, 
let me die since, as it seems, I was not 
destined to defend my friend in his hour of 
death (Hom. 1]. xviii. 96—99)—and in my 
case it is not only a friend, but a bene- 
factor; ay, and what a man, and whata 
cause is his!—I, I say, hold that the 
kindnesses of him to me should be repaid 
by my life.’ 

_ mercanda vita] cp. Verr. ν. 23, haec 
vero quae vel vita redimi recte possunt 
aestimare pecunia non queo, 

inservio| § Wg do not pay any deference 
to them now.’ 

Video ut se huic dent] ‘I see how they 
are giving themselves over to him, and 
how they will’continue to do so.’ 

Quidquam) ‘do you think these de- 
crees about Pompey’s health were any~- 
thing compared with these congratulatory 
addresses to Caesar?” Aliquid would 
have been used, except for the negative 
idea conveyed in the meaning, though not 
in the form, of the sentence. 

‘ Timent’| For timere used absolutely 
cp. note to 336. 1. 

At ipsi] ‘Nay, these very municipal 
officers who drew up the resolutions about 
public prayers for the restoration of 
Pompey’s health declare that they were 
under the influence of fear at the time.’ 

alia} With some hesitation we adopt 
the correction of Lambinus for the mss. 
reading ea, It possibly occurred by 


al being written above ia, thus, ia, and 
the next copyist finding ia naturally 
altered to ea. It is also possible, as we 
suggested in our former edition, that ea 
stands for νέας. But Cicero does not use 
νέος elsewhere: and aliaegue certainly 
suggests alia in the previous clause. 
Dr. Reid suggests sera, Φ; Liv. xxv, 

She 8, 


360. CICERO TO ATTICUS (Art. 1x. 6). 

FORMIAE; MARCH 11; A. U. C. 705; B. C. 493 AKT. CIC. 57. 

M. Cicero Attico cum alia nuntiat tum significat se, postquam acceperit Pompeium ~ 
et consules Italia exisse, summo dolore confici quod non una tramiserit, et petit δ 

Attico ut aliquam sibi eius rei consolationem adferat. 


11 Nos adhuc Brundisio nihil. Roma scripsit Balbus. putare 
iam Lentulum consulem tramisisse nec eum a minore Balbo con- 
ventum, quod is hoe iam Canusi audisset, inde ad se eum scripsisse: 
cohortesque sex quae Albae fuissent ad Curium via Minucia 
transisse ; id Caesarem ad se scripsisse et brevi tempore eum ad 
urbem ἐπα τῶν Ergo utar tuo consilio neque me Arpinum hoe 
tempore abdam, etsi, Ciceroni meo togam puram quom dare Arpini 
vellem, hance eram ipsam excusationem relicturus ad Caesarem. 
Sed fortasse in eo ipso offendetur cur non Romae potiusP Ac 
tamen, si est conveniendus, hic potissimum. ‘lum reliqua videbi- 
mus, id est et quo et qua et quando. 2. Domitius, ut audio, in 
Cosano est et quidem, ut aiunt, paratus ad navigandum: si in 

Hispaniam, non probo: si ad Gnaeum, laudo: quovis potius certe | 

quam ut Curtium videat, quem ego patronus aspicere non possum. 

EP,.860 (ATT. 1X.-6). | 

1. Roma seripsit . . . ad urbem futu- 
rum] ‘ Balbus, writing from Rome, tells 
me that he thinks Lentulus has crossed 
the sea to Pompey, and that he has not 
had an interview with (his nephew) 
Balbus, because the. latter. had already 
heard of the fact at Canusium, and that 
his nephew had written to: him "from that 
‘town. He adds that the six cohorts which 
‘had been at Alba (Fucentia) had joined 
Curius by the Minucian road, that Caesar 
had written to him to ‘that’ effect, and 
‘would soon be ‘at Rome.’ Some editors 
‘insert sé after ‘putar e, but such omissions 
are not unusual in the letters. For the 
Minucian road, see on 352. 2. The ellipse 
of via is common, especially with Appia, 
as in Att. ii. 2 (37); 352 fin. ; 
367. 1. 

Arpinum abdam] accusative of motion 
‘go and bury myself in Arpinum.’ 

ad Caesarem| There is no necessity to 

alter to apud. Both these prepositions 

can be used after excusare: tp. note to 

Att. xi. 14. 1 (646). For ad cp. Att. xii 

29.1 (565) excusatio ad Brutum. 

cur non Romae potius] ‘but perhaps 
this will give offence, (and the question 
will be asked) why should not this cere- 

mony be performed at Rome ? ’. 

et quo et qua et quando] sc. iturus sim, 

‘whither I am to go, by what route, and 

at what time.’ 
2.°in. Cosano] 364. 3. 
coast-town in Etruria. 
Curtium videat] 
anywhere than to have to see Curtius 

Cosa was a 

(not to mention others), whom I, though i 

‘It is better to go ' 


que simus. . 

 secum habuit. 

_ uxoribus et liberis. 


1088 transiit. 

_ ardeo dolore, 

I befriended him, cannot bear to look on.’ 
_ Cicero had gained for Curtius a tribunatus 
_ militum from Caesar, Ὁ. Fr. iii. 1. 10 
᾿ (148); ep. 356. 3. Hence Cicero calls 
himself the patronus of Curtius. 

* Quid alios| sc. dicam: ep. guid multa ? 
_ += coarguamus| ‘expose’: cp. Acad. i. 
_ 18 erroremgue eorum. . coarguit. Fam. 
- iii. 8. 7 (222) non nostram is perfidiam 
_ coarguit sed indicat suam. 

7 rem conventuram] ‘an arrangement 
- would be come to’: cp. Phil. i. 8. 

_ 8. hoe exemplo| Boot expiains this to 
_ mean ‘ to the following purport.’ But an 
- examination of the places where the 
_ eXpressions uno exemplo, eodem exemplo 
_ occur, shows that the meaning of them is 
_ ‘that the two letters referred to were 
_ duplicates, and not merely of the same 
' tenor’: see 472.1; Fam. x. 5. 1 (810) 

same tenor], and especially 495. 1, which 
_ last clearly proves that letters written uno 
᾿ς exemplo were duplicates. Hence we think 
that hoc exemplo here and in 374. 1, means 
᾿ς *of which this is a copy.’ 

_  Pompeius mare transiit] This was a 
_ false rumour, for this letter of Cicero's 
Was written on March 11. Now we learn 

EP. 360 (ATT. IX..6). 

_ Ex ea die fuere septemtriones venti. 
_ omnis aut praecidisse aut incendisse dicunt.’ De hac re litterae 
L. Metello tribuno pl. Capuam adlatae sunt a Clodia socru, quae 
4. Ante sollicitus eram et. angebar, sicut res seilicet 
ipsa cogebat, cum consilio explicare nihil possem; nune autem, 
- postquam Pompeius et consules ex Italia exierunt, non angor sed 

Be {where we erroneously translated ‘ of the. 


_ Quid alios ? Sed, opinor, quiescamus, ne nostram culpam coargu- 
| amus qui, dum urbem, id est patriam, amamus dumque rem 
 conventuram putamus, ita nos gessimus ut plane interclusi capti- 

τ, 8, Seripta iam epistula Capua. litterae sunt adlatae hoe ex- 
_emplo: ‘Pompeius mare transiit cum omnibus militibus quos 
Hic numerus est hominum milia xxx et consules 
_ duo et tribuni pl. et senatores qui fuerunt cum eo omnes cum 
Conscendisse dicitur a. d. 111 Nonas Martias. 

Navis quibus usus non est 

οὐδέ μοι TOP 
ἔμπεδον, ἀλλ᾽ ἀλαλύκτημαι.. . . 

from Ep. 878 that Pompey did not leave 
Italy till March 17. The rumour was 
partly corrected in 364. 2 ; also in 367. 3 ; 
368. 1. 

tribuni| One of these was probably 
C. Cassius, who afterwards conspired 
against Caesar. He was certainly on 
Pompey’s staff early in February: ep. 

septemtriones| Northerly winds would 
be favourable for a vovage from Brun- 
disium to Greece. 

praecidisse| ‘disabled,’ by cutting 
away the fore parts, and so rendering 
them useless to the enemy. But we think 
it probable that percidisse, ‘ smashed,’ is 
the right reading. The words are some- 
times confused: cp. Plaut. Cas. 404 ᾿ 
(praecide), where Turnebus alters to per- 
cide: cp. Pers. 283 (perciderim). 

LI. Metello] He was the tribune who 
in April forbade Caesar to seize the 
money in the Treasury. 
 Clodia} 364. 2. Drumann (ed. Groebe 
ii.? 47) thinks this may have been the 
notorious Clodia, but it is doubtful. 

4. ἀλαλύκτημαι] Hom. 1]. x. 94, ‘I 
am’ distracted,’ connected with ἀλύω, as 
ὑλακτέω with bAdw. "6. τ᾿ 

138 EP. 360 (ATT. IX. .6), 

Non sum, inquam, mihi crede, mentis compos, tantum mihi dede-’ 

coris admisisse videor. Mene non primum cum Pompeio quali- 

cumque consilio usus est, deinde cum bonis esse quamvis causa 

temere instituta ? praesertim cum ii ipsi quorum ego causa timi-) — 

dius me fortunae committebam, uxor, filia, Cicerones pueri, me 
illud sequi mallent, hoe turpe et me indignum putarent.: Nam 
Quintus quidem frater quidquid mihi placeret id rectum se putare 
aiebat, id animo aequissimo sequebatur. 
« primo lego. Hae me paullum recreant. 
rogant ne me proiciam. 

Primae monent et: 
Proximae gaudere te ostendunt me 
Eas cum lego minus mihi turpis videor, sed tam diu 
dum lego: deinde emergit rursum dolor et αἰσχροῦ φαντασία. 
Quam ob rem obsecro te, mi Tite, eripe mihi hune dolorem aut 
minue saltem aut consolatione aut consilio aut quacumque re potes, 
Quid tu autem possis? aut quid homo quisquam ? vix iam deus. 
6. Equidem illud molior quod tu mones sperasque fieri posse, ut 
mihi Caesar concedat ut absim cum aliquid in senatu contra 
Gnaeum agatur. Sed timeo ne non impetrem. Venit ab eo 
Furnius. Ut quidem scias quos sequamur, ὦ. Titini filium cum 

Non sum, inguam, mentis compos | A 
rough translation of the Greek quotation : 
cp. multa, inquam, mala cum dixisset, 

vie iam deus| sc. posset aliquid. 
6. cum aliquid ...agatur| 356.1. 
Ut quidem scias| ‘to give you an idea 

5. Tuas nune epistulas — 

336. 1. and note. 

illud| sc. cum Pompeio fuisse. 

hoc| sc. domt mansisse. 

Δα] (1 do not mention Quintus), 
‘ for he acquiesced in the course | should 
prefer, whatever it might be.’ 

5. a@ primo] ‘from the very begin- 
ning’: ep. Att. xvi. 7. 4 (783) Utinam 
a primo ita tibi esset visum; 342. ὃ hoe 
a primo cogitavit; Phil. ii. 75; Tuse. i. 
54; Fin. iii. 32, iv. 32; Rep. ii. 45, vi. 
27; Plaut. Most. 824; Ter. Phorm 604. 
We would perhaps say ab initio; he 
means ‘from the beginning of our cor- 
respondence touching this point.’ ‘The 
change to @ prima is unnecessary. . 

ne me proiciam| ‘not to rush into 
danger’: cp. 368, 8. 

dolor et αἰσχροῦ φαντασία] ‘My 
affliction and the vision of disgrace.’ 
Cicero was deeply depressed. The word 
dolor occurs many times in this letter. 

eripe mihi hune dolorem] ep. ‘ Pluck 
from the memory a. rooted sorrow.’— 
Macbeth, v. 3. 41. 

as to the sort of people I am following, 
let me tell you that Furnius (357) re- 
ports that the son of Titinius is with 
Caesar (864. 1), dut that Caesar expresses. 
obligations to me more than I care for.’ 
Cicero gives the pros and cons of the 
question; pro is Caesar’s courtesy ; con- 
trw that he should have with him such 
creatures as the son of Titinius. Thus 
can sed be explained, of which Boot 
writes ‘ defendi non potest.’ It might. be 
defended also by reading Sed illum .... 
quam vellem ! and interpreting the passage: 
differently, thus: ‘To give you an idea 
what kind our leader is, Furnius reports 
that he has the son of Titinius with him. 
But to think of Caesar’s expressing such 
gratitude to me, more even than | care 
for!’ For the exclamatory infinitive cp. 
me... copias ad eum adducere, 364, 3. 

The ‘son of Titinius’ appears to have 

been a ‘litinius who was adopted by a 








Pontius, as he is called Pontius Titinianus 

in 377.2. : 4 

i ine 

VES hae 


EP. 360 (ATT. IX. 6). 139 

Caesare esse nuntiat, sed illum maiores mihi gratias agere quam 
vellem. Quid autem me roget, paucis ille quidem verbis sed ἐν 
δυνάμει, cognosce ex ipsius epistula. Me miserum quod tu non 
valuisti! Una fuissemus, consilium certe non defuisset ; 

, δύ᾽ Sata , : 
συν TE OV ἐρχομένω. eile ce 

Sed acta ne agamus, reliqua paremus. 7. Me adhuc haec duo 
fefellerunt, initio spes compositionis, qua facta volebam uti popu- 
lari vita, sollicitudine senectutem nostram liberare ; deinde bellum 
crudele et exitiosum suscipi a Pompeio intellegebam. Melioris 
medius fidius civis et viri putabam quovis supplicio adfici quam 

ΠῚ crudelitati non solum praeesse verum etiam interesse. 
tur vel mori satius fuisse quam esse cum his. 
cogita, mi Attice, vel potius excogita. 

feram quam hune dolorem. 

ἐν δυνάμει) ‘authoritatively.’ The 
construction seems to be ἐν δυνάμει dv, 
‘as now in authority.’ This is Caesar’s 
request in Ep. 357, that Cicero should 
meet him at Rome. 

non valuisti] Atticus was suffering 
from fever ; cp. 359. 1 note. 

Una ,.. defuisset] (If you had been 
well) ‘we should have met, and a plan 
would of a surety not have failed to pre- 
sent itself.’ It is not necessary to take 
una fuissemus as § suppose we had been 
together,’ virtually that we should sup- 
pose it a protasis without si, as in the 
celebrated passage in Off. ili. 75, At 
dares hance: vim M. Crasso .. . in foro 
saltaret: cp. Verg. Aen. vi. 31; Hor, 
Sat. i. 3.15; Roby 1552, 1554, a con- 
struction fairly common in Ovid. 

Σύν τε δύ᾽ ἐρχομένω] καί τε πρὸ ὃ 
τοῦ ἐνόησεν, “Onmws κέρδος ἔῃ, Hom. Il. 

ie x, 224. These are the words which in 

Cicero’s letters take the place of our 
proverb ‘two heads are better than one.’ 
acta ne agamus| 376. 3, a phrase 

Ad haec igitur 
Quemvis eventum fortius 

common in the comic drama, e.g. Ter. 
Phorm. 419. It was an old proverb, 
Lael. 85. Cp. also puerum perditum 
perdamus, Fam. xiv. 1. 5 (82). 

7. uti populari vita] ‘The editors take 
this to mean ‘the life of a private 
(ordinary) citizen.’ Itis possible that we 
should read via: cp. Att. i. 20. 3 (26) me 
hane viam optimatem . . . tenere; Catil. 
iv. 9 hane is (Caesar) in republica viam 
quae popularis habetur secutus est: and in 
Att. ii. 19. 3 (46) we should read Utor 
via <populari>. Populi sensus, &e. 
Cicero means that he would acquiesce in 
a democratic régime, if peace could be 
secured. For wti=‘to put up with, 
acquiesce in,’ cp. Hor. Ep. i. 6. 67 si 
quid novistt rectius istis, Candidus im- 
pertt, si non, his utere mecum. 

liberare| so Wes.: see Adn, Crit. 

non solum praeesse | “1 will not say take 
a leading part, but take any part at all.’ 

cogita ... excogita| cp. 802. 4 rem a 
me non insipienter excogitatam ne cogitatam 
quidem putas, 

140 EP. 861 (ATT. IX. 4). 

861. CICERO TO ATTICUS. (Arr. xx. 4). 

FORMIAE ; MARCH 12, A.U.C. 705; B.C. 49 » AET. CIC. 57. 

7 @ 0 ὃ @ 

M. Cicero Attico significat θέσεις quibus animum hoc tempore ab aegritudine 
parumper abducere studet. | 


1. Kgo-etsi tam diu requiesco quam diu aut ad te scribo aut 
tuas litteras lego, tamen et ipse egeo argumento epistularum οἵ 
(101 idem accidere certo scio. Quae enim soluto animo familiariter 
scribi solent ea temporibus his excluduntur, quae autem sunt 
horum temporum ea iam contrivimus. -Sed tamen, ne me totum 
aegritudini dedam, sumpsi mihi quasdam tamquam θέσεις quae 
et πολιτικαὶ sunt et temporum horum, ut et abducam animum ab 
querelis et in eo ipso de quo agitur exercear. Hae sunt huius 

ὦ. Ei μενετέον ἐν τῇ πατρίδι τυραννουμένης αὐτῆς ; Εἰ παντὶ 

’ : Ψ ᾿ , , Ἅ 7 \ rae 
TPOT@ τυραννίδος κατάλυσιν 7 PAYUATEVTEOY, Kav μέλλῃ διὰ TOUTO 
περὶ τῶν ὅλων ἡ πόλις κινδυνεύσειν, ἢ εὐλα[ϑητέον τὸν καταλύοντα 
μὴ αὐτὸς αἴρηται; Ei πειρατέον ἀρήγειν τῇ πατρίδι τυραννουμένῃ 
καιρῷ καὶ λόγῳ μᾶλλον ἢ πολέμῳ; Εἰ πολιτικὸν τὸ ἡσυχάζειν 
ἀναχωρήσαντά ποι τῆς πατρίδος τυραννουμένης, ἢ διὰ παντὸς ἰτέον 

δ ~ > , , > , 2 , ϑ / ‘ 
κινδύνου THC ἐλευθερίας πέρι; Εἰ πόλεμον ETAKTEOV Τῇ χωρᾳ Kat 

77 , ὡς , , \ SS , Ἀ ὃ Ν 

πολιορκητέον αὐτὴν τυραννουμένην ; Εἰ καὶ μὴ δοκιμάζοντα τὴν διὰ 

2. τυραννουμένης αὐτῆς] “ See 
Adn. Crit. ἡ 

ἢ εὐλαβητέον) ‘or must we be 
on our guard against the overthrower of 

1. quae autem sunt horum temporuin | 
‘topics connected with the present crisis 
we have already worn threadbare’ (Shuck- 
burgh). Conterere is the word used for 

‘to thumb’ a book, Fam. ix. 25. 1 (246). 

θέσεις] Cic. Top. 79 explains θέσις 
to be the discussion of a general principle, 
ὑπόθεσις being the discussion of a par- 
ticular case. Definitum est, quod ὑπόθεσιν 
Graeci, nos causam: infinitum, quod 
θέσιν illi appellant, nos propositum 
possumus nominare. 

πολιτικαί] see on Fam. vill. 1. 5 
(192). The word should no more be given 
in Latin characters than θέσεις, which in 
’ M appears as thesis. 

the despotism, to prevent his effecting his 
own elevation?’ Here, and again before 
διὰ παντὸς and ἐφετέον, we have followed 
Wesenberg in ‘correcting εἰ to ἢ, distinct 
alternatives being in these Cases pro- 

πόλεμον éwmaktéov] The accusative 
is governed by the verbal, as κατάλυσιν 
by πραγματευτέον, above. Boot strangely 
reads πόλεμος ἐπακτέος, adding “ accusa- 
tivi causam non intellego.’ 

‘EP. 362 (ATT. IX. 7). 141 
πολέμου κατάλυσιν τῆς τυραννίδος. ; συναπογραπτέόν᾽ ὅμως τοῖς 
ἀρίστοις ; Εἰ τοῖς εὐεργέταις καὶ φίλοις συγκινδυνεὑτέον “ἐν τοῖς 
i πολιτικοῖς, κἂν μὴ δοκῶσιν, εὖ βεβουλεῦσθαι περὶ τῶν ὅλων EES 
᾿ ; 'μεγάλα τὴν πατρίδα εὐεργετήσας Of αὐτό τὲ τοῦτο ἀνήκεστα παθών 
᾿ καὶ φθονηθείς κινδυνεύσειεν a ἂν ἐθελοντὴς ὑπὲρ τῆς Ξατρίδὰς; ἢ 

τὰ ἐφετέον me ἑαυτοῦ ποτε καὶ "τῶν οἰκειοτάτων ποιεῖσθαι Apes 

ἀφεμένῳ τὰς πρὸς τοὺς ἰσχύοντας διαπολιτείας ; 

3. In his ego me consulationibus exercens et disserens in 
utramque partem tum Graece tum Latine et abduco parumper 
animum a molestiis et τῶν προὔργου τι delibero. Sed vereor ne 
tibi ἄκαιρος sim. Si enim recte ambulavit is qui hance epistulam 
tulit in ipsum tuum diem incidit. | eat 

362, CICERO: TO ATTICUS (Ars, rx. 7). 
FORMIAE; MARCH ΤΑ Oe har ki 8. Ὁ, 493 ABET. CIC. 57. 

M. Cicero Attico gratias agit de litteris uberioribus ad se datis, quibus se ait 
aegritudine levatum esse eiusque consilio se velle obtemperare quo ei suadet ut a 
Caesare petat ut sibi idem Pompeio quod ipsi tribuere liceat. Sin id ei Caesar non 
concedat, pacificationem vult suscipere et quantum fieri potest abesse a partium studio: 
et negotiis publicis. Petit ut Atticus etiam si desit argumentum ad se scribat. 


1. Scripseram ad te epistulam quam darem 1111 Idus, sed eo 
die is cui dare volueram non est profectus. Venit autem eo ipso 
die ille ‘celeripes,’ ane Salvius dixerat : attulit uberrimas tuas 

συναπογραπτέο» ‘may te baile 
among.’ This verbal adjective differs 
slightly from the others in this respect, 
that it stands for συναπογράφεσθαι δεῖ, 
not for συναπογράφειν δεῖ. 

ἐφετέον) ‘may he be permitted to 
take thought for himself and the dear 
ones, giving up political struggles with 
powerful opponents.’ : 
- 8. τῶν προὔργου τι] ‘I debate on 
matters of important moment’: cp. de 
quo agitur (§ 1). 

“ἄκα “po Πα lie troublesome,’ ‘ unseason- 
able.’ ‘We think of the ἄκαιρος. in 
Theophrastus ix (xii) who was the sort of 

person ἀκηκοότας καὶ μεμαθηκότας ἀνίσ: 
τασθαι ἐξ ἀρχῆς διδασκων. Cp. Cicero’s 
own portrait of the ineptus, De Orat. ii. 

17; cp. i. 221, ‘where it means: ‘a 
pedant.’ . 
ambulavit]) ‘has travelled’: ‘ep. 

Att. vii. 1. 1. (284) ut philosophi ambulant, 

‘It is a word of ordinary life, which, like 

vado, came’simply to mean ‘ to go.” 
tuum diem | cp. note to 359. 1. 

1. celeripes] ep. Ribbeck Trag. ine. 218 
rapite agite ruite celeripedes. This lettér- 
carrier was very slow, as he appears to 
have received this letter on‘ the’ 9th 

142 EP. 869: (ATT. IX. ἢ. 

litteras quae mihi ‘quiddam’ quasi ‘animulae instillarunt ’ Te- 
creatum enim me non queo dicere. Sed plane τὸ συνέχον offecisti 
Ego enim non iam id ago, mihi crede, ut prosperos exitus. conse- 
umquam rem publicam habituros. 
iam nec ullam acerbitatem recuso. Unum illud extimescebam, 
ne quid turpiter facerem vel dicam iam ne fecissem. 2. Sie ergo 
habeto, salutaris te mihi litteras misisse, neque solum has longiores 
quibus nihil potest esse explicatius, nihil perfectius, sed etiam 
illas breviores in quibus hoc mihi iucundissimum fuit, consilium 
factumque nostrum a Sexto probari, pergratumque mihi tu fecisti 

Ita neque de otio nostro. spero 

Sic enim video nec: duobus his vivis nec. hoe. uno nos — 

. . . a quo et diligi me et quid rectum sit intellegi scio. 

(365. 10), and did not deliver it till the 
12th, while 15 or 2 days sufficed to reach 
Formiae from Rome. But it is strange 
that Cicero should use this ironical nick- 
name for a ‘slow-coach,’ and we are 
disposed to agree with the view kindly 
communicated to us by Dr. Reid, that the 
word is here a corruption of Callippides, 
the proverbial ‘slow-coach’ (Suet. ΤΙ. 
38). This passage would then be exactly 
like Att. xiii. 12, 2 (66), where Cicero 
calls Varro Καλλιππίδης (see our note on 
that passage in ed. 2). If here, as there, 
the word was written in Greek letters, 
celeripes may have been an attempted 
transliteration or explanation of Καλλιπ- 
πίδης, and have usurped its place in the 
text. It is difficult to say whether or 
not allusion is made to the tragic actor 
Callippides, who lived in the time of 
Alcibiades and Agesilaus, and who was 
notorious for giving himself airs (Aristotle, 
Poetics 26 (1461 b. 35); Plut. Alc. 22, 
Ages. 21: ep. Kock, Frag. Aristoph. 
No. 474, who quotes many other places 
in which he is mentioned). 

Salvius] a literary slave of Atticus: cp. 
537.1; Att. xiii. 44. 3 (646); xvi, 2. 
6 1772); Q. Fr. lil. 2. 1 (150). 

instillarunt| ‘put just a drop of life 
into me.’ The words possibly belong to 
some play; if so, guiddam should be 
included in. the quotation. For instillare 
cp. De Sen. 36; Hor. Ep. i. 8. 16. 

τὸ συνέ ἰκξον] This certainly does not 
mean * the uext best thing,’ as Manutius 
explains it. The meaning is ‘the im- 
portant thing,’ ‘the thing of chief 
moment.’ In Polybius (e.g. vili. 4. ὃ ; 
xviii. 9. 3) and other writers of Hellen- 


istic Greek τὸ συνέχον always means ‘ the 
chief point, chief reason for, chief means 
of’; the verb may often be translated by 
‘keystone,’ as when Aristotle, Pol. ii 
1270 b 17, says of the Ephoralty, that it is 
the keystone (συνέχει) of the constitution. 
‘ The next best thing’ would be τὸ ἐχόμε- 
νον. The‘ really important ἡ benefit which 
Atticus had conferred on Cicero was to 
teach him that a happy ending to the 
whole business was no longer possible, 
and that «all hopes for it might be dis- 
missed—the Republic was now a memory, 
not a hope. 
recuso | 

vel dicam} ‘or perhaps I should say’ 
see Madv. on Fin. i. 10, and cp. ἘΝ 
486.3, a plerisque vel dicam ab omnibus; 
Phil. ii. 30, stuporem hominis. vel dicam 
pecudis attendite: Brut. 207. 

2. explicatius, nihil perfectius | 
clear and complete.’ 

illas breviores| written on March 9 
(365. 10). 

Sexto| Sextus Peducaeus, a very par- 
ticular friend of Atticus: cp. Drumann 
v*, p. 80, ed. Groebe. Cicero valued his 
opinion highly, 365. 10; Att. xv. 13.3 
(794), addidisti Peducaei auctoritatem, 
magnam quidem apud me et in primis 

a quo et diligi] ‘of whose affection 
and keen sense of honour I am always 
sure’ (Jeans). But it is nearly certain 
that the text here has suffered a lacuna, 
for a quo should naturally refer to Pedu- 
caeus, not to Atticus, about whom he 
would not here use words which would 
be just as appropriate in any other letter. 

‘refuse to contemplate as pos- 


TSS Sete Ban vee eee aS eae eee 

So nee 

evavit. : 

fidero, devitatum se a me putet. 

Προ quid oneris imponam, 


~ umquam minus obscure tulit. 

Lehmann (pp. 48-50) would read pergra- 
tumque mihi fecisti <quod me de eius 
 tudicio certiorem fecist a quo; the verb 
BS focisti occurring twice, all the words be- 
- tween the two fell out by corruptio ex 
‘a homoeoteleuto. For fecisti... fecisti, cp. 
| fecisti. .. fecisti, 410; ; feceris .. . feceris, 
᾿ 380, Fam. xiii, 64. 1 ( (235). 

᾿ς ἀπάντησις“ mea| ‘lest my welcoming 

him (352. 2) at the city should excite 

3 notice.’ 

4 3. idem tribuam Pompeio| ‘show the 
_ same regard for Pompey tnat I did for 

Shim,’ i.e., not take up arms against him. 

bi Note the three clauses beginning with wt, 
_ each subordinate to the preceding. 
quo modo in] see on 346. 3. 

hoc | permission not to oppose Pompey. 

illud πολίτευμα de pace, me| ‘that I 
should take up the other policy, the peace 

_ periculum) cp. 354. 2. 

honestissimo depecisci| ‘compound by 
taking the most respectable ’ (Jeans) ; ‘ to 
_ close the bargain with the most honour- 
| able,’ ‘settle the matter by choosing the 
- most honourable’ (Shuckburgh), that is, 
‘escape other dangers by voluntarily ex- 
posing myself to that danger which in- 
volves least personal humiliation’: cp. 
_ Ter. Phorm. 166, depeciset morte cupio: 
pa err. i iii. 60 ad condicionem eius depectus 

EP.362 (ATT. IX: 7). 


yero tua epistula, non. me solum sed. meos omnis. aegritudine 
Itaque utar tuo consilio et ero in Formiano, ne. aut ad 
urbem ἀπάντησις Mea Animadvertatur aut, si nec hie nec illic: eum 

3. Quod autem suades ut ab eo 

etam ut mihi concedat ut idem tribuam Pompeio quod ipsi 
tribuerim, id me iam pridem agere intelleges ex litteris Balbi et 
0; opi quarum exempla tibi misi. 
gana mente scriptas quo modo in tanta insania. 
be hoc non concedat, video tibi placere illud me πολίτευμα de pace 
᾿ suscipere ; ἸΏ quo non -extimesco periculum—cum enim tot impen- 
 deant, cur non honestissimo depecisci velim ?—Sed vereor ne 

Misi etiam Caesaris ad: eos 
Sin mihi Caesar 

μῆ μοι γοργείην κεφαλὴν δεινοῖο πελώρου 

Mirandum enim in modum Gnaeus noster Sullani 
 regni similitudinem concupivit. 

Εἰδώς σοι λέγω. Nihil ille 

‘Cum hocne igitur’ inquies ‘ esse 


est. We think of Verg. Aen. v. 
vitamgue volunt pro laude paciser. 
is an ablative of price. 

Sed vereor ne| ‘I fear I may embarrass 
Pompey, and be gorgonised by the glare 
οὗ his angry eye.’ He quotes Hom. Od. 
xi. 633, where Odysseus expresses his 
fear lest he should be horrified by the 
apparition of some dreadful shape sent by 
Persephone to appal him, just as the 
friends οἵ Hamlet are alarmed lest the 
ghost should ‘assume some other horrible 
form.’ Theembarrassment which Cicero 
thinks he might cause Pompey is the | 
necessity which a peace would bring 
about of breaking his promises to his fol- 
lowers, whom he had encouraged w ith the 
pr ospect of a proscription like that of Sulla. 

Sullani regni| 388, 1, sin autem vincit 
(Pompeius) Sullano more exemploqgue 
vincet; 342. 2, genus iliud Sullani regni 
iampridem appetitur ; 365. 6, ita sullaturit 
animus eius : op. also Lucan i. 326, e¢ docilis 
Sullam seeleris vicisse magistrum ; ib. 330, 
Sie et Sullanum solito tibi lambere ferrum 
durat, Magne, sitis. He was expected to 
follow in the footsteps of his master 
Sulla, tuws Sulla, Lucan i, 335. 

Nihil. .. minus obscure tulit] ‘he made 
no secret’ of his intention to revive the 
Sullan proscriptions. 

Cum hocne| sc. cum Pompeio, 


BP, 362 (ATT. IX. 7). 

vis?’ Beneficium sequor, mihi crede, non causam, ut in Milone; 
ut in... Sed hactenus. 4. ‘Causa igitur non bona. est ie 
Immo optima, sed agetur, memento, foedissime.. Primum cons | 
silium est suffocare urbem et Italiam fame, deinde agros vastare, Ἷ 
urere, pecuniis locupletum non abstinere. Sed cum eadem metuam 4 
ab hae parte, si illim beneficium non sit, rectius _putem quidvis 1 

domi perpeti. 

iusta defensio est explicata. | 

quidem totum facile et libenter abiecero. 
dum agamus ὁ πλόος ὡραῖος obrepat.’. 
Est firmior etiam quam putabamus. 

Promitto tibi, si valebit, tegulam illum in 
‘Tene igitur socio?’ 

ille erit firmus. 
licet bene speres. 
Italia nullam relicturum. 

Sed ita meruisse illum de me puto ut ἀχαριστίας 
crimen subire non audeam. Quamquam a te eius quoque rel 
8. De triumpho tibi adsentior, quem > 

Egregie probo ‘ fore ut 
Si modo, inquis, satis, 
De isto 

Contra meher- 

cule meum iudicium et contra omnium antiquorum auctoritatem, 
nec tam ut illa adiuvem quam ut haec ne videam cupio discedere, 

Beneficium] cp. 328. 4; 356. 2; 359. ὃ 
and often: cp. ὁ 4 ἀχαριστίας. 

ut in Milone ut nm... Sed hactenus} 
This is usually considered a gloss; but 
we fail to see why it is thought so. 
O. E. Schmidt (p. 149) says rightly that 
Milo’s case was not a good one, it was 
plain homicide, and Cicero defended him 
because Milo was an opponent ot his arch- 
enemy, Clodius. Cicero seems generally 
to add haec before hactenus, but not 
always : cp. Att. v. 13. 1 (203): xiii. 9.1 
(623) : xiv. 17.-2 (724). 

4. memento] parenthetical : 
of scio by Balbus in 346. ὃ; 

suffocare . . . fame] ‘to take Rome 
and Italy by the throat, and starve them’ 
(Jeans). For. suffocare, 
stifle,’ cp. Lucr. 111. 891 dut in medle 
situm suffocari atque rigere frigore. 

ab hac parte] ‘on Caesar’s side’ ; ildim, 
‘on Pompey’s. side.’ 

domi] ‘ while remaining at Rome.’ 
For domus = oma, see Lehmann, pp. 
73 ff. Orit might be simply .‘ at home,’ 
i.e. in Italy, in opposition to following 
Pompey across the sea. 

defensio| cp. eccusatio 360. 1, 

5. quem... abiecero] ‘the whole of 
that project indeed I readily and gladly 
cast aside,’ 

Sore. ut . 

cp. the use 

. obrepat| ‘I like greatly 

your suggestion, that while I am negoti- 

ating a favourable chance to sail may 

tui up unexpectedly 

‘to strangle or 

>: ep. Anth. Pal. 
x. 1, quoted in the note to 376. ὃ. 

ayamus] So M, which O, E. Schmidt’ 

retains (22h. Mus.(1897),p. 149): ep. § 3 id 
me tam pridem agere intelliges, “ while lam 
negotiating.’ The difficulty in this inter- 

pretation is that we should expect some 

accusative after agere; but the absolute 
use may perhaps be justified by the many 
passages in which agere = ‘ to.act,’ e.g. 
Petit. Cons. 26, ex animo agere; Arch. 8, 
non solum interfuisse sed agisse. Mala- 
spina altered to vagamur ; but, as Schmidt 
points out, Cicero at this time was deter- 
mined to remain at Formiae (§ 2 fin.). 
De isto} ‘on that point’. viz. on 
Pompey’s being tirm and resolute. So 
Boot, perhaps rightly. 
masculine, and refer it to Pompey. . But 
it is unlikely that Cicero would use iste 

when he had used ἐξέ just before, and — 

illum just after when referring to Pompey. 
Tene igitur socio ?] ‘is it with you for 

an ally ?’? Prof. Housman (who has kindly — 

communicated his view to us) thinks that 

the word tene should be brought to -the — 

ue of a corrupt passage in Att. xvi. 7,, 

3 (783), 
tene agitur, qui εὐθανασίαν, tene relingnnre 
patriam ! 

_ haee ne videam) hace is the see: 

of the Caesareans, in contrast to ila, that 
of the Fomperians for videam cp. 359.1. 


Others tuke it, 

which he would emend:thus:, — 



EP. 362 (ATT. IX. 7). 

“Noli enim putare tolerabilis horum insanias nec unius modi fore. 
‘Etsi quid te horum fugit?  Legibus, iudiciis, senatu sublato 
- libidines, audacias, sumptus, egestates tot egentissimorum hominum 
Ἵ nec privatas posse res nec rem publicam sustinere. Abeamus igitur 
inde qualibet navigatione, etsi id quidem ut tibi videbitur, sed 
gerte abeamus. Sciemus enim, id quod exspectas, quid Brundisi 
-actum sit. 6. Bonis viris quod ais probari quae adhue fecerimus 
‘seirique ab iis mos profectos, valde gaudeo, si est nunc ullus 
gaudendi locus. De Lentulo investigabo diligentius: id mandavi 
Philotimo, homini forti ac nimium optimati. 7. Extremum est 
ot tibi argumentum ad scribendum fortasse iam desit—nec enim 
alia de re nune ulla scribi potest, et de hac quid iam amplius 
nveniri potest ?—sed (quoniam et ingenium suppeditat—dico 
mehercule ut sentio—et amor quo et meum ingenium incitatur), 
perge, ut facis, et scribe quantum potes. In Epirum quod menon 
invitas, comitem non molestum, subirascor, sed vale. Nam ut tibi 
ambulandum, ungendum, sic mihi dormiendum. LEtenim litterae 

tuae mihi somnum attulerunt. 

_ imsanias| A nearly exhaustive list of 
abstract substantives used by Cicero in thé 
as is given by Lebreton, pp. 421-427. 
or insaniae he quotes Verr. ii. 35; v. 47 : 
for audaciae Verr. iii. 208. For other ex- 
amples cp. next clause. See also I°, p. 79. 
__—sustinere| ‘hold up against,’ that is, 
‘be enough to satisfy.’ Sustinere ut (354. 
1) is ‘to endure the shock (disgrace) 
of’: privatas res nec rem p. are the sub- 
jects of the verbs posse sustinere. 
Abeamus . . . abeamus| “ Let us sail 
away, then, any way we can—though 
_ that too shall be as you decide—but at 
_ any rate let us away.’ 
Sciemus .... actum sit| ‘For we 
all know what has happened at Brun- 
sium, which is what you are waiting 
for.’ This means that before arrangements 
¢an be made for my departure we shall 
now of events at Brundisium. Wes. 
wishes to add iam after enim. If addition 
necessary, it would be better to add 
14 (= Idibus). 
6. nimium optimati| He expressed very 
‘Sanguine views of the chances of the 
ptimates: cp. 321. 1; 393. 1, Adventus 
Philotimi—at cuius hominis, quam insulsi 
_ δὲ quam saepe pro Pompeio mentientis. 


i. Extremum est] -‘ the last thing I 
have to say is.’ 

ut tibi] ‘supposing.’ After the paren- 
thesis sed as usual takes up the thread of 
the sentence, only to be broken again at 
once by another parenthesis, containing 
within itself a third. 

quoniam ... . incitatur| ‘since you 
have plenty of brains—1 really say as I 
think—and affection for me by which my 
own brains are stimulated.’ 

In Epirum quod me non invitas| This 
reproach drew forth the invitation de- 
sired: 368. 1: cp. 388. 3 fin. 

Nam ut ttbi] Atticus had probably 
made the necessity of attending to his 
doctor’s orders an excuse for the shortness 
of his letter. Cicero retorts ‘as you 
must have your exercise and anointing, 
so I must have my sleep.’ Prof. Goligher 
refers to Celsus iil. 14. 1, Si vero tertiana 
quae ex toto intermittit, aut quartana est, 
mediis diebus et ambulationibus uti oportet 
aliisque exercitationibus et unctionibus. 

somnum attulerunt| by removing to a 
great extent the anxiety which kept him 
awake: cp. 365. 1 cum me aegritudo 
somno privaret. 

146 EP. 363 (ATT. 1X. 8). 

363. CICERO TO ATTICUS (Arr. 1x. 8). 
FORMIAE 3} MARCH 14 (81); A. U. C. 7053 B.C. 493 AET. CIC. 57. 

M. Cicero respondet ad Attici epistulam de L. et A. Torquatis profectis, de Reati- 
norum corona, senatores multos esse’ Romae, Formiis putari Caesarem a. d. x1 Kal, 
Apr. adfore. 


1. Cenantibus τι Idus nobis ac noctu quidem Statius a te 
epistulam brevem attulit. De L. Torquato quod quaeris, non | 

modo Lucius sed etiam Aulus profectus est, . . . alter multos. 

De Reatinorum corona quod scribis, moleste fero in agro Sabino 

sementem -fieri proscriptionis. 
quoque audieramus. 

1. 11 1448] Pridie Idus is the usual 
expression, but 11 Jdws means exactly the 
same thing, ‘the day before the Ides,’ 
both days being included in the reckoning 
after the Roman fashion. For this use 
of 1 cp. Fam. xiv. 4. 3 (62) and note. 
Mendelssohn compares C. I. L. 12 902, 
979. In Att. vi. 8. 1 (281) M has pridie, 
but Z has 11. 

L. Torquato}| L. Manlius Torquatus was 
one of the praetors this year. At first 
he maintained that Pompey should not be 
followed in his flight from Italy (304. 4), 
but afterwards he changed his mind. Next 
year he surrendered Oricum to Caesar 
(Caes. B.C. iii. 11. 3), and later, in 46, 
was killed at Hippo Regius, in Africa, 
by Sittius (Bell. Afr. 96. 2). He was an 
Epicurean, and is introduced by Cicero 
as the exponent of that philosophy in 
Fin. i. As an Epicurean Cicero, perhaps, 
mentions him in Att. vii. 2. 4 (293), 
Lucius noster et Patron (though it is 
possible that Saufeius is there meant). 
Aulus was his cousin, and is the 
Torquatus to whom Fam. vi. 1-4 was 
addressed. Some words must have 
dropped out to the effect that one of 
them had left before the other to join 
Pompey. If alter occurred twice, the 
intervening words might have dropped 
out, and the passage might have run 
somehow thus—alter <duos aliquos dies 
abest> alter multos. Some word like 
abest is required to justify the accusative. 

Senatores multos esse Romae nos 
Kequid potes dicere cur exierint ἢ 

2, [ἴῃ 

Dr. Reid suggests ante muito for alter 
multos, and supposes no words to have 
been omitted. 

corona| ‘This is usually taken as re- 

ferring to a sale of prisoners, owing to | 

the familiar phrase sub corona venire; 
and no doubt it may be so. But perhaps. 

it may only refer to a public sale of | 
property, corona meaning ‘the crowd of | 

purchasers.” Pompey’s soldiers 
Romans, and would not be sold. 


The | 

usual explanation of sub corona venire — 

was that the captives who were being 
sold wore crowns; but cp. Gellius vi (vii) 
4. 4, who mentions another view, that 
the cerona wes the surrounding band of 
soldiers who were guarding the prisoners : 
for corona in the sense of a surrounding 
crowd cp. Mil. 2, Brut. 289, Tuse. i. 10. 
But Gellius thinks. the ordinary view of 
sub corona venireis the right one, quoting 
Cato Ut populus sua opera potius ob rem 
bene gestam coronatus supplicatum eat quam 
re male gesta coronatus veneat. 

in agro Sabino] where the true old 
manners of Rome’s best time still sur- 

sementem| ‘that the seeds of a pro- 
scription should be sown’; that is, that 
a step should be taken which would 
probably lead to a proscription. 

nos quogue] ‘I too’; Atticus had heard 
the same report. 

exierint | 

‘why did they ever leave 

EP. 364 (ATT. 1X: 9). 147 

| his locis opinio est coniectura magis quam nuntio aut litteris, 
Caesarem Formiis ἃ, ἃ. x1 Ka]. Apr. fore, Hie ego vellem habere 
-Homeri illam Minervam simulatam Mentori, cui dicerem 

89 7 4.9 8 ~ 7 nN ’ > 
Mévrop, πῶς τ᾽ ap ἴω, πῶς τ᾽ ἂρ προσπτύξομαι αὐτόν ; 

Nullam rem umquam difficiliorem cogitavi. 
nec ero, ut in malis, imparatus. 
diem tuum heri fuisse. 

Sed cogito tamen, 
Sed cura ut valeas. Puto enim 

364, OICERO TO ATTICUS (Art. 1x. 9). 

FORMIAE } MARCH 17 (ὃ 4); A. U. C. 705; B.C. 49; AKT. CIC. 67. 

M. Cicero ad tris Attici epistulas respondet de commoratione Formiana sua, de 
_ gupero mari petendo, de ante factis et delictis Pompeii obliviscendis, se θέσεις suas 
_ commentari non desinere, Attici consilia sibi minime displicere, de numero militum 
non credendo, de animo consulum, non item consilio eorum probando, quorum discessu 
spes pacis sublata sit, de bello quod iam impendeat foedissimo, de Caesare conveniendo, 
de Bibulo, de Philotimo, de Domitio, de sententia eius perversa, qui dicat comitia 
consularia a praetore haberi posse, de re frumentaria, de Trebatio a se visendo, de 
Lanuvino Phameae mortui ab Attico emendo. 


1, Tris epistulas tuas accepi postridie Idus. Erant autem 
III, 11, pridie Idus datae. Igitur antiquissimae cuique primum 
respondebo, Adsentio tibi, ut in Formiano potissimum commorer, 

2. simulatam] Μέντορι εἰδομένην. The 
verse is in Hom. Od. iii. 22, ‘How 
shall I then go forth to meet the man, 
how, Mentor, strive to greet?’ 

ut in mais | ‘as well as the hard case 

diem tuum | 
ep. 369, 1. 

‘the day of your attack’: 

1, Evant ...datae| ‘they were dated 
12th, 13th, 14th’ (of March). 
q antiquissimae cuigque primum] ‘ taking 
_ the earliest written first.’ Madv. Fin. ii. 
105, and Munro on Luer. i. 389, admir- 
ably explain Cicero’s use of. primus 
quisque, which in many passages has 
been misunderstood by editors. Briefly 
the phrase means ‘one after the other,’ 

- times, 

‘each successive thing’; e.g. primum 
guidque consideremus means ‘let us take 
the points in order’; that is, ‘let us 
consider each thing as it becomes first 
by our having done with the one before 

Adsentio| This verb is occasionally 
(cp. Att. vil. 3. 3 (294)) found in the 
active form in most writers. The 
Thesaurus says that Cicero uses adsentior 
deponent 200 times, adsentio active 11 
and cdsentior passive 7 times. 
Varro (cp. Gell. ii. 25. 9) “ Sentior’ 
nemo dicit et id per se nihil est : “ adsentior’ 
tamen Sere omnes dicunt. Sitsenna unus 
‘ adsentio’ in senatu dicebat, et eum postea 

‘multi secutt neque tamen vincere consuetu- 

dinem potuerunt. It is probable that the 


148 EP, 364 (ATT. IX. 9). 

etiam de supero mari, perlaboroque, ut antea ad te scripsi, ecquo- e 
nam modo possim voluntate eius nullam rei publicae partem 
attingere. Quod laudas quia oblivisci me scripsi ante facta et 
delicta nostri amici, ego vero ita facio. Quin ea ipsa, quae a ἴθ. 
commemorantur secus ab 60 in me ipsum facta esse, non memini; — 
tanto plus apud me valere benefici gratiam quam iniuriae dolorem — 
volo. Faciamus igitur, ut censes, colligamusque nos. Σ᾽ οφιστεύ να 
enim simul ut rus decurro, atque in decursu θέσεις meas com-— 

mentari non desino. 

few cases in which we find adsentio active 
in Cicero are due to errors of the copy- 
ists, especially in the familiar expression 
adsentior tibi. 

etiam de supero mari] ‘I also agree 
with you about the Adriatic, that I should 
make my journey by it, not by the mure 

perlaborogue| See Adn. Crit. M has 
plaboque, lens. perlabor, from which perla- 
boroque may safely be inferred, especially 
as the verb is ἅπαξ εἰρημένον, and there- 
fore greatly exposed to corruption. 
Laboro is exactly the word which Cicero 
uses in sentences like this, and we know 
how fond he is of strengthening verbs 
and adjectives with the prefix per: see 
13, p. 89. Pergaudeo Q. Fr. iii. 1, 9 (148) 
is ἅπαξ εἰρ., like perlaboro here. 

voluntate eius| “ without offending 
Caesar,’ a modal ablative of the same 
kind as pace, venia, periculo alicuius ali- 
quid facere. Nearly similar is the use of 
alicuius ductu, auspiciis, nomine, verbis 
aliquid facere. Madv. 257, Obs. 5; 
Riemann-Gédlzer, ὁ 183. 

ante facta et delicta| Pompey’s ‘past 
deeds and offences’; this must by no 
means be changed to dicta: cp. decem 
annorum peccata, 359. 2. 

ego vero | ‘yes, that is what I am 
doing.’ | 

non memini| ep. exciderunt, 359. 

colligamusque nos| ‘I must pull out 
together.’ For colligere se, cp. Att. Vii. 
3. 8 (294), Ipsi enim se collegerunt admira- 
tione integritatis meae; Clu. 51, Collegi 
me aliquando; Tuse. ‘iv. 78, Quid est 
autem se ipsum ecolligere nisi dissipatas 
animi partis rursus in suum locum cogere? 

simul ut]. ‘what time I make expedi- 

Sed sunt quaedam earum perdifficiles ad 
De optimatibus, sit sane ita ut vis, sed nosti illud 
Διονύσιος ἐν Κορίνθῳ Titini filius apud Caesarem est. 


tions into the country, and during these 
expeditions I do not cease to ponder on 
my problems.’ Cicero refers to little 
expeditions he made from Formiae into 
the country, probably short trips for the 
day only. For simul ut see Dr. Reid, 
Acad. ii. 51, and Mr. J. C. Jones in the 
‘ Archiv’ xiv. 248, referred to below (§ 4). 

De optimatibus sit sane ita ut vis] This 
would seem to refer to the θέσις in 361. 2 
εἰ Kal μὴ δοκιμάζοντα τὴν διὰ πολέμου 
κατάλυσιν τῆς τυραννίδος συναπογραπ- 
τέον ὅμως τοῖς ἀρίστοις. Cicero perhaps 
means ‘as regards this question about 
joining the Optimates let it be as you 
wish, viz. that I should for the present 
remain neutral and take no decided step 
(which was the general tenor of Atticus’s 
advice: cp. Ep. 364) ; but you know the 
proverb about Dionysius, and that if they 
conquer I shall be a nobody among them 
after having beena great ‘personage.’ Or 
sit sane ita ut vis may refer specifically to 
his statement 362. 6 Bonis viris quod ais 
probari quae adhue fecerimus .. . valde 

Διονύσιος] The story—it was a 
mere story without any real foundation— 
was that Dionysius the Younger, expelled 
by Timoleon from the throne of Syracuse, 
set up a school at Corinth. The later 
life of Dionysius was used by Greek and 
Latin writers (cp. Diod. xvi. 70; Amm. 
Mare. xiv. 11, 30, and especially Val. 
Max. vi. 9, extr. 6) as a signal instance 
of the commonplace that there are ‘ups 

and downs’ in this life; and this gives a 

very good sense to the passage. When 
Cicero again refers to this tale in Fam. 
ix. 18, 1 (478), it is to compare it with 
his own case in becoming a teacher of 



oratory after having been the king of 
_ the bar. In Tuse. iii. 27 Cicero gives a 
_ different application of the proverb, 
and Mr. Jeans holds that that passage 
determines Cicero’s application of it 
here. The passage is Dionysius tyrannus 
Syracusis expulsus Corinthi pueros docebat : 
usque 60 imperio carere non poterat. ΑΒ 
he could not rule men, he must rule 
boys. So here Cicero means ‘ Granted 
that the Optimates are now well-disposed 
to me, still they will never rest till they 
are in power.’ However, while doing 
full justice to the acuteness of Mr. Jeans’ 
remarks, we cannot but adhere to the 
ordinarily accepted view. Pompey and 
the party designated Jboni or optimates 
by Cicero had by no means the same 
interests or aims at this juncture. ‘The 
᾿ς bont would have preferred that Pom- 
_ pey should remain in Italy. In that 
_ case a victory over Caesar would have 
been a victory for them, and Pom- 
pey would merely have been the general 
under whom it was achieved. ‘lhe senate 
and nobles would have been the do- 
minant party, and would have acted as 
such. On the other hand, a victory in the 
East meant the personal supremacy of 
Pompey. We cannot agree with Cicero, 
who represents his flight from Italy as 
the result of panic. No: it was part of 
a well-considered plan, which was on the 
whole the only plan likely to secure for 
Pompey a position similar to that which 
Caesar actually attained.’ 

Titini filius| 360. 6; 377. 2. 

fae ut ostendis : ne destiteris| We have 
put along stop after ostendis, with Madvig 
(Op. Ac. ii. 104 note = 483 ed. 2); yet we 
think that fac might govern ne destiteris : 
ep. 3801. 1, fac... ne quid aliud cures. 

2. Ipso dimidio| ‘by just one-half.’ 
_ Clodia, the mother-in-law of the tribune 
___L. Metellus (yet cp. 360. 3) had mentioned 
__ the number as 30,000. Cicero says there 

EP, 364 (ATT. IX. 9). 


_ autem quasi vereri videris ne mihi tua consilia displiceant, me 
_ vero nihil delectat aliud nisi consilium et litterae tuae. Qua re 
fae ut ostendis: ne destiteris ad me quidquid tibi in mentem 
Hi venerit scribere, Mihi nihil potest esse gratius. 2. Venio ad 
Pa alteram nunc epistulam. JRecte non credis de numero militum. 
_ Ipso dimidio plus scripsit Clodia. Falsum etiam de corruptis 
es navibus. Quod consules laudas, ego quoque animum laudo sed 
& consilium reprehendo. Dispersu enim illorum actio de pace sublata 

were only 20,000; she added half of the 

real number (10,000), and made it 
corruptis| ‘smashed-up ships’: cp. 

note to praecidisse (or percidisse) in 360. 3. 
Corrumpere seems to have much the same 
meaning as confringere in Suet. Nero 
34. 2, datoque negotio trierarchis que 
liburnicam qua advecta erat velut fortuito 
concursu confringerent, protraxit con- 
vivium repetentique Baulos in locum cor- 
rupti navigit machinosum illud obtulit. 

consules]| As MC have consulem, O. E. 
Schmidt (Rh. Mus. (1897), p. 151) thinks 
that we should read consulem and refer it 
to Lentulus. He supposes that Pompey 
sent Lentulus to Greece (see next note), 
but that Marcellus remained in Italy. 
‘This seems contrary to the usual opinion : 
cp. Caes. B.C. i. 25. 2; Dio Cass. ΣΙ]: 
12.15; Plut. Pomp. 62; Caes. 35. Possibly 
he sent them both into Greece, and they 
may have had separate spheres of action 
(hence dispersu) ; or does tlorum refer not 
to the consuls, but to the chief men among 
the Pompeians? If so, it would be pos- 
sible to retain consulem; but we think 
illorum must refer to the consuls, and that 
we must read consules. In the archetype 
it may have been simply cons. 

animum] ‘their spirit’ (generally). 

consilium] «their judgment,’ because 
their departure made all attempts at a 
composition vain. 

Dispersu enim illorum] “ owing to their 
being in different places ’ (from Pompey). 
Pompey could not trust the consuls, 
especially Lentulus, so he took care that 
they should be got across to Greece as soon 
as possible. Pompey made the excuse to 
Caesar, when the latter made overtures of 
peace at Brundisium, that he could do 
nothing, asthe consuls were absent : 
Caes. B. C. i. 26. 5. Dispersu is a ar. 
eip., and is usually altered to discessu 
(Manutius). See Adn. Crit. 

150 EP, 364 (ATT. IX. 9). 

est, quam quidem ego meditabar. Itaque postea Demetri librum 
de concordia tibi remisi et Philotimo dedi. Nec vero dubito quin ~ 
exitiosum bellum impendeat cuius initium ducetur a fame. Et — 
me tamen doleo non interesse huic bello! in quo tanta vis sceleris — 
futura est ut, cum parentes non alere nefarium sit, nostri principes 
antiquissimam et sanctissimam parentem, patriam, fame necandam 
putent. Atque hoc non opinione timeo sed interfui sermonibus. 
Omnis haec classis Alexandria, Colchis, ‘I'yro, Sidone, Arado, 
Cypro, Pamphylia, Lycia, Rhodo, Chio, Byzantio, Lesbo, Zmyrna, 
Mileto, Coo ad intercludendos commeatus [taliae et ad occupandas 
frumentarias provincias comparatur. At quam veniet iratus! et 
lis quidem maxime qui eum maxime salvum volebant, quasi 
relictus ab iis quos reliquit. Itaque mihi dubitanti quid me facere 
par sit permagnum pondus adfert benevolentia erga illum, qua 
dempta perire melius esset in patria quam patriam servando 
vertere. De septemtrione plane ita est. Metuo ne vexetur 
Epirus. Sed quem tu locum Graeciae non direptum iri putas ? 
Praedicat enim palam et militibus ostendit se largitione ipsa supe- 
riorem quam hune fore. Illud me praeclare admones, cum illum 
videro, ne nimis indulgenter et ut cum gravitate potius loquar. 

Plane sic faciendum. 

Demetri librum de concordia] 342. 7 fin. ; 
345. 6 fin. 

cutus initium ducetur a fame| ‘which 
will be ushered in by a famine’: cp. 
362. 4. 

Colchis] ablative of Colchi ‘the Col- 

Aradus| in northern Phoenicia, near 

Coo| ablative of Cous, which is the 
form found in Livy (xxxvii. 16. 2) for 
the nominative. The word is declined as 
if it were of the second declension, accus. 
Coum. Greek, Kéws, Kas. 

Srumentarias provincias| Africa, Sicily, 
and Sardinia. 

quam veniet iratus| sc. Pompeius. 

qui eum maxime saluum volebant| Cp. 
352.2; 359. 3. 

in patria| cp. domi, 362. 4. 

septemtrione| We read above (360. 3) 
that Pompey had northerly winds with 
him. Atticus had expressed a fear that 
the north wind would take Pompey to 

Arpinum, cum eum convenero, cogito, ne 

Epirus, where Atticus had _ property. 
Cicero replies ‘ you are right ; that wind 
will expose Epirus to being plundered ; 
but what part of Greece willescape? He 
is already boasting that he will surpass 
Caesar even in the amount of his largess 
to his forces.’ 

illum] here means Caesar, who has 
just been referred to as hune. Watson 
rightly accounts for this by the judi- 
cious comment that he is called hune 
above as ‘‘ locally nearer to the writer of 
the letter,’ and id/wm here ‘‘as more 
remote in idea and belonging to the other 

ne nimis indulgenter .. . loquar] ‘ that 
I should not adopt a too yielding tone, 
but rather a dignified one.’ 

Arpinum] sc. ire, cp. Att. vi. 7. 2 
(270), Rhodum volo puerorum causa, inde 
quam primum A thenas, where see note, and 
cp. 353. 3, deinde Arpinum volebamus ; 
367. 4, Aegyptum cogitare; Att. xvi. 2.4 
(772), in Pompeianum cogitabam. 

EP. 364 (ATT. IX. 9). 151 
forte aut absim cum veniet aut cursem huc illue via deterrima. 
Bibulum, ut scribis, audio venisse et redisse pridie Idus. 8, Phi- 
‘lotimum, ut ais in epistula tertia, exspectabas. At ille Idibus a 
me profectus est, Eo serius ad tuam illam epistulam quoi. ego 
_statim rescripseram redditae sunt meae litterae. De Domitio, ut 
_ scribis, ita opinor esse ut et in Cosano sit et consilium eius igno- 
| yvetur. Iste omnium turpissimus et sordidissimus, qui consu- 
| laria comitia a praetore ait haberi posse, est ille idem qui semper 
in re publica fuit. Itaque nimirum hoc illud est quod Caesar 
seribit in ea epistula cuius exemplum ad te misi, se velle uti 
_‘consilio’ meo—age, esto: hoc commune est—‘ gratia,’ —ineptum 
id quidem sed, puto, hoc simulat ad quasdam senatorum sen- 

est, ‘ope omnium rerum.’ 

me... veniet] Cicero did not want to 
seem to avoid Caesar, 359. 1; 360. 1. 
Eum is Caesar. 

via deterrima] ‘in the present wretched 
condition of the road.’ For ablative see 
on Fam. v. 8. 4 (131). 

venisse et redisse| The interpretation 
given by the editors is that Bibulus 
arrived from his province of Syria in Italy 
on March 14, and the same day recrossed 
to Greece. This seems right, as we do 
_ not hear of his being in Italy at the out- 

break of hostilities : otherwise we should 

think the reference here was to a flying 
visit of Bibulus to Formiae. 
ὃ. Ho serius...litterae| ‘On that 
account my reply [possibly Ep. 363] to 
_ that letter of yours which I answered at 
_ once reached you later than 1 expected.’ 

For ad = ‘in answer to’ (of a letter) ep. 

Att. v. 4.1. (187); 431. 4. 

_ Cosano) 360. 2. 

ita...ut| ‘I think the case stands 
thus—he is in his place at Cosa in 

Etruria, but what he is doing there is 

not known.’ For ita... ut cp. ita se 

domi ex tuis audisse ut nihil esset incom- 
᾿ς πιοάϊ, Att. vi. 9. 1 (282). The consilium of 
_ Domitius possibly was to raise a small 
fleet and equip it at Cosa with 4 view to 
proceeding to Massilia. 

Iste. . . sordidissimus] The commen- 
tators all say—on what evidence we do 
not know—that Cicero is referring to 
M. Lepidus (afterwards the triumvir) 


tentias—‘ dignitate,’ fortasse sententia consulari. 
Id ego suspicari coepi tum ex tuis 
litteris aut hoc ipsum esse aut non multo secus. 

Illud extremum 

Nam permagni 

who was praetor this year, and some 
months later (about the middle of Octo- 
ber) had Caesar appointed dictator when 
the latter was at Massilia (Caesar B. C. 
ii, 21. 5) in an illegal manner (Dio 
Cass. xli. 36. 1). <A dictator ought to 
have been appointed by a consul after 
a decree of the Senate had been passed, 
and the appointment should have been 
on Roman soil (in agro Romano). See 
Greenidge, Roman Public Life, 192. 
Caesar’s nomination was regular in so 
far as a special law was passed which 
empowered the praetor to nominate 
(ib. 195, note 5): cp. also Ferrero, ii. 
p- 259 (Eng. trans. ). 

hoc illud est quod Caesar scribit] ‘ This 
is the meaning of the passage in Caesar’s 
letter’ (Ep. 357). 

commune est| ‘a general expression.’ 

simulat ad| ‘he affects to want my 
influence with a view to the votes of cer- 
tain senators’ who used to follow Cicero. 
The ad is something like 340. 4, ne omnis 
haec clementia ad Cinneam illam crudelita- 
tem colligatur. 

‘dignitate’| ‘when he says he wishes 
to have the advantage of my position, I 
suppose he means my vote as that of an 

aut hoe ipsum esse] ‘either refers to 
this very point (the holding of the elec- 

tions by Lepidus as praetor) or something 

not far from it.’ 

152 EP. 364 (ATT. 1X. 9). 

eius interest rem ad interregnum non venire, Id adsequitur, si 
per praetorem consules creantur. Nos autem in libris habemus | 
non modo consules a praetore sed ne praetores quidem creari ius | 
esse, idque factum esse numquam: consules eo non esse ius quod 
maius imperium a minore rogari non sit ius, praetores autem cum _ 
ita rogentur ut collegae consulibus sint quorum est maius impe- _ 
rium. Aberit non longe quin hoc a me decerni velit, neque sit — 
contentus Galba, Scaevola, Cassio, Antonio : 7 

’ » 5 - θ ’ ! 3 
TOTE μοι Xavot ευρβεια δῷ ων. 

4. Sed quanta tempestas impendeat vides, Qui transierint 
senatores scribam ad te cum certum habebo. De re frumentaria 
recte intellegis, quae nullo modo administrari sine vectigalibus 
potest : nec sine causa et eos qui circum illum sunt omnia postu- 

in libris| sc. auguralibus. perium than the consul, could not hold 
60] ‘for this reason.’ the election for praetors, as praetors were 
consules ¢0 non esse ius| = non esse technically held to be colleagues of the 
ius consules a praetore creari. Onthiscon- consul, though practically no such 
stitutional question see Messalla (cons. 53) equality was allowed. 
in his treatise De Auspiciis (ap. Gell. xiii. Aberit non longe quin] ‘it will soon 

15, 4) Praetor, etsi conlega consulis est, come to this, that he will express a wish 
neque praetorem neque consulem iure that 1 should move this proposal.’ 
rogare potest . . . quia imperium minus Galba| He and the others mentioned 
praetor, maius habet consul, et a minore were now members of the augural body: 
imperto maius aut maior a minore conlega cp. 373, 2, volet augurum decretum, an 
rogari iure non potest, Mommsen, St. R. important passage. Galba was afterwards 
ii*, 77, 118, 138, and Greenidge, id. one of the conspirators against Caesar. 
p. 195, note d. We have a letter of his to Cicero, Fam. 
rogari| ‘to be proposed (for election).’? x. 80 (841) describing the battle of Forum 
praetores autem] sc. 60 non esse ius a@ Gallorum. Q. Scaevola was tribune in 
praetore creari. Cp. Greenidge, op. cit., 52, and very vehement: cp. Q. Fr. iii. 
p. 147: ‘*The people could not meet 4, 6 (152) ”Apn πνέων, also note to 487. 1. © 
except under the shadow of the higher Quintus Cassius Longinus was tribune in 
imperium or auspicia—those of lesser this year (49 B.c.): ep. Caesar Β. C.i. 2. 8, 
patrician magistrates were of no avail; as was also Mark Antony. For these men 
for the praetor, though technically a as augurs cp. Bardt Die Priester der vier 
colleague of the consuls, could not hold = gv ossen Collegien, p. 26. 
the consular electious (Cic. Att. ix. 9. τότε... χθών] Hom. 1]. iv. 182. 
3)—and the city was in a state of sus- Mr. Jeans ie by Vergil’s imitation 
pended animation until the auwspicia inall (Aen. iv. 24) Sed mihi vel tellus optem — 
their purity should be restored, were it. prius ima dehiscat. ' ; 
but to a single man. The auspices mean- 4, sine vectigalibus| ‘ without regular 
while have returned to the ‘ fathers,’ and supplies of revenue.’ Watson. * without 
it is they only who can restore them. special I ae ὶ 
The first fundamental element, therefore, mee sine causa... times} ‘you have — 
in the theory of the Roman constitution, good reason to fear.’ This would be ex- 
however absurd it may seem, is that pressed by non temere in Plautus, tue by 
ultimate sovereignty rests with the patri- οὐκ ἐτός in Greek. 
cian members of the Senate.’’ It would omnia postulantis] ‘with thelr all- 
appear, too, that the praetor, as having embracing demands.’ 
generally and essentially a minus im- 


_horteris ut properet. 
 Caesaris venerit. 

De Lanuvino| ‘as to that property at 

statim ut audivi] ‘immediately on 
hearing’: cp.§1. Mr. J. C. Jones in 

‘Archiv ’ xiv. 249 notices that Cicero fairly 
often uses this expression séatim ut, 
though his contemporaries never do. He 
quotes eight passages from Cicero, five of 
which are from the Letters: Fam. i. 9. 
19 (158); i. 9. 4 (249); Att. ii. 12. 4 
(387); v. 12. 2 (202); ix. 9. 4 (864). The 
other passages are pro Quinctio 57 ; Verr. 
v.55; De Orat. 11. 313. It emerges again 
in Suet. Nero 20. 1; Apul. Met. xi. 22. 

Phameam| He was grandfather of the 
Sardinian musician Tigellius mentioned 
in Horace Sat. i. 2. 3; ὃ. 4: ep. Fam. 
vii. 24 and 25 (665 and 668); Att. xili. 
᾿ς 49. 1 (666). 
hs si... 7es.p.) The same meaning is 
expressed in 369. 6, by the words sé 
ullam spem fruends viderem. 

guoto anno| ‘in how many years you 
would recoup yourself for the purchase- 
money.’ For guoto anno cp. Hor. Ep. ii. 
1. 35, chartis pretium. quotus arroget 

quantum in 8010] ‘what was the value 
of the res soli’ (that is, of the estate with 
buildings, crops, plantations, and fixtures 
of all kinds). The law-writers frequently 
contrast res soli and modiles, e.g. Dig. vii. 
1. 7 pr. δέ aut rei soli aut ret mobilis usus- 
fructus legatur. The dictionaries quote 
Seneca Q. N. ii. 1. 2, Zertia illa pars de 
aquis terris arbustis satis quaerit et, ut 
turisconsultorum verbo utar, de omnibus 

‘quae solo continentur.’ 
ei digamma| It has been thought that 
this might mean the ‘account book’ in 

᾿ | EP. 364 (ATT. IX. 9), 

 lantis et bellum nefarium times, 
_seribis, nihil bene sperat, tamen videre sane velim: quem fac 
Opportune enim ad me ante adventum 
De Lanuvino statim ut audivi Phameam mor- 
᾽ tuum, optavi, si modo esset futura res publica, ut id aliquis emeret 
_meorum, neque tamen de te qui maxime meus es cogitavi. 
bam enim te quoto anno et quantum in solo solere quaerere, neque 
δ -solum Romae sed etiam Deli tuum+ digamma videram. Verum 
_ tamen ego illud, quamquam est bellum, minoris aestimo quam 
aestimabatur Marcellino consule, cum ego istos hortulos propter 
 domum antiquam- guam tum habebam iucundiores mihi fore pu- 
tabam et minore impensa quam si T'usculanum refecissem. Volui 


Trebatium nostrum, etsi, ut 


which Atticus kept a record of money 
out at interest, and that it might have 
been so called because Atticus might 
have written F (which is very like the 
digamma), signifying Fenuws, or perhaps 
Fundi, on the back of that book. Other 
attempts to explain the word are even more 
improbable. But this is a passage which 
calls for emendation, and we think, with 
Malaspina, that Cicero probably wrote 
διάγραμμα, ‘schedule,’ ‘inventory,’ ‘list,’ 
in which sense the word is found 
in Demosthenes (De Symm. 183, 20, 
§ 21; Adv. Euerg. et Mnesib. 1156, 4, 
ἢ 86; 1152, 12, § 48) and elsewhere, 
e.g. C. I. G. 2556, 64; Dio Cass. xliv. 
53, 3 (so in the mss.: but Bekker reads 
δ ivpoupanay: 

Marcellino cons.| 698 (56 B.c. σὴ: 

istos hortulos| When Cicero returned 
from exile, he found his house on the 
Palatine and his 'Tusculanum destroyed. 
He got an indemnity for the former and 
rebuilt it; but it would appear that for 
some time he had not a garden attached 
to it. He says to Quintus in 44 ili. 1. 14 
(148), item de hortis quod me admones nee 
fui unquam valde cupidus etnune domus 
suppeditat mihi hortorum amoenitatem. It 
was prior to this addition of a garden to 
his restored house on the Palatine that he 
desired to buy Phamea’s property at Lanu- 
vium (or rather his Troianum: cp. 369. 
6), so as to have a garden somewhere ; 
and he thought it would be cheaper than 
if he repaired his Tusculanum. Indeed 
he put up his ‘T'usculanum for sale, Att. 
iv. 2. 7 (91). This is the excellent ex- 
planation of Lehmann (Berliner Phil. 
Wochenschrift 1889, p. 1036). 


HS Q. Egi per praedem 1119. daret tanti cum haberet venale: ῃ 
Sed nune omnia ista iacere puto propter nummorum ~ 
Mihi quidem erit aptissimum vel nobis potius, si tu — 


EP. 364 (ATT. IX. 9). 

emeris; sed eius dementias cave contemnas. Valde est venustum. 
Quamquam mihi ista omnia iam addicta vastitati videntur. 

Respondi epistulis tribus, sed exspecto alias. 
D. Liberalibus. 

tuae litterae sustentarunt. 

Volui HS Q.| “1 wanted to buy it for 
500,000 sesterces’ (=about £4,500). For 
Q = quingentis, cp. Priscian 11. 407. 24 
(Keil) guingenta millia per gq, quod est 
initium nominis, and Mommsen ad 
C.I.L.v. 3402. 

Egi per praedem... noluit} See Adn. 
Crit. ‘The editors have gone wrong (our- 
selves among them) in supposing that 
there is any reference to a house at 
Antium. Mr. W. W. Marshall (Cruces 
and Criticisms, pp. 27-47) has done good 
service to the passage in reading tanti. 
We have adopted the punctuation given 
by Miller, ‘I proposed through a surety 
{possibly a banker] that he (Phamea) 

-should give it at that sum [viz. the 
500,000 sesterces] when he had the house 
for sale, but he refused.’ Gurlitt (Berliner 
Phil. Wochenschrift (1898) 347), adopts 
Mr. Marshall’s tanti, but would read 
Volui HS Q ego per praedem illt dare, 
tanti cum haberet venale: noluit, ‘I wished 
to give him through a surety 500,000 
sesterces, when he had the estate for sale 
at that price, but he refused.’ Phamea 
must have refused either because he liked 
not the security, or possibly he wanted 
ready money. Cicero was, perhaps, not 
very satisfactory as a debtor. We think 
the other punctuation preferable. Wesen- 
berg suggests egi per [some proper name] 
praedium ut ille venderet Anti cum haberet 

omnia ista iacere| ‘all landed property 
is depreciated on account of the scarcity 

of money.’ Jacere, as we should say, 
‘are down’: cp. Rosc. Com. 33, accepit 
agrum temporibus iis cum iacerent pretia 

eius dementias] possibly refers to some 
unusual features in the property, such as 
we should now call ‘ So-and-so’s Folly.’ 
Mr. Jeans renders ‘insane hobbies’: ep. 
insanas substructiones, Mil. 538. By con- 
temnas Cicero seems to mean ‘do not 
think too little of them,’ do not regard 
them as worthless, and refuse to buy. 
Cicero thought more of these hobbies 
than he supposed his friend would. Dr. 
Reid suggests eiusmodi dementias, ‘but 
do not despise mad projects like this of 
mine : it is really a very charming place ’ : 
and modi is sometimes omitted in the mss. 
Possibly eiuws dementias might mean ‘ but 
mind do not scout the vendor’s wild de- 
mands,’ implying that Atticus should 
bargain gently with the seller, and not 
repudiate the whole procedure when the 
first price was asked, which was sure to 
be extravagant. That dementia might 
have this sense seems probable from Ter. 
Phorm. 642 f. GE. @ primo homo insani- 
bat. CH. cedo quid postulat?... GE 
talentum magnum. 

addicta vastitati] ‘sentenced to devas- 
tation’ in the impending civil war.— 

tuae litterae] * your letters,’ not ‘your 
letter’ as usual: cp. 416. 3. 

D. Liberaltibus| = dedi. The Liberalia 
were on March 17. 

Nam me adhue © 


ee ee Cee te 

EHP, 365 (ATT. IX. 10). 155 
a 365. CICERO TO A'T'TICUS (Arr. 1x. 10). 
ἢ ες ΒΟΒΜΙΑΕ; MARCH 183 A. U.C. 7053 B.C. 49 ; AET. CIC. 57. 
|g | 
_ Μ. Cicero Attico scribit se dolere quod non a principio quasi manipularis miles Cn. 

- Pompeium secutus sit, sed se genus belli refugisse et hance quoque spem habuisse fore 
ut aliquid conveniret, summo opere autem se ipsius Attici auctoritate a profectione 
esse revocatum, et istud ipsum quod Atticus sibi suaserit ex multis eius epistulis 
_ demonstrat. 


1. Nihil habebam quod scriberem. Neque enim novi quid- 
“quam audieram et ad tuas omnis rescripseram pridie. Sed cum 
me aegritudo non solum somno privaret verum ne vigilare quidem 
‘sine summo dolore pateretur, tecum ut quasi loquerer, in quo uno 
“acquiesco, hoc nescio quid nullo argumento proposito scribere 
‘institui. 2. Amens mihi fuisse videor a principio et me una haec 
res torquet quod non omnibus in rebus labentem vel potius ru- 
-entem Pompeium tamquam unus manipularis secutus sim. Vidi 
hominem xu Kal. Febr. plenum formidinis. Ilo ipso die sensi 
quid ageret. Numquam mihi postea placuit nec umquam aliud 

in alio peccare destitit. 

_ _ L.rescripseram pridie] viz. Ep. 364. This 
_ shows that the date of this letter is Mar. 18, 
__ 2. labentem vel potius ruentem] “ drift- 
_ ing, or rather rushing, to ruin.’—Jeans. 
τ΄ - unus manipularis] ‘x common private’ : 
Cp. unus caprimulgus, ‘ the merest bump- 
kin,’ Catull. 22.10; unus paterfamilias, 
‘any ordinary citizen,’ De Or. i. 132, and 
_ Wilkins’ note there. We can hardly ascribe 
_ to wnus as used by Cicero the function of 
_ amere indefinite article, though it was so 
‘a used in conversational Latin: ep. Donatus 
on Ter. And. 118, forte unam aspicio 
᾿ς adulescentulam. Unus with the super- 
lative stands on a different footing. It then 
simply intensifies; wno nequissimo Phil. 
ii. 7 is ‘the vilest of the vile.’ 
plenum formidinis}| Yet ep. 342.2, where 
Cicero says that Pompey left the city not 
because he could not guard it, but in 
furtherance of his plan to raise the East 
against Caesar. 

Nihil interim ad me scribere, nihil nisi 

Numquam ... destitit] ‘since that time 
he has never had my approval, nor has 
he once ceased adding blunder to blunder.’ 
—Jeans. We cannot quote any exact 
parallel for aliud in alio. The more usual 
phrase would be aliud ex alio, which is 
read by Ern., Btr., and the Thesaurus 
s.v. alius, Ὁ. 1646. 37. 

scribere| This seems to be the hist. 
inf., which we only occasionally find 
in the Letters: Att. iv. 3. 3 (92) Sestius 
Surere ; ille postea. . . urbi minaret: cp. 
Att. ii 12. 2 (87) ego negare; v. 21. 12 
(250) homo clamare . . . Clamare omnes ; 
xv. ll. 1 (744) Brutus quaerere . . . 690. 
suadere: Galba in Fam. x. 30. 3 (841) 
Antoniani me insequi: nostri pila coicere 
velle. But it might also be the infinitive 
of exclamation, ‘‘I'o think of his mean- 
while not sending me a line, of his 
meditating nought but flight!’ 


EP, 365 (ATT. IX. 10). 

fugam cogitare. Quid quaeris? Sicut ἐν τοῖς ἐρωτικοῖς alienantur 
immundae, insulsae, indecorae, sic, sic me illius fugae negle- ᾿ 
gentiaeque deformitas avertit ab amore. Nihil enim dignum — 
faciebat qua re eius fugae. comitem me adiungerem. Nunc 
emergit amor, nune desiderium ferre non possum, nune mihi nihil — 
libri, nihil litterae, nihil doctrina prodest: ita dies et noctis — 
tamquam avis illa mare prospecto evolare cupio. Do, do poenas— 
temeritatis meae. Etsi quae fuit illa temeritas? quid feci non 
consideratissime? Si enim nihil praeter fugam quaereretur, fu- τὸ 
gissem libentissime, sed genus belli crudelissimi et maximi, quod | 
nondum vident homines quale futurum sit, perhorrui. Quae 
minae municiplis, quae nominatim viris bonis, quae denique 

omnibus qui remansissent! quam crebro illud, ‘Sulla potuit, ego 

non potero ?’ 
qui Porsenam, qui Octavium Mamilium concitavit contra patriam 

alienantur | So M: see Adn. Crit. ‘are 
put aside,’ ‘are rejected’: cp. Sall. Cat. 
30. ὃ, quod non dignos homines honore 
honestatos videbam meque falsa suspicione 
alienatum esse sentiebam. ‘ For as in love 
affairs women are rejected who appear 
lacking in neatness, good taste, and 
comeliness, so the unsightliness οὗ 
Pompey’s flight and of the mismanage- 
ment of the business has diverted me from 
any affection for him.’ 

emergit] Cp. 360. 5. Boot well ob- 
serves that there is a poetical complexion 
about this expression, ‘my affection 
raises its head,’ and others in this con- 
text: and it is not impossible that some 
verses of a lost drama lurk under the 
words alenant .. . indecorae and nune 
emergit ... ferre non possum. We have 
inserted a second sic, which we think is 
represented by jit in the mss. 

avis illa| mentioned in a letter of 
Plato’s in the words βλέπων ἔξω καθάπερ 
ὄρνις ποθῶν ποθὲν ἀναπτέσθαι Ep. vii. 

348 A. 

temeritatis] ‘my rash confidence’ in certainly found in the mss. of the Letters — 
staying in Rome, through my beliefinthe to Atticus: but that is no reason why he — 
possibility of a compromise. may not have used it here. We think it — 
tsi] ‘however,’ ‘yet.’ For this use most probable that a word has been lost, ἕ 
of e¢si cp. note to 448. 1. though Heidemann (p. 92) wouldsuppose — 
consideratissime] ‘after the most careful an ellipse of duait, comparing Att. v. 17. 
consideration.’ 3 (209) and Att. vi. 9. 5 (282); wheresee 
Quae minae . ... remansissent] When notes. The matter is hard to decide. The _ 

Jeaving Rome on January 17th, Pompey 

appears to have threatened vengeance 
against any towns which opened their gates 
to Caesar, and declared that he would 
consider as enemies all senators who did 
not leave Rome along with him: cp. 418. 
6; Plut. Pomp. 61; Appian B.C. ii. 37; 
Dio Cass. xli. 6. 2. 

3. Mihi autem haeserunt illa: male Tarquinius © 

Sulla potuit| Pompey probably hoped, 

to imitate Sulla’s victorious return from 
the East. For VPompey’s purpose of 
walking in the steps of Sulla cp. 342. 2; 
362.53 86]. 35 388. 1. 

3. haeserunt| ‘these thoughts haunted 
me’: cp. ὁ 4. 

concitavit] We have inserted this 
word with Lehmann (p. 94), who quotes 
servitia concitaturum, Fam x. 38. 4 (890) : 
plures etiam gentes contra twperatorem 
nostrum concttatae sunt, De Imp. Pomp. 
23; he would moreover supply concitatio 
before compressa in Fam. xii. 1. 1 (728), 
though we think that seditio (after sed ita) 

is the word that should be added there. 

The Thesaurus tells us that concitare, 

though a favourite of Cicero, is never 

word concitatio is found in-Brut. 46. 

a EP. 365 (AT. IX. 10). 157 
_impie Coriolanus, gui auxilium petiit a Volscis, recte Themistocles 

qui mori maluit, nefarius Hippias, Pisistrati filius, qui in Mara- 

thonia pugna cecidit arma contra patriam ferens. At Sulla, at 
Marius, at Cinna recte: immo iure fortasse: sed quid eorum vic- 
i toria crudelius, quid funestius? Huius belli genus fugi et eo magis 
quod crudeliora etiam cogitari et parari videbam. Me, quem non 
_nulli conservatorem istius urbis, quem parentem dixerunt, Getarum 

et Armeniorum et Colchorum copias ad eam adducere ? me meis 
 civibus famem, vastitatem inferre Italiae? Hune primum mor- 
 talem esse, deinde etiam multis modis posse exstingui cogitabam, 
urbem autem et populum nostrum servandum ad immortalitatem, 
quantum in nobis esset, putabam, et tamen spes quaedam me 
sustentabat fore ut aliquid conveniret potius quam aut hic tantum 

alia mens mea. 
e mundo videtur. 

Haec, haec me fefellerunt et, 

delectatione mollivit. 

cecidit| Herodotus and Thucydides 
record that Hippias was at the battle of 
Marathon, but the only authority which 
supports the statement in the text that 
he was killed at that battle is Justin 11. 
_ 9.21. The treatise on the Athenian Con- 
‘stitution does not throw any light on the 
recte...iure| Weagree with Boot that 
recteis a stronger word than iwre. As op- 
posed to male, impie, nefarie, it is justified, 
__. but Cicero wishes to qualify the word when 
he thinks how badly Sulla, Marius, and 
_Cinna used their victory. He therefore cor- 
᾿ς χροῖβ his usage of recte, ‘ well,’ ‘rightly,’ 
and says rather that they acted ‘ within 
their rights’; they were ‘ right in prin- 
ciple,’ because they did not levy foreign 
war against their country, but they 
cannot be said to have ‘acted rightly,’ 
because their triumph was stained with 

Hune primum mortalem esse| Does 
hune here refer to Pompey or Caesar? 
We think it refers to Caesar: cp. ᾧ 9, 
where hic certainly refers toCaesar. Cicero 

_» would not have used the word exstingui 

sceleris aut ille tantum flagiti admitteret. 

Alia res nune tota est, 

Sol, ut est in tua quadam epistula, excidisse mihi 
Ut aegroto dum anima est spes esse dicitur, 
sic ego quoad Pompeius in Italia fuit sperare non destiti. 
ut verum loquar, 
diuturnis laboribus devexa ad otium domesticarum me rerum 

aetas lam a 

Nune, si vel periculose experiundum erit, 

of Pompey; and it suits the train of 
thought better to understand Cicero to 
say :—‘ I could not join in the invasion 
of Italy by a foreign army. I reflected, 
if the worst should come, at all events 
time will eventually remove Caesar, and 
then there is the chapter of accidents to 
reckon on; the preservation of our 
country is our bounden duty above all 
others, and putting these considerations 
aside, yet (e¢ tamen) 1 fostered a hope 
that a compromise might be effected before 
Caesar should commit the crime of estab- 
lishing a tyrannis, or Pompey the sin of 
devastating Italy.” For e¢ tamen cp. 
note to 386. 1; Madv. Fin. ii. 85 ; Munro 
on Luer. v. 1177; and Lehmann ‘ Att.’ 
194. For sustentabat (obtentabat M) see 
Adn. Crit. Moser suggests obdectabat, 
comparing Ep. 394. 5. 

mundo| the universe, of which the 
three divisions were terra, caelwm, and 
mare, Lucr. v. 93: cp. Lael. 47, solem 
enim e mundo tollere videntur ei qui amici- 
tiam 6 vita tollunt. 

aetas . . . mollivit] ‘The ealm ap- 
proach of the evening of life after my 

Fan. 21. 

Fan 22: 

Fan. 25. 

Febr. 7. 

158 EP. 365 (ATT. IX. 10). 

experiar certe ut hine avolem: ante oportuit fortasse. Sed ea 
quae scripsisti me tardarunt et auctoritas maxime tua. 4, Nam cum 
ad hune locum venissem, evolvi volumen epistularum tuarum quod — 
ego sub signo habeo servoque diligentissime. rat igitur in ea 
quam x Kalend. Febr. dederas hoc modo: ‘Sed videamus et — 
Gnaeus quid agat et illius rationes quorsum fluant. Quod si iste i 
Italiam relinquet, faciet omnino male et, ut ego existimo, ἀλογίστως, ὃ 
sed tum demum consilia nostra commutanda erunt.’ Hoe scribis _ 
post diem quartum quam ab urbe discessimus. Deinde vit 
Kalend. Febr.: ‘Tantum modo Gnaeus noster ne, ut urbem 
ἀλογίστως reliquit, sic Italiam relinquat.’ Hodem die das alteras 
litteras quibus mihi consulenti planissime respondes, Est enim sic: 
‘Sed venio ad consultationem tuam. Si Gnaeus Italia cedit, in 
urbem redeundum puto: quae enim finis peregrinationis?’ Hoe 
mihi plane haesit, et nune ita video, infinitum bellum iunctum 
miserrima fuga quam tu peregrinationem ὑποκορίζῃ. 5. Sequitur 
χρησμὺς vi Mta/. Februarias: ‘Ego, si Pompeius manet in Italia 
nec res ad pactionem venit, longius bellum puto fore: sin Italiam 
relinquit, ad posterum bellum ἄσπονδον strui existimo.’ Huius 
igitur belli ego particeps et socius et adiutor esse cogor, quod et 
ἄσπονδον est et cum civibus. Deinde vir Idus Februar., cum iam 
plura audires de Pompei consilio, concludis epistulam quandam 
hoc modo: ‘ Ego quidem tibi non sim auctor, si Pompeius Italiam 
relinquit, te quoque profugere. Summo enim periculo facies nec 
rei publicae proderis, quoi quidem posterius poteris prodesse, si 
manseris.. Quem φιλόπατριν ac πολιτικὸν hominis prudentis et 

long day’s work brought with it easeful Tantum modo| ‘provided that.’ We 

thoughts of the pleasures of home life.’ 
Mr. Duff considers that this is the real 
reason why Cicero did not join Pompey 

4. hune locum] sc. in my letter. 

quod ego sub signo habeo| It is a pity 
that these letters were not published. 

What a flood of light they would throw © 

on some of the dark places in the corre- 
spondence! The precise, business-like 
Atticus appears to have always dated his 

illius rationes quorsum fluant] ‘the 
drift of his plans’ (Pompey’s): iste is 
also Pompey. 

ἀλογίστως] ‘thoughtlessly,’ ‘ fool- 

cannot find a parallel for tantum modo ne, 
but tantum modo = “ provided that’ occurs 
in Sall. Jug. 79, 8, and tantwm ne and 
modo ne are common: cp. Livy. xxi. 19. 
5; 52, 4. | 
consultationem tuam]| “ the question on 
which you ask advice’: cp. 3365. 3. 
ὑποκορί(ῃ} ‘which you euphemis- 
tically call “ going on your travels.”’’ » 
5. ἄσπονδον) ‘awar ἃ outrance.’ 
non sim auctor 
you’; the subjunctive with ut would be 
more in accordance with Ciceronian usage 
after auctor sim than the acc. and infin. 
reip. proderis| cp. note to 343. 3. 
Quem ... auctoritas 5) * What patriot 
and statesman would not be moved by such 

“1 should not advise — 


7S Rt ee aoe Ce ee ee N 

EP. 865 (ATT. IX. 10). 159 




_ amici tali admonitu non moveret auctoritas? 6, Deinceps 111 ear. τι. 

Idus Februar. iterum. mihi respondes consulenti sic: ‘ Quod 

- fectionem cum tibi tum ipsi Gnaeo inutilem et periculosam puto 

- et satius esse existimo vos dispertitos et in speculis esse. Sed 

- medius fidius turpe nobis puto esse de fuga cogitare. Hoc turpe 

_ Gnaeus noster biennio ante cogitavit : ita sullaturit animus eius et 

ci proscripturit iam diu. Inde, ut opinor, cum tu ad me quaedam 

᾿ γενικώτερον scripsisses et ego mihi a te quaedam significari 
 putassem ut Italia cederem, detestaris hoc diligenter x1 Kalend, δεν. το. 
- Mart.: ‘Ego vero nulla epistula significavi, si Gnaeus Italia 
 cederet, ut tu una cederes, aut, s? significavi, non dico fui in- 

- constans sed demens.’ In eadem epistula alio loco: ‘ Nihil 

- relinquitur nisi fuga, cui te socium neutiquam puto esse oportere 
nec umquam putavi.’ 7. Totam autem hance deliberationem 

- evolvis accuratius in litteris vi1r Kalend. Mart. datis: ‘Si M.’ ze, 
Lepidus et L. Volcatius remanent, manendum puto, ita ut, si 
salvus sit Pompeius et constiterit alicubi, hance vécuiay relinquas et 

an injunction coming with the weighty 
judgment of a man who is at once both 
prudent and friendly ?’ 

6. fugamne defendam an moran util- 
orem puto| We adopt the emendation of 
Otto (Rh. Mus. xli. (1886), p. 371) ap- 

rightly says that we cannot have adjec- 
tives like foedam and nefandam or desidem 
(for defendam), as Cicero was asking for 

which was erroneously repeated in the 
next clause. Klotz would read fugamne 
suadeam an moram defendam utiliorem- 
<que> putem. We might also suppose 
utiliorem putem to be a gloss on defendamn. 

dispertitos et in speculis| “ separated 
and each on his watchtower.’ 

biennio ante cogitavit] Here Cicero 
takes the true view of Pompey’s policy 
in leaving Italy. It was with a view to 
returning from the East victorious and 
playing the part of Sulla, and it was part 

of a plan long since conceived : cp. 342. 2; 
note to 343. 5. He usually attributes 
Pompey’s departure from Italy to panie 
(e.g. 338. 1, 2). 

sullaturit . .. proscripturit| ‘so eager 
is he for the ré/e of Sulla and a proscrip- 

proved by Miiller. M!has fugamne fedam tion.’ Quintilian (viii. 3. 32) testifies to 
τς anmoram defendam utiliorem puto. For  sullaturit. Cicero is very bold in his 
_ other conjectures see Adn. Crit. Otto coinage of desiderntives (cp. morturire, 

petiturire) ; but this can hardly be called 
boldness in a writer who has coined 
facteon in φιλοσοφητέον et flocet non 

advice, and Atticus’s answer, sed medius  facteon, Att. i. 16, 18 (22): cp. in 
a Jidius turpe nobis puto esse de fuga cogitare, Greek μελλονικιᾶν. 

ΤΙ shows that Cicero had not prejudged the detestaris] ‘you protest emphatically 
_ flight asdisgraceful. So we maysuppose against this interpretation of a letter of 
that fedam is the remains of defendam, yours couched in general terms, in which 

I thought I detected a hint that I should 
leave Italy.’ 

Ego vero| usually ‘ Yes, I did’; when 
followed by a negative, we must render 
‘No; I did not.’ 

7. evolvis] ‘you develop.’ 

constiterit alicubi| cp. 303 and note to 
343. 5. 

véxuiav| 3867, 2: 376, 2. Cicero 
applies this expression frequently to the 
political followers of Caesar, alluding 
to the νεκύων ἀμενηνὰ κάρηνα of Hom. 


lar. 4. 

lar. 5. 

160 EP, 365 (ATT. EX. 10). 

te in certamine vinci cum illo facilius patiaris quam cum hoc in αὖ 
quae perspicitur futura colluvie regnare.’ Multa. disputas huic — 
sententiae convenientia. Inde ad extremum: ‘ Quid si’ inquis — 
‘Lepidus et Voleatius discedunt ? Plane ἀπορῶ. Quod evenerit 
igitur et quod egeris, id orepxréov putabo.’ Si tum dubitaras, — 
nunc certe non dubitas istis manentibus. 8, Deinde in ipsa fuga 
v Kal. Martias: ‘ Interea non dubito quin in Formiano mansurus _ 
six. Commodissime enim τὸ μέλλον ibi καραδοκήσεις Ad K. 
Martias, cum ille quintum iam diem Brundisi esset: ‘Tum 
poterimus deliberare, non scilicet iam integra re sed certe 
minus infracta quam si una proieceris te. Deinde 111 Non. 
Martias ὑπὸ τὴν διάλειψιν cum breviter scriberes, tamen ponis hoc: 
‘Cras scribam plura et ad omnia, hoc tamen dicam, non paenitere 
me consili de tua mansione et, quamquam magna sollicitudine, 
tamen, quia minus mali puto esse quam in illa profectione, maneo 
in sententia et gaudeo te mansisse. 9, Cum vero iam angerer et 
timerem ne quid a me dedecoris esset admissum, 111 Nonas Mart. : 

‘Tamen te non esse una cum Pompeio non fero moleste. 


sl opus fuerit, non erit difticile, et illi, quoquo tempore fiet, erit 

τς ’ 

Od. x1, which book was called the Néxua. 
Another verse from Homer which Cicero 
might have quoted in reference to Caesar 
and his followers is οἷος πέπνυται τοὶ δε 
σκιαὶ ἀίσσουσι. They are likened to the 
ghosts or mere shadows of real men. 
Mr. Jeans renders Inferno, but perhaps 
dmes damnées would go a little nearer to 
the thought. Strictly the word means a 
magical rite in which the dead are con- 
sulted: cp. Herodian iv. 12. 4 κελεύει 
TE αὐτῷ μάγων τοὺς ἀρίστους ζητήσαντι 
νεκυίᾳ τε χρησαμένῳ μαθεῖν περὶ τοῦ 
τέλους τοῦ βίου αὐτοῦ. 

quam cum hoc... regnare| ‘than to 
reign with Caesar in this sink of foulness 
that we see clearly will be*here.’ The 
form colluvie is not found in Cicero, 
though common in Tacitus. Cicero and 
Livy would have used colluvione. 

8. τὸ μέλλον ibi kapadonhoes| 
‘ watch developments there.’ 

infracta| keeps up the metaphor in 
integra; we should say ‘ though not with 
a free hand, yet with one farless hampered 
than if you had taken this precipitate 
step with Pompey ’ = cp. 360. 3. . 

Sed hoc ita dico, si hic qua ratione initium fecit 

ὑπὸ τὴν διάλειψιν] We have 
adopted this emendation of Orelli and 
Gurlitt for the reasons set forth in 355, 
as the epistle of Atticus referred to in 
both places is the same, viz. that of 
March 4. Greek letters, as Gurlitt says, 
are seldom inserted by copyists so as to 
give adequate sense, as they would if 
AIA were inserted in 355. It is of 
course true that here the letters in the 
Mss. would lead to ὑπὸ τὴν λῆψιν. 

quamquam magna sollicitudine] ‘ though 
I feel great anxiety.’ This seems to be 
the kind of ablative illustrated on Fam. 
v. 8. 4 (131). It can hardly be taken as 
if mansisti were to be supplied, ‘ though 
your remaining causes you great anxiety.’ 

9. ἀσμενιστόν) ‘welcome, accept- 
able’: see on 356. 8. 

hoc ita dico si| ‘ But when I say this it 
is with the reservation that if his rival 
(Caesar) goes on for the future like the 
beginning he has made, of acting with 
good faith, moderation, and prudence, I 
shall have to make a thorough investi- 
gation, and consider more closely what 
our interests advise.’—Jeans. 

EP. 866 (ATT. IX. 11 A). 161 

“eadom cetera aget, sincere, temperate, prudenter, valde. videro et 

- consideratius utilitati nostrae consuluero, . 10. vir Idus Martias warch 9. 
- seribis Peducaeo quoque nostro probari quod quierim, cuius auc- 
 toritas multum apud me valet, His ego tuis scriptis me con- 

solor ut nihil ἃ me adhue delictum putem. “ἃ modo auctoritatem 

tuam defendito: adversus me nihil opus est sed consciis egeo 
 aliis, Ego, si nihil peccavi, reliqua tuebor. Ad ea tute hortare 

ἴοι me omnino tua cogitatione adiuva, Hic nihildum de reditu 

_ Caesaris audiebatur. Ego his litteris hoe tamen profeci ; perlegi 

_ omnis tuas et in eo acquievi. 

iy ~ 

3866. CICERO TO CAESAR (Arr. rx. 114). 

_ FORMIAE; MARCH 19 OR 203 A. U. 6. 7053 B.C. 493 AEM. CIC. 57. 

Cicero Caesaris litteris (357) rescribit se idoneum esse hominem qui cives recon- 
ciliet, et rogat ut liceat sibi gratum animum erga Pompeium monstrare. 

Gratias agit 
| Caesari de Lentulo conservato. 


1. Ut legi tuas litteras quas a Furnio nostro acceperam, 
᾿ς quibus mecum agebas ut ad urbem essem, te velle uti ‘ consilio et 
dignitate mea’ minus sum admiratus: de ‘ gratia’ et de ‘ope’ quid 
siguificares mecum ipse quaerebam, spe tamen deducebar ad eam 
cogitationem ut te pro tua admirabili ac singulari sapientia de 
otio, de pace, de concordia civium agi velle arbitrarer, et ad eam 

ree Reel T Thy 



10: consolor ut... putem| ‘I comfort 
myself so far as to think that.’ 

consciis egeo aliis| ‘I want others to 
be my accomplices,’ that is, to be per- 
_ suaded by your arguments into endorsing 
_ my course of action. 
reliqua tuebor| “1 shall take care of the 
future,’ i.e. I shall see that I commit no 
_ wrong in the mature: 
tute hortare | ‘you yourself keep on 
_ exhorting’ people to that course which I 
have taken. TZwte is a common form in 
_ the letters, and it 15. a mistake to read 

tu te hortare. 
ο΄ omnino| ‘at all events,’ ‘ at any rate.’ 
de reditu Caesaris| There was a rumour 




sleet re Sy 

on the 14th that Caesar would be at 
Formiae on the 22nd (363. 2). 
in eo acquievi| Cp. 362. 7 fin. 

With this letter cp. 

1. litteras| Ep. 357. 

quibus . . . consilio] ‘in which. you 
urged me to come to Rome, stating that 
you wished to avail yourself of my 

cogitationem ut... arbitrarer} For the 
pleonasm involved in this expression cp. 
in ea opinione ut putarent, Att. 11. 24. 8 
(5) and note there. 

concordia civium | 

introd. note on 

‘ civil harmony,’ 

162 EP. 866 (ATT. IX. 11. A). 

rationem existimabam satis aptam esse et naturam et personam t 
2. Quod si ita est et si qua de Pompeio nostro tuendo et — 
tibi ac rei publicae reconciliando cura te attingit, magis idoneum — 


quam ego sum ad eam causam profecto reperies neminem; qui et 
illi semper et senatui, cum primum potui, pacis auctor fui, nec 
sumptis armis belli ullam partem attigi, iudicavique eo bello te 
violari contra cuius honorem populi Romani beneficio concessum 
inimici atque invidi niterentur. 
ipse fautor dignitatis tuae fui verum etiam ceteris auctor ad te 
adiuvandum, sic me nunc Pompei dignitas vehementer movet. 
Aliquot enim sunt anni cum vos duo delegi quos praecipue co- 
lerem et quibus essem, sicut sum, amicissimus. 3. Quam ob rem 
a te peto vel potius omnibus te precibus oro et obtestor ut in tuis 
maximis curis aliquid impertias temporis huic quoque cogitationi 
ut tuo beneficio bonus vir, gratus, pius denique esse in maximi 
benefici memoria possim. Quae si tantum ad me ipsum perti- 
nerent, sperarem me a te tamen impetraturum, sed, ut arbitror, et 
ad tuam fidem et ad rem publicam pertinet me, et pacis et utrius- 
que vestrum amicum, ad vestram et ad civium concordiam per te 
quam accommodatissimum conservari. Hgo, cum antea tibi de 
Lentulo gratias egissem cum ei saluti qui mihi fuerat fuisses, 
tamen lectis eius litteris quas ad me gratissimo animo de tua 

was very unfairly criticized for this 

et ad eam rationem . . . meam] ‘and 
sentence: cp. note to 340. 1. 

I thought that 1 both by nature and posi- 

Sed ut eo tempore non modo — 

tion was fairly well adapted for that 

2. tuendo | 

cum primum potui] “ as soon as I could 
attend the Senate,’ sc. on my return from 
Cilicia. Any meeting that Cicero could 
attend would have had to be held outside 
the city. 

honorem pop. Rom. beneficio concessum | 
See on Att. vii. 7, 6 (298). 

fautor... auctor’ For the combina- 
tion Baiter compares Fam. xii. 25. ὃ 

dignitatis tuae] ‘your just claims.’ 

3. impertias temporis| ‘that you will 
devote some time to the consideration how 
I may be enabled by your kindness to show 
myself to be a man of honour, gratitude, 
and affection, when under a very strong 
sense of obligation’ to Pompey. For im- 
pertire aliguid temporis cp. Balb, 3. Cicero 

‘ maintaining in his proper 

amicum, ad vestram| So we add with 
Lehmann (pp. 96-100): cp. yacis amatores, 
Att. xiv. 10. 2 (713). Bosius conjectured 
me ex paucis et ad utriusque vestrum et ad 
civium concordiam, &c. But pacis of M 
is almost surely right. Cicero was always 
a most earnest advocate of peace: cp. 
312.2; 340.1; 387.1; 394. 3. 

antea] 342. δ. 

gratias egissem cum... fursses] ‘1 
thanked you for having restored his 
position to him who has restored mine to 
me.’ For gratias agere cum cp. 519. 2; 
494. 4 fin. 

qui mihi fuerat] sc. saluti; in promot- 
ing his restoration from exile. Caesar had 
spared Lentulus on the capture of Corfi- 

litteris] Cp. 867, 2. 

gratissimo animo | 
greatest gratitude,’ 

‘expressing the 

EP. 367 (ATT, IX. 11). 163 

 liberalitate beneficioque misit, eandem me salutem a te accepisse 

 putavi quam ille: in quem si me intellegis esse gratum, cura, 
obsecro, ut etiam in Pompeium esse possim. 


851, CICERO TO ATTICUS (Art. 1x. 11). 
FORMIAE; MARCH 20 (8 1); A. U. 6. 705; B.C. 493 AET. CIC, 57. 

De Lentulo qui Puteolis versetur, de Matio qui Quinquatribus se viserit eiusque 
de Caesare sententia, de Crassipede et iis quae de Pompeio narraverit eiusque adseclis. 


1. Lentulum nostrum scis Puteolis esse? Quod cum e viatore 
quodam esset auditum qui se diceret eum in Appia cum is paullum 
lecticam aperuisset cognosse, etsi vix veri simile est, misi tamen 
Puteolos pueros qui pervestigarent et ad eum litteras. Inventus 
est vix in hortis suis se occultans litterasque mihi remisit mirifice 

- gratias agens Caesari: de suo autem consilio C. Caesio mandata 

ad me dedisse. 

putavi|] This is an old addition, which 
is of course uncertain. See Adn. Crit. 
Klotz and others read mihi videor for me. 
Possibly mehercule putavi was lost between 
eandem and me. 

in quem| ‘This refers to Lentulus: ‘if 
you observe my gratitude to him, give me 
the chance of showing my gratitude to 
Pompey too.” Cicero would show his 
gratitude to Pompey if not by acting 
actually in his interests, at all events by 
abstaining from taking any overt action 
against him, such as joining in some vote 
_ in the senate which might be directed 
against him: cp. 356. 1. For gratus 
in aliquem cp. Plane. 77. This Lentulus 
Spinther is the Lentulus to whom the 
letters of Fam. i are addressed. 

1. scis... esse] It seems better with 

Boot and Wesenberg to regard this as a 

question. Atticus would not have been 

_ likely to have heard this news in Rome 
before Cicero in Formiae. 

Kum ego hodie exspectabam, id est x11 Kal, 
2. Venit etiam ad ‘me Matius Quinquatribus, homo 

Appia| sc. via: see note on 360. 1. 

est] must be inserted ; the rule, which 
is also operative for guamquam, is that in 
Cicero and the best writers when a clause 
with etst has not a verb of its own, the 
verb of the principal clause must be 
capable of being supplied in the secondary, 
Madv. Fin. v. 68; Reid, Acad. ii. ὃ. 

gratias agens Caesari| 366. 8, ‘in 
which he expressed himself as wonder- 
fully grateful to Caesar’ for allowing him 
to leave Corfinium in safety after the 

C. Caesio|] 369.7. The reading of M 
( Cetio, in 369 Cecius) points to Caecio: but 
there is hardly any evidence of a family 
of that name. So we should probably 
alter to Caesio. 

2. Matius| Trebatius seems to have 
been present at this interview: cp. Fam, 
xi. 27. 3. (784). 

Quinquatribus| March 19, the day be- 
fore the date of this letter. 

M 2 

164 EP, 367 (ATT. IX. 11). 

mehercule, ut mihi visus est, temperatus et prudens; existimatus 
Quam ille hoe non probare mihi 
quidem visus est! quam illam vécvray, ut tu appellas, timere! 
Huic ego in multo sermone epistulam ad me Caesaris ostendi, eam — 

quidem est semper auctor oti. 

cuius exemplum ad te antea misi, rogavique ut interpretaretur 
quid esset quod ille ee ‘consilio meo se uti velle, gratia, 
dignitate, ope rerum omnium.’ Respondit se non dubitare quin et — 
opem et gratiam meam ille ad pacificationem quaereret. Utinam 
aliquod in hae miseria rei publicae πολιτικὸν opus efficere et 
navare mihi liceat! Matius quidem et illum in ea sententia esse 
confidebat et se auctorem fore pollicebatur. 3. Pridie autem apud 
me Orassipes fuerat, qui se pridie Nonas Martias Brundisio pro- 
fectum atque ibi Pompeium reliquisse dicebat, quod etiam qui 
vit Idus illine profecti erant nuntiabant: illa vero omnes, in 
quibus etiam Crassipes qui pro sua prudentia potuit attendere, 
optimatium, municipiorum _hostis, 
quae Lucceium loqui,. quae 
totam Graéciam, quae vero Tieophanem ! 

sermones minacis, inimicos 

meras proscriptiones, meros Sullas ; 
4, lit tamen omnis spes 
salutis in illis est, et ego excubo animo nec partem ullam capio 
quietis et ut has pestis effugiam cum dissimillimis nostri esse 
Quid enim tu illic Scipionem, quid Faustum, quid 



Libonem sceleris putas quorum creditores 

convenire dicuntur ? quid eos autem cum vicerint in civis 

auctor oti] ‘advocate of peace’: cp. 
auctorem, beiow, at the end of this section. 

hoc| ‘the state of things here.’ 

pexviay|. 360. 1: 316: 2, * those 

356.3): the way Lucceius (353. 3) talked, 
the way the whole Greek set talked, and 
the way indeed Theophanes talked’ (353. 
3; 845. 5): sermones and the subsequent 

dmes danmeées of his,’ ‘that rabble rout.’ 
quid esset quod| ‘what did he mean by 
saying in his letter.’ 

Utinam ... liceat| ‘ Would that I 
could effectively and vigorously carry 
through some statesman-like plan in this 
political disaster.’ 

3. Crassipes| He had been Tullia’s 
husband. ‘They seem to have separated 
about 51. In 50 Tullia married Dolabella. 

illa vero} ‘all of them, and»among 
the rest Crassipes, who being a sensible 
man was capable of observing how things 
went, gave the same account, threatening 
‘words, bitterness against the Uptimates, 
hostility in the country towns, nothing 
but proscriptions, nothing but Sullas 
(that is they talked of these things: ep. 

accusatives are explanatory of idla. 
optimatium]| sc. those who were re- 
maining behind. 

4, excubo] ‘Iamonthe watch’: ep. 
in speculis esse, 365.6. For excubo ep. 
Phil. vi. 18, exeubabo vigilaboque pro vobis ; 
Tusc. iv. 37 (Sapiens) semper animo sic 
excudut ut nihil et improvisum acvidere 

pestis| ‘ pernicious creatures,’ ‘pests.’ 

Sciyionem] Pompey’s father-in-law 
(353.4). For Faustus ep. 323. 7; 353. 4, 
For Libo 327. 2. 

in civis effecturos.. Cicero uses in with 
ablative aiter this verb in Lael. 41, 
amict et propingui quid in P. Scipione 
effecerint sine lacrimis non quéo dicere, 

but ina different sense (‘in the case of,’ — 

ee ee ee ee 


EP, 368 (ATT. IX. 12); 165 

 effecturos? quam vero μικροψυχίαν Gnaei nostri esse? Nuntiant 
t Aegyptum et ’ApaBiav εὐδαίμονα et Μεσοποταμίαν cogitare, iam 
_ Hispaniam abiecisse. Monstra narrant, quae falsa esse possunt : 
sed certe et haec perdita sunt et illa non salutaria, Tuas litteras 
iam desidero. Post fugam: nostram numquam tiam nostrum 
earum intervallum fuit. Misi ad te,exemplum litterarum mearum 
ad Caesarem quibus me aliquid profecturum puto. 

368. CICERO TO ATTICUS (Arr. tx. 12). 

FORMIAE$ MARCH 20 (§1); A. U. 6. 7053 B.C. 49; AET. CIC. 57. 

M. Cicero queritur ad se nuntium adlatum esse circumvallatum esse Pompeium, 
| ratibus etiam exitus portus teneri, de consiliis Attici cum honestis tum cautis, de 
Dionysio, de desperata condicione sua. 


1. Legeram tuas litteras xm Kalend., cum mihi epistula 
adfertur a Lepta circumvallatum esse Pompeium, ratibus etiam 
exitus portus teneri. Non medius fidius prae lacrimis possum 

_reliqua nec cogitare nec scribere. Misi ad te exemplum. Miseros 
nos! cur non omnes fatum illius una exsecuti sumus ? Hece autem 
a Matio et 'T'rebatio eadem : quibus Menturnis obvii Caesaris tabel- 
larii. ‘Torqueor infelix, ut iam illum Mucianum exitum exoptem. 
At quam honesta, at quam expedita tua consilia, quam evigilata 
tuis cogitationibus qua itineris, qua navigationis, qua congressus 

not ‘to’ = ‘ against’): for the democratic 
party, as Seyffert has pointed out, did 
not itself do anything ¢o Scipio, but forced 
the senate to punish him. 

μικροψυχίαν) M has μακροψυχίαν, but 
this is, no doubt, an error, as μεγαλοψυχία 
is the form in use, and. irony is out of 
place here. 

cogitare | ‘ that he thinks of,’ 1.6. thinks 
of going to: cp. 364. 2, Arpinum cogito. 

Monstra narrant) “ They tell appalling 
stories which may well be false: but cer- 
tainly things here are ruined, and things 
there promise no safety.’ 

tiam nostrum] Corradus suggested tam 
longum earum (or nostrarum). Qu. tantum 
nostrarum, or possibly tam nostrarum, 

the attribute to be supplied from the 
context, here from intervallum, ‘ never 
was the break in our correspondence so 
great’: cp. Q. Fr. i. 2. 9 (53) and note. 
See also Index s.v. tam. ‘The last letter 
from Atticus was probably that dated 
March 14 (364. 1). 

1. Mucianum exitum] Q. Mucius 
Scaevola was murdered in 82 by the 
orders of C. Marius the younger: 333. 6; 
373.2; De Orat. iii. 10. Also ep. note 
to 378. 4. 

evigilata tuis cogitationibus] ‘thought 
out’ ;, the genitives, itineris, navigationis, 
congressus, sermonis, ance on consilia, 

* your plans for.’ 

166 EP. 868 (ATT. 1X. 12). 

sermonisque cum Caesare! Omnia cum honesta tum cauta. In 
Epirum vero invitatio quam suavis, quam liberalis, quam fraterna! 
2. De Dionysio sum admiratus qui apud me honoratior fuit quam 
apud Scipionem Panaetius, a quo impurissime haec nostra fortuna 
despecta est. Odi hominem et odero: utinam ulcisci possem! Sed 
illum ulciscentur mores sui. 3. Tu, quaeso, nunc vel maxime quid 
agendum nobis sit cogita. Populi Romani exercitus Cn. Pom- 
peium circumsedet: fossa et vallo saeptum tenet, fuga prohibet ; 
nos vivimus? Ht stat urbs ista, praetores ius dicunt, aediles ludos 
parant, viri boni usuras perscribunt: ego ipse sedeo ἢ Coner illue 
ire ut insanus? implorare fidem municipiorum ? Boni non conse- 
quentur, leves inridebunt, rerum novarum cupidi, victores prae- 
sertim et armati, vim et manus adferent. 4. Quid censes igitur ? 
ecquidnam est tui consili ad finem huius miserrimae vitae? Nune 
doleo, nune torqueor, cum quoidam aut sapiens videor quod una. 
non ierim aut felix fuisse. Mihi contra. Numquam enim illius 
victoriae socius esse volui, calamitatis mallem fuisse. Quid ego 
nune tuas litteras, quid tuam prudentiam aut benevolentiam im- 
plorem? Actum est. Nulla re iam possum iuvari, qui ne quod 
optem quidem iam habeo nisi ut aliqua inimici misericordia libe- 


In Epirum] Atticus took Cicero’s hint 
(862. 7), an? asked him to Epirus: cp. 
also 388 fin. 

2. admiratus| The violence of the next 
clause has led us to think that perhaps 
Cicero wrote admodum iratus. 

impurissime| ‘most foully,’ ὡς μια- 
ρώτατα ; for Dionysius see 326. 3. Also 
Epp. 335 and 336; 378. 5. 

3. vivi. . . perscribunt| ‘our friends 
the Optimates are booking their profits.’ 
The Optimates, many of whom were in 
the habit of lending money like Atticus, 
were now engaged in their usual avoca- 
tions, as if no public cataclysm had 
occurred. Just below, we have the 
broad division of boni or Pompeians, /eves 
who have no politics, and novarum rerum 
cupidi or Caesareans. 

Coner iliue ire] ‘ Ought I like amadman 
try to reach where he is? to beg mercy 
of the country towns?’ 

4. ecquidnam ., . consiliad] ‘have you 
any advice as to the way I should end 
this utterly wretched existence?’ This 

sentence is badly expressed, but not there- 
fore necessarily un-Ciceronian. Again, 
as in the letters from exile, his style 
suffers from his mental distress. Boot 
proposes ecguis—nam est tui consilijinis: 
huius miserrimae vitae ; but finis with pro- 
nouns is feminine, as in quae enim finis, 
365. ὃ: 
used ecguis feminine, according to the 
example of the comic writers. We should 
insert adest before jfinis if we accepted 
Boot’s correction. For est tui consili, 
‘it is yours to advise,’ see on res erat 
deliberationis, 345. 3. For ecquidnam est 
tui consili cp. Brutus ap. Fam. xi. 1. 2 
(700) Quid ergo est tui consili, and note 
there (ed. 2). For ad = ‘with respect 
to’ after consilium cp. De Orat. iii. 56 
consilio ad vitae studia dispari. 

Nunc... contra] ‘Now I feel the 
pains and tortures of remorse when 
somebody may think I have been wise in 
not going with him, or fortunate; I 

inimici] sc. Caesaris, 

Cicero might, however, have 

EP. 369,(ATT. 1X. 18, §§ 1-7), 167 

3869, CICERO TO ATTICUS (Art, 1x. 13, §§ 1-7). 

FORMIAE } MARCH 233 A. U. 6. 7053 B.C. 493 AET. CIC. 57. 

M. Cicero quod scripserat Pompeium circumvallatum portu occluso iam non verum 
esse significat, tum de litteris Attici et Dolabellae, de causa quam ob rem consilia 
Attici collegerit, de sua erga Pompeium benevolentia, de magnis Caesaris copiis et 
opibus, de praefectura sua, de viris bonis, de Lentulo, 


1. Οὐκ ἔστ᾽ ἔτυμος λόγος, ut opinor, 1110 de ratibus. Quid 
enim esset quod Dolabella iis litteris quas ut Idus Martias 
a Brundisio dedit hane quasi εὐημερίαν Caesaris scriberet, Pom- 
peium in fuga esse eumque primo vento navigaturum? Quod 
valde discrepat ab lis epistulis quarum exempla antea ad te misi. 
Hic quidem mera scelera loquuntur. Sed non erat nec recentior 
auctor nec huius rei quidem melior Dolabella. 2. Tuas x1 Ka- 
lend. accepi litteras quibus omnia consilia differs in id tempus 
cum scierimus quid actum sit. Ht certe ita est, nec interim potest 
quidquam non modo statui sed ne cogitari quidem. Quamquam 
hae me litterae Dolabellae iubent ad pristinas cogitationes reverti. 
Fuit enim pridie Quinquatrus egregia tempestas, qua ego illum 

lo. 871 was written on March 24th ; 
it is probable that 369 was written on 
the 28rd: cp. 374. 1 ne quem diem 
intermitterem: 872. 2 fin. nullum diem 

1. Οὐκ... λόγος) ‘False was the 
tale, as I think, that about the boats’: cp. 
3868, 1. The first words of the celebrated 
palinode of Stesichorus, in which he with- 
drew his-statements about Helen. But 
here it refers to no palinode, but merely 
means that the account which stated that 
Pompey was cooped up in Brundisium 
was a canard. 

Quid enim esset quod] ‘For what in 
that case (if Lepta’s account were true) 
would be the meaning of Dolabella’s 
calling it in his letter a kind of godsend 
for Caesar that Pompey is meditating 
flight ; and saying that he would set sail 
with the first wind?’ If Pompey was 
going to sail away, it was to Caesar's 
advantage that he should do so at once. 

The slight change of est to esset is indi- 
cated by the mood of scriberet. 

mera scelera loquuntur| ‘ disaster is on 
everyone’s lips.’ For mera cp. 367. 3; 
371. ὃ. Thisconstruction of logui, as well 
as that with accusative and infinitive, 
belongs chiefly to colloquial Latin: see 
Dr. Reid on De Senect. 59: ep. Mil. 63, 
the only place in the orations where it 

me... tubent... reverti) The mas. 
give mihi. But the construction of iwbeo 
with dat. and inf. is too seldom found in 
Mss. of prose authors to admit of its being 
accepted. In Liv. xxvii. 16. 8 the read- 
ing is uncertain (Madvig and Weissenborn 
read scriba). In Catullus 64. 140 mihi 
goes with promissa dedisti. 

2. pridie Quinguatrus| March 18. 
Pompey did actuaily sail on the 17th. 
For pridie with acc. cp. note to 437. 2. 

egregia tempestas| ‘excellent weather.’ 

168 ‘EP. 369 (ATT. IX. 18, § 1-7). 

usum puto. 3. Συναγωγὴ consiliorum tuorum non est a me con- 
lecta ad querelam sed magis ad consolationem meam. Nec enim 
me tam haec mala angebant quam suspicio culpae ac temeritatis 
meae: eam nullam puto esse, quoniam cum consiliis tuis mea 
facta et consilia consentiunt. Quod mea praedicatione factum 
esse scribis magis quam illius merito ut tantum ei debere viderer, 
est ita. Ego illa extuli semper et eo quidem magis ne quid ille 
superiorum meminisse me putaret: quae si maxime meminissem, 
tamen illius temporis similitudinem iam sequi deberem, Nihil me 
adiuvit cum posset: at postea fuit amicus, etiam valde, nec quam 
ob causam plane scio; ergo ego quoque illi. Quin etiam illud 
par in utroque nostrum, quod ab eisdem inlecti sumus. Sed utinam 
tantum ego ei prodesse potuissem quantum mihi ille potuit! Mihi 
tamen quod fecit gratissimum. Nec ego nunc eum iuvare qua 
re possim scio nec, 81 possem, cum tam pestiferum bellum pararet, 
adiuvandum putarem. 4. Tantum offendere animum eius hic 
manens nolo. Nec meliercule ista videre quae tu potes lam 
animo providere nec interesse istis malis possem. Sed eo tardior 
ad discedendum fui quod difficile est de discessu voluntario sine 
ulla spe reditus cogitare. Nam ego hune ita paratum video 
peditatu, equitatu, classibus, auxiliis Gallorum—quos Matius 

3. Suvaywyh|’ ‘précis,’ “ résumé,’ 
‘digest.’ Cicero had collected and classi- 
fied the advice of Atticus, tendered in his 
various letters, in Ep. 365. 

ad querelam| ‘not to reproach you, but 
rather to console myself. For the pre- 
sent calamities were not afflicting me so 
much as a suspicion that my conduct was 
blameworthy and rash. That suspicion 
I consider to have no grounds, since my 
actions and plans agree with your advice. 

Quod mea praedicatione| ‘ when yousay 
that my obligations-to Pompey are, in my 
statement of them, represented as greater 

than his deserts warrant, you are right. 1΄ 

extolled those services the more, lest he 
should suppose that 1 remembered the 
past’ (Pompey’s treatment of him at the 
time of his exile). ‘ Indeed, even if I did 
remember that occasion ever so well, I 
should feel bound to take that course of his 
as the model of my.conduct now’: that 
is,as Pompey, though heat first neglected 
or opposed the interests of Cicero at that 
critical epoch, finally came to his aid and 

support; so Cicero is now bound to give 
his aid and support to Pompey at this 
crisis of his fortunes. 

nec quam ob causam plane scio| This is 
Madvig’s (A. C. ii. 327) reading, the only 
alteration being nec for et. Bosius read 
ecquam ob causam plane nescio. 

ergo ego quoque ili] sc. ero amicus. 

etiam illud par | ‘there is this further 
parallelism between the two cases:. we 
were both cajoled by the same party ’— 
the doni or Optimates. 

Mihi tamen .. . gratissimum] ‘yet 
(though I can do so little to show it) I 
am truly grateful for what he did.’ This 
clause would seem to stand more appo- 
sitely after nec ego. . . putarem. 

4. Nam ego hune... Gallorum| The 
sentence is interrupted by a parenthesis 
and resumed as usual by sed. But in 
meaning, though not in form, the whole 

passage is parenthetical until ita paratum 

video is resumed by guare (so) ita paratus 

est. (ir 


EP. 369 (ATT. IX. 13, 838 1-7). 


ἐλάπιζεν, ut puto, sed certe dicebat *peditum, equitum sex polli- 
ceri sumptu suo annos decem—sed sit hoc λάπισμα. Magnas habet 
-certe copias, et habebit non Italiae vectigal sed civium bona. 
-Adde confidentiam hominis, adde imbecillitatem bonorum virorum, 
qui quidem, quod illum ssibi merito iratum putant, oderunt, 
ut tu scribis, fludum ce vellem scribis quisnam hic significasset. 

*yeditum| Possibly cctoo (= decem 
millia) has been omitted, ‘but he 
certainly said that ten thousand in- 
fantry and six thousand cavalry had 
promised their services for ten years at 
their own expense.’ - This reading, if 
adopted, will help to confirm the usual 
alterations made in the impossible mss. 
reading in Caesar B. C. i. 39.2: Caesar 
legiones in Hispaniam praemiserat [ad | v1 
[milia}: aumilia peditum v milia (so 
Nipperdey: nulla Mss.), equitum 111 milia, 
quae omnibus superioribus bellis habuerat, 
et parem ex Gallia numerum. ‘The last 
words apply to both horse and foot. 

sex] The mss. have se. It was Bosius 
who suggested sea. 

sed sit hoc λάπισμα)] ‘but even grant- 
ing that this was a bit of gaseonade.’ 

Italiae] So we read with the editors 
after Madvig (A. C. iii. 188) for alie of 
M, though we should expect vectigalia. 
But Dr. Reid’s suggestion alienwm is 
attractive, ‘a foreign source of revenue.’ 
For the sing. ep. Att. vi. 1.3 (252) wellum 
enim aerarium, nulluin vectigal habet (sc. 
Ariobarzanes) ‘no source of revenue.’ 

oderunt ludum| Some of the Optimates, 
fearing the resentment of Pompey, ‘ have 
conceived an aversion for the whole 
game,’ and are resolved to take no part 
on either side. War is often compared 
to a game, and the belligerents to players. 
_ Boot compares Hor. Carm. i. 2. 37 Heu 
nimis longo satiate ludo; though Horace is 
_ there addressing Mars,-the god of war. 
_ Or perhaps oderunt ludum may be taken 
as ‘have conceived an aversion from the 
' school, as the master is deservedly angry 
_ with them’ (and so play truant from it). 

They know that they would get a de-— 

served castigation if they went to 
Pompey, and so (like schoolboys) play 

+ ec vellem| We can offer no solution 
of this corruption. The usual emendation 
adopted is that of Graevius, Ac vellem 

quinam hi significasses, who supposes that 
scribis has been repeated by an error of 
the copyist. ‘The meaning then is that 
Cicero wishes Atticus had told him who 
were those who had conceived hatred of 
Pompey, that were gcing to be shirkers. 
O. E. Schmidt (RA. Mus. (1897), p. 146) 
reads eundem for ludum, a somewhat flat 
ending for the sentence, especially after 
ut tu scribis. What follows he corrects 
thus: Ae vellem scripsisses quisnam hoe 
significaset, ‘and I wish you had told me 
who indicated that fact to you,’ 1.6. that 
the constitutionalists had conceived a 
hatred of Pompey. Orelli conjectured 
dudum for ludum, but it should rather be 
iam pridem, as Madvig points out. Madvig 
(A. C. iii. 183) justly notices that this 
part of the letter must be compared with 
352. 1-2, where see notes: and his reading 
is most ingenious and interesting, though 
we cannot think it very probable. He 
reads, ué tu scribis iudices CCCLX bis iam hic 
significasse, ‘of which, as you tell me, the 
360 judges have twice here given mani- 
festations.’ (Perhaps hoe would be pre- 
ferable to hic.) Madvig supposes that 
indices Was written iud., that vellem was 
corrupted out of 1x, and that seridis was 
repeated by error and should be expunged. 
This is decidedly audacious dealing with 
the text. In the next sentence he 
objects (not unreasonably) to iste—for 
hic and ille are the pronouns that are used 
for Caesar and Pompey: and he reads sed 
et isti, 1.6. the 360 judges. ‘ But they 
also, because Pompey promised more 
than he performed, and generally all who 
loved him before do not love him now.’ 
We may in this perhaps take exception to 
et: for what Madvig represents the istias 
feeling is a weakened form of oderunt of 
which they had given manifestations. And 
is there any evidence that the 360 judges 
had any sort of organization: through 
which they could as a body express their . 
sentiments ? 

170 EP, 869 (ATT. 1X. 18, 8§ 1-7). 

Sed et iste, quiat plus ostenderat quam fecit amatur, et vulgo i 
Municipia vero et rustici Romani — 

illum qui amarunt non amant. 

illum metuunt, hune adhue diligunt. Quare ita paratus est ut, 

etiam si vincere non possit, quo modo tamen vinci ipse possit non ~ 
videam. Ego autem non tam γοητείαν huius timeo quam πειθαν- | 

μεμιγμέναι ἀνάγκαις. 

et ὑπηρεσίαν fidelem, quae si mihi Bruondisi suppeterent, mallem. 
Sed 101 occultatio nulla est. Verum, ut scribis, cum sciemus. 
6. Viris bonis me non nimis excuso. Quas enim eos cenas et facere 
et obire scripsit ad me Sextus! quam lautas, quam tempestivas! 
Sed sint quamvis boni, non sunt meliores quam nos: moverent me, 
si essent fortiores. De Lanuvino Phameae erravi: Troianum 
somniaveram. Id ego volui ὦ. Sed pluris est. Istuc tamen 
cuperem emere, si ullam spem fruendi viderem. 7. Nos quae 
monstra cotidie legamus intelleges ex illo libello qui in epistulam 

conlectus est. 

Sed et iste] It is difficult to think that 
this can refer to anyone but Caesar, espe- 
cially when we compare 352.1, 2. Osten- 
derat here virtually means ‘ threatened ’ : 
cp. the use in Fam. ix. 8. 1 (641) of a 
person promising that he would do a 
thing. tsi munus, (gladiatorial show) 
Slagitare quamvrs quis ostenderté ne populus 
quidem solet nist concitatus. ‘There is no 
doubt a difficulty about iste. It would 
seem to refer to some other person than 
either of the protagonists: cp. iste omnium 
turpissumus (364. 3); iste nummarius 
(375.1), both, as it would seem, referring 
to Lepidus. Accordingly Boot considers 
that the reference is to Domitius, and 
reads sedet ‘is remaining inactive’: cp. 
Att. vi. 3. 4 (264). But Cicero does not 
seem to have known what Domitius was 
doing at this time (3738. 4 fin.). If the 
reference is to Domitius, we should prefer 
to retain Sed et, ‘but both Domitius, 
because he (Pompey) promised more than 
he performed, and generally those who 
did love him do not love him now.’ We 
cannot well take iste as referring to 
Lepidus: for he had no sympathies with 

amatur| This is an old addition, and 
seems to give the proper sense. Possibly 
something like etiamnunce amatur (or 
diligitur) was what was originally written. 

Lentulus noster Puteolis est, adnuavev is, ut 

non tam γοητείαν] ‘Ido not so 
much fear his finesse as his force majeure ; 

Ai yap τῶν τυράννων δεήσεις, inquit Πλάτων, οἶσθ᾽ ὅτι ἥ 
5. Illa ἀλίμενα video tibi non probari quae — 
ne mihi quidem placebant, sed habebam in illis et occultationem 

for, as Plato says, An autocrat’s requests — 

partake of the nature of commands.’ ‘These 
words are in the same epistle (vii) of Plato 
(329 D) from which the simile of the bird 
is taken in 368. 2. 

5. ἀλίμενα)] Places which do not 
afford a means of putting to sea at short 
notice would not be suitable to him. 

ὑπηρεσίαν) ‘a trustworthy set of 

6. cenas et facere et obire] “ give and re- 
ceive entertainments.’ 

tempestivas| see on 353, ὃ, 

boni. . . meliores| The words are used 
in their political sense. 

Lanuvino . .. Troianum] ‘It was his 
‘*Troianum’’ I dreamt of (acquiring).’ 
All the places about Lanuvium and 
Lavinium were full of reminiscences of 
the operations of the Trojans and Aeneas: 

and so it was natural that an estate should — 

have that name, 
Istuc] i.e. the Lanuvinum of Phamea. 
7. epistulam] ‘the packet’ in which 

both letters and other enclosures were : 



Lentulus] ep. 367. 1. 

ἀδημονῶν guidagat] ‘in aquandary, 
utter bewilderment, what to do.’ 


torqueri dicit, 

fuerit statim tibi scribam. 

Pompeius est Brundisi. 

* Caesius| 367. 1. 

Διατροπὴν Corfiniensem| ‘a fiasco 
like that at Corfinium.’ Cicero seems to 
like this adjective Corfiniensis: cp. 336. 
23374, 1. 

prospecta re| * when he looks forward 
to the future.’ 

We have put this letter out of strict 
_ chronological order so as to bring it into 
_ close connexion with Cicero’s next letter. 
_ The letter of Caesar’s was probably 
written a few days after the 9th. As 
Cicero received the letter of Balbus on 

the 24th (371. 8), it is probable that it 

_ was written on the 22nd or 23rd. 
ὃ 1. Misit ad me N. Magium] Boot notices 
that this is inconsistent with the account 
given by Caesar, B. C. i. 26, where he 
wishes to represent himself as very 
_ desirous of peace. The facts appear to 
have been that Caesar took Magius 
__ prisoner, but at once released him (347. 2), 
_ andsent him to Pompey with proposals 
| “orig B. C. i. 24. δ). Pompey sent him 
_ back with an answer (see above), .to 
᾿ς which Caesar replied, as he says, ‘ suit- 

EP. 370 (ATT. 1X. 13 A). 


Caesius narrat,-quid agat. Διατροπὴν Corfiniensem reformidat, 
_Pompeio nune putat satis factum, beneficio Caesaris movetur, sed 
_tamen movetur magis prospecta re. 

f 370. BALBUS TO CICERO (Arr, 1x. 13 4). 
ROME ; MARCH 22; A. U. C. 705; B.C. 495 AET. CIC. 57. 
Balbus Ciceroni litteras Caesaris de rebus Brundisii gestis mittit deque pace se 


1. Caesar nobis litteras perbrevis misit, quaarum exemplum sub- 
scripsi. Brevitate epistulae scire poteris eum valde esse distentum 
quitanta de re tam breviter scripserit. 

Si quid praeterea novi 


A. ἃ. vit Id. Mart. Brundisium veni: ad murum castra posui. 
Misit ad me N. Magium de pace. 


ably ’? (quae visa sunt). Pompey did not 
send Magius back again to Caesar (ib. 1. 
26. 2). Caesar then, about March 14, 
sent Caninius Rebilus to Scribonius Libo 
to see if negotiations could be held with 
Pompey through them. Libo, after dis- 
cussion with Pompey, replied that Pompey 
said he could do nothing as regards 
peace, as the consuls had left for Greece. 
Pompey plainly sent Magius merely to 
gain time, and no doubt his proposals 
seemed to Caesar extravagant. As 
Caesar did not regard Pompey as serious 
in this matter, perhaps he considered 
himself at liberty to say nothing in his 
Commentaries about the mission to and 
fro of Magius which is recorded here. 
Ferrero (ii. 240) thinks it possible that if 
Cicero had been at Brundisium he might 
have made efforts to secure peace. No 
doubt he would; but we cannot believe 
that he would have had much weight 
with Pompey, of whom Ferrero very 
justly says (ὦ. 6.), ‘after the surrender of 
Corfinium Italy would be certain to 
consider him as having been conquered 
by Caesar, if he consented to make peace 

without taking his revenge.’ ! 

172 “EP 871 (ATP. 1X. 28S Gee). 

visa sunt respoudi. Hoc vos statim scire volui. Cum in spem © 

venero decompositione aliquid me conficere, statim vos certiores 
faciam.’ <poriy 

2. Quo modo me nunc putas, mi Cicero, torqueri, postquam 
rursus in spem pacis veni, ne qua res eorum compositionem 
impediat ? Namque, quod absens facere possum, opto. Quod si 
una essem, aliquid fortasse proficere possem videri: nunc exspec- 
tatione crucior. 

371. CICERO TO ATTICUS (Arr. rx. 13, § 8). 

FORMIAE; MARCH 24 (372.1); A. U. ©. 705; B. C. 49; ART’. CIC. 57. 
M. Cicero Balbi litteras odit deque pace iam penitus desperat. 

8. ‘Mene haec posse ferre?’ Omnia misera, sed hoc nihil 
miserius. Pompeius N. Magium de pace misit et tamen oppug- 
natur: quod ego non credebam, sed habeo a Balbo litteras 

aliquid me conficere| Boot brackets these 
words on the ground that in so short a 
letter Caesar would not have used unne- 
cessary words; but that quality, if any in 
a letter, is a sign of haste. ‘The force 
of the present infinitive is ‘when I can 
entertain a hope that I am making some 
progress in peace negotiations.’ 

2. torguert| ‘you can imagine how 
distracted I am.’ 

ne qua... impediat| ‘for fear that 
anything should hinder the settlement.’ 

quod absens facere possum, opto] ‘ Llong 
for peace, which is all I can do without 
being on the spot.’ 

possem vidert] ‘if I were on the spot, 
perhaps I might succeed in seeming to be 
of some use’—an exaggeratedly modest 
aspiration. See Adn. Crit. 

That this is a separate letter written the — 

day after 369 is probable, because if the 
letter of Balbus, with the enclosed copy 
of Caesar’s letter, had already arrived 
on the 23rd, Cicero would almost certainly 

have referred to it earlier in his letter 
than the last part of it. We cannot, 
however, bring as an argument that 
Cic. had in ᾧ 8 later news from Dolabella 
than he hadin 269. 1; for in 371.8 & 
and Crat. have iit Jd. Mart.: it is 
only A that omits m1. Yet we think 
Sternkopf (p. 66, No. 124) right in making 
this a new letter. This paragraph can 
hardly be regarded as a postscript: for 
Cic. would have said, Scripta iam epistula 
(cp. 360. 3) or something of the kind. 
Schmidt (p. 157) thinks that it is not 
necessary to suppose a new letter; as 
correspondence was so frequent in this 
exciting time, the second communication 

from Dolabella may have arrived during © 
Cicero’s writing of the letter: and somay — 

the letter of Balbus. . This is, of course, 

possible: but the. view of Sternkopf is : 

the more probable. 

8. Mene] So Pius for nec of the mss. ba 
Cp. @ 
Madvig 399: Ter. Andr. 253 tantamne — 

Bosius reads Yene. For. the . inf. 

rem tam neglegenter agere 2 


EP, 372 (ATT. IX. 1h). 173 

_ quarum ad te exemplum misi: lege, quaeso, et illud infimum caput 

ipsius Balbi optimi, cui Gnaeus noster locum ubi hortos aedificaret 

_ dedit, quem cui nostrum non saepe praetulit ? Itaque miser tor- 

quetur. Sed ne bis eadem legas ad ipsam te epistulam reicio. 
Spem autem pacis habeo nullam. Dolabella suis litteris 11 Id. 
Mart. datis merum bellum loquitur. Maneamus ergo in illa 
eadem sententia misera et ae, quando hoe miserius esse 
nihil ΠΕΡ, 

87... CICERO TO ATTICUS (Art. 1x..14). 
FORMIAE } MARCH 25; A. U.C. 7053; B.C. 495 AKT. CIC. 57. 

M. Cicero Attico scribit spem pacis, quam Balbi litterae significaverint, nullam esse ; 
se e Q. Pedii litteris intellexisse et e Caesaris litteris, quarum exemplum miserat 
Pedius, quid agat nescire. Scripta epistula se ait a Lepta certiorem factum Pompeium 
a Brundisio conscendisse, Caesarem a. d. vir Kal. April. Capuae fore. 


1. Miseram ad te viii Kal. exemplum epistulae Balbi ad me 
et Caesaris ad eum: ecce tibi eodem die Capua litteras accepi ab 
Q. Pedio, Caesarem ad se pridie Id. Mart. misisse hoe exemplo : 

‘Pompeius se oppido tenet. Nos ad portas castra habemus. 
Conamur opus magnum et multorum dierum propter altitudinem 
maris; sed tamen nihil est quod potius faciamus. Ab utroque 
portus cornu moles iacimus, ut aut illum quam primum traicere 

~ quod habet Brundisi copiarum cogamus aut exitu prohibeamus,’ 

2. Ubi est illa pax de qua Balbus scripserat torqueri se ? ecquid 

_ acerbius? ecquid crudelius? Atque eum loqui quidam αὐθεντικῶς 

infimum caput| ‘that clause at the end opus . . . multorum dierum}| For the- 

: ‘in which the good Balbus himself speaks.’  genit. cp. Caes. B. C. ii. 16. 1 paucorum 

quem cui... praetulit) ‘to which of  dierwm opera et labore. 
us did not Pompey often prefer him?’ Ab utroque...iacimus| For Caesar’s. 
merum belium)] cp. 367. 3; 369. 1. operations at Brundisium cp. Caes, B. C. 
i. 25-27. : 
1. Q. Pedio| He was the Pedius who 2. de qua. . . torqueri). about which 

JN was ordered in Nov. 43 to put his name Balbus wrote that‘he was ‘distracted ”?? : 
to the law interdicting from fire and cp. 370. 2. 
~ water all those who had taken part in quidam αὐθεντικῶς narradat | ca. 

ie the murder of Julius Caesar. statement was made on good. authority 


EP. 372 (ATT. IX. 1h). 

narrabat, Cn. Carbonis, M. Bruti se poenas persequi omniumque 
eorum in quos Sulla crudelis hoe socio fuisset ; nihil Curionem se 
duce facere quod non hic Sulla duce fecisset: se ambire redi- 
tionem quibus exsili poena superioribus legibus non fuisset, ab 
illo patriae proditores de exsilio reductos esse ; queri de Milone per 
vim expulso, neminem tamen se violaturum nisi qui arma contra. 
Haec Baebius quidam, a Curione 111 Id. profectus, homo non 

infans sed Tquis ullit non dicat. 
Illim equidem Gnaeum profectum puto. 
A te nihil ne Anteros quidem litterarum. Nec mirum: 


that Caesar said in conversation that he 
was the avenger of Carbo and Brutus and 
all those on whom Sulla with Pompey’s 
complicity wreaked his cruelty.’ Cn. 
Papirius Carbo was consul for the third 
time with C. Marius the younger in 82 
as his colleague, Leg. Agr. iii. 6. He was 
put to death by Pompey at Lilybaeum 
(497. 3). M. Junius Brutus, the father 
of the Brutus who was one of the chief 
conspirators against Caesar, was tribune 
in 88. He was killed in Cisalpine Gaul 
by Pompey in 76. 
se ambire reditionem] ‘that he is soli- 
citous only for the restoration of those 
who would not have been punished with 
exile under statutes prior to that of 
Pompey, while Pompey (acting in con- 
cert with Sulla) brought back from exile 
traitors to their country; that he re- 
sents the violence used by Pompey to 
secure the banishment of Milo, but would 
not hurt anyone not found in arms 
against him.’ We have accepted with a 
modification the emendation of Madvig, 
a se dari reditionem (A. C. ii. 237-8), and 
read se ambire reditionem or ad (= at) 
ambi <re se redi>tionem. Ambire is not 
the most natural word that could have 
been employed, but might well have been 
used by Caesar in conversation or attri- 
buted to him by Baebius in a letter. Ad 
ambitionem may be a corruption of ambire 
reditionem, not unlike intelligamus for 
legamus intelleges in 369. 7, and such 
a fusion of two verbs is found in 
the letters: cp. consulemus for consulere 
debemus in Q. Fr. i. 1. 82 (80). O. E. 
Schmidt (RA. Mus. 1897, p. 157) suggests 
<se accisse> (or <se accire>) ad ambitionem, 
which appears to mean literally ‘that he 
has summoned to a political career,’ i.e. 

Quidquid est biduo 

restored them to their civic rights; but this 
is improbable. We think it just possible 
that we should read ad (= at) <a se 
d>omuitionem (sc. fore), the u becoming 3b. 
For domuitio ep. De Div. i. 68. The rare 
word would be readily corrupted. For 
the fact that this restoration was the 
policy of Caesar see 382. 8, nihil esse 
certius quam ut omnes qui lege Pompeia 
condemnatt essent restituerentur. This law 
of Pompey was his lex de ambitu of 51. 
The beginning of the Or. pro Milone is 
full of complaints of the terrorism then 

nist qui arma contra] ‘unless those 
who are openly in arms’: sc. ferant, 
We can quote no exact parallel for this 

sed tquis ulli non dicat| We think that 
possibly the reading might have originally 
been sed qui de suo illa non dicat, ‘a man 
who is fairly talkative, but who would 
not invent such a report,’ ‘ would not say 
it out of his own head.’ K. F. Hermann 
(Philol. iii. (1848), p.105) reads sed qui 
nulli non dicat, ‘a man not tongue-tied, 
but one who would talk to all and sundry,’ 

which is certainly a very slight divergence 

from the mss., but is somewhat tauto- 
logical. Could the reading possibly be 
sed quit Sullas non dicat ? cp. 367. 3 meros 
Sullas. Baebius was talkative, but would 
not talk about Caesar’s revenging the 
deeds of Sulla without having evidence 
forit. But loguatur, not dicat, is the word 
we should have expected: ep. 356. 3, nil 
nisi classis loquens et exercitus; 369.1; 
371.8; Mil. 63. 

Lilim] “ thence’ sc. from Brundisium. 

Anteros| a slave or freedman of Atti- 
cus, of whom we read again in 406. 1. 

Plane nescio quid agam, 


LP... 378 (ATT. LX. 15), 175 

quid enim est quod scribamus ? Ego tamen nullum diem praeter- 

mitto. | 
8, Scripta epistula litterae mihi ante lucem a Lepta Capua 

1 redditae sunt Id. Mart. Pompeium a Brundisio conscendisse, at 

Caesarem a. ἃ. vit Kal. Aprilis Capuae fore. 

373. CICERO TO ATTICUS (Art. 1x. 15). 

FORMIAE ; MARCH 253 A. U. C. 7053 B.C. 493 AET. CIC. 57. 

M. Cicero scribit Attico sibi iam litteras adlatas esse Caesarem in Albano apud 
Curionem v Kal. fore, eius igitur congressum exspectat, sibi omnia imparata esse 
significat ab Atticoque consilium petit: de mandatis Caesaris ad consules et ad 
Pompeium, de Philippo, de Lentulo, de Domitio, tum de Dionysio, denique de re 
familiari. Ὁ 


1, Cum dedissem ad te litteras, ut scires Caesarem Capuae 
vii Kalend. fore, adlatae mihi Capua sunt eum hic vi Kal. mihi 
et in Albano apud Curionem v Kal. fore. Eum cum videro, 
Arpinum pergam. Si mihi veniam quam peto dederit, utar illius 
condicione: si minus, impetrabo aliquid a me ipso. Ille, ut ad 
me scripsit*, legiones singulas posuit Brundisi, Tarenti, Siponti. 

1, eum hic vi Kal. et in Albano] This 
is the reading of Schmidt (p. 158). 
We certainly require some indication 
of where Caesar would be on vi Kal. 
Hence Madvig’s emendation (A. C. iii, 
184) et hic <copiam> mihi et in Albanois 
to be rejected, though this use of copia is 
allowable, especially in colloquial lan- 

_ guage; but we are not sure that it is 

ἐ ἃ 

_ bitterae eum in Albano. 
~~ can perhaps be understood, as Jitteras had 

Ciceronian. The reading of M is adiatae 
mihi Capua sunt et hoe mihi et in Albano ; 
but Tens. has adlatae mihi (om. Capua) sunt 
The word /itterae 

gone before, but probably ewm is genuine. 

ΞῸ See also Adn. Crit. 

utar| ‘1 shall put up with’; cp. 360. 7. 
si minus, impetrabo| ‘If he does not 
grant my request (that I should be allowed 

_ tobe neutral, and toabsent myself from the 
Senate when the case of Pompey is before 

10), then I shall grant a request that I 

_ shall make of myself,’ that is, I shall go and 

join Pompey. For impetrabo cp. iusta ad 
impetrandum, § ὃ, ‘good reasons why [ 
should gain my petition.’ He here means, 
‘1 shall call on myself for a definite move, 
and answer my call.’ 

ut ad me seripsit| Schmidt (p. 158) 
thinks that Caesar would hardly have 
written to Cicero on these topics, and 
supposes that Pedius (cp. 372. 1) or Lepta 
(368. 1; 372. 3) has fallen out. The 
latter seems the more probable. In 534. 2 
the mss. have Mugnum tamen exercitum 
Pompeium habere constat: nam Caesar 
ipse ad nos misit exemplum Paciaeci litte- 
rarum in quo erat illas undecin esse legiones, 
where Biicheler suggested swos: but ad 
nos may perhaps mean ‘ to us’ (who are at 
Rome), not ‘to me’ (personally). Caesar 
appears to have also left some forces at 
Hydruntum (Appian B. C, 11, 40). Caesar 
sent two of his six (Caes, B. Ὁ. i. 25.1: 
cp. 376. 6) legions to Sicily, one to 
Sardinia (B. Ὁ. i. 30. 2), and three he 


BP, 378 (ATT. TX. 98), 


Claudere mihi videtur maritimos éxitus, et tamen ipse Graeciam — 
spectare potius quam Hispanias. Sed haec longiusabsunt. 2. Me — 

nune et congressus huius stimulat—is vero adest—-et primas eius 
Volet enim, credo, 8. C. facere, volet augurum 

actiones horreo. 

decretum, rapiemur aut absentes vexabimur vel ut consules roget 

praetor vel dictatorem dicat, quorum neutrum ius est. 

EKtsi si 

Sulla potuit efficere ab interrege ut dictator diceretur [et magister 
equitum]| cur hic non possit? Nihil expedio, nisi ut aut ab hoe 
tamquam Q. Mucius aut ab illo tamquam I. Scipio. Cum tu haee 
leges, ego illum fortasse convenero, 3. Τέγλαθι. κύντερον ne illud 

placed in the coast towns. As he seems 
to have instituted new levies in Italy 
(377. 1), he may from them have after- 
wards garrisoned Hydruntum. 

_ ipse|. ‘Caesar himself,’ i.e. his real 
plan is to go to Greece, but he lets it be 
believed that he will goto Spain. Cicero 
was as wrong in this judgment as he was 
in his idea that Pompey when he left 
Rome would go to Spain (315. 1; 316. 

longius absunt| “ these are mere remote 
considerations,’ namely, what the ulterior 
course of Caesar’s actions will be. 

2. rapiemur| Possibly rure has fallen 
out before this word. Boot would supply 
Romam. Cicero was an augur, and so his 
presence would be required. 

veaabimur| ‘pestered.’ 

vel ut... vel] Wes. (Em. Alt. 118) 
(cp. Madv. on Fin. 1. 33) thinks we must 
read either wt vel. . . vel, or vel ut. . 
vel ut. But Sjogren (Comm. Tull. p. 188) 
quotes Lael. 64 tamen haee duo levitutis 
et infirmitatis plerosque convincunt aut si in 
bonis rebus contemnunt aut in malis dese- 
runt. Mommsen, St. R* 119, 138, would 
read volet for vel ut. On the constitutional 
question cp. 364. 3. 

vel dictatorem dicat| Caesar was named 
Dictator by M. Aemilius Lepidus as 
praetor: cp. note to 364. 5. 

quorum neutrum ius est] ‘Towards the 
end of this year (October) Caesar was 
nominated Dictator by the praetor Lepidus 
after the‘subject had been brought betore 
the people and approved by them. A 
similar exceptional case had occurred in 
219, when Q. Fabius Maximus was ap- 
pointed Dictator by election of the people 
(Liv. xxii. 8. 6). But none the less the 
procedure was unconstitutignal ; and Dio 
Cassius (xli. 86. -1) says that Caesar’s 

appointment was παρὰ τὰ πάτρια. Dio 
Cassius and Cicero, who had both been 
praetors, are better authorities than 

‘Plutarch, who says (Mare. 24) that a 
_ praetor, as well as a consul, could appoint 

a dictator. 

et magister equitum| ‘This is probably 
to be bracketed (see Adn. Crit.) because 
the dictator himself always appointed the 
master of the horse. Sulla was appointed 
Dictator by the interrex L. Valerius 
Flaccus (cp. Leg. Agr. iii. 5; App. B. C.i. 
98, 99). 

Nihil expedio| ‘I can see no solution 
of the difficulty, except by meeting the 
fate of Mucius at the hands of Caesar, or 
that of Scipio at the hands of Pompey.’ 
Mucius (368. 1) had been put to death by 
the orders of the younger Marius; L. 
Scipio had been proscribed by Sulla (ep. 
Sest. 7). The ellipse is perhaps sim. 

3. Τέτλαθι.] δή, κραδίη, καὶ κύντερον 
ἄλλο ποτ᾽ ἔτλης is ἃ familiar epic quotation 
(Hom. Od. xx. 18), but here Cicero says, 
‘no, not even my own special disaster, my 
exile, was a shrewder blow than this.’ He 
reters to the necessity now forced on him’ 
and bis party to go and join Pompey, which. 
he thinks worse than his banishment, for 
then there was hope of speedy return, 
now there is little or none: then he was — 
regretted, now Pompey (as well as his — 
followers) has lost. the sympathy of the — 
country towns and rural population, who * 
fear vindictive measures from him if he ~ 
should prevail. The use of nostrum pro- 
prium, and the subsequent allusion to 
Pompey without any special mention of | 
his name, show that Cicero is contrast- — 
ing his own personal disaster in the past — 
with the position in which he and the ~ 
Pompeians are now placed. But though ~ 
this is a ‘shrewder blow’ than his banish- _ 

EP. 878 (ATT. IX. 16). 177 
quidem nostrum proprium, rat enim spes propinqui. reditus, 
erat hominum querela. Nune exire cupimus, qua spe reditus 
mihi quidem numquam in mentem venit. Non modo autem nulla 
querela’ est municipalium hominum ac rusticorum, sed contra 
metuunt ut crudelem, iratum. Nec tamen mihi quidquam est 
miserius quam remansisse nec optatius quam evolare non tam ad 
belli quam ad fugae societatem. Sed quid tu? omnia consilia 
differebas in id tempus cum sciremus quae Brundisi acta essent. 
Scimus nempe: haeremus nihilo minus. Vix enim spero mihi 
hune veniam daturum etsi multa adfero iusta ad impetrandum. 
Sed [101 omnem illius meumque sermonem omnibus verbis ex- 

pressum statim mittam. 4. 
cura tua et prudentia iuves. 

agenda. Sed tamen 

ut ait ille 

Quidquid egero continuo scies. 

ment, he felt that he could not adopt any 
course in preference: ‘nothing is more 
wretched than that I should have stayed 
in Rome, nothing more welcome than to 
be Pompey’s companion, though not in 
- arms, still in flight.’ 
_ qua spe reditus| ‘with what hope of 
- return I have no idea.’ 
[ Sed quid tu? omnia consilia| The mss. 
have sed tu omnia qui consilia. The most 
probable solution is that guid got out of 
Ἵ place and was then corrupted into gui. 
_ For transpositions cp. puert (373a. 6). 
a But possibly we should read οὐδὲ tu omnia 
- qui... differebas: cp. Att. ii. 12.1 (37) udi 
sunt qui aiunt ζώσης φωνῆς ἡ and note to 
' Att. vi. 2. 7 (256). Many editors, follow- 
| ing theed. Rom., unscientifically strike out 
_ the qui, and leave the frigid sed tu... 
᾿ς differebas. Schmidt suggests Sed heus tu, 
omnia qui as less reproachful than δὲ tu 
qui: he compares Fam. vii. 11. 1 (167) 

τ΄ tusta ad impetrandum) ‘good reasons 
_ for gaining my request.’ 
a VOL. IV. 

Tu nune omni amore enitere ut nos 
Ita subito accurrit ut ne T. Rebilum 
quidem, ut constitueram, possim videre. 

Omnia nobis imparatis 

ἄλλα μὲν αὐτός, 
ἄλλα δὲ καὶ δαίμων ὑποθήσεται. 

Mandata Caesaris ad consules et 
ad Pompeium quae rogas, nulla habeo: fet descripta attulit 

omnibus verbis expressum] ‘verbatim,’ 
as we should say. 

4. 7. Rebilum| T. Caninius Rebilus, 
whom Caesar at Brundisium sent to Libo 
to endeavour to negotiate peace: cp. 
Caes. B. C. i. 26. 3-6, and note to 370. 1. 

ut ait ille| sc. ‘the poet’ (Homer). So 
Mr. Winstedt, rightly. Athene in the 
character of Mentor in the Odyssey iii, 
26-27, says— 

Τηλέμαχ᾽, ἄλλα μὲν αὐτὸς ἐνὶ φρεσὶ σῇσι νοήσεις, 
ὑ τονς Σ 
ἄλλα δὲ καὶ δαίμων ὑποθήσεται. 

Here αὐτὸς must be taken as referring 
to Cicero himself. 

et descripta . . . illaévia] As regards 
this desperate passage, Madvig’s sugges- 
tion (A. C. 111. 184) that we should read 
set rescripta is ingenious. The terms 
offered by Caesar were to be inferred 
from the answer which Pompey made, 
whether the answer was that conveyed 
by N. Magius (cp. note to 370. 1) or 
that by Libo (Caes. B. C. i, 26. δ). 
The proper name, which has been cor- 
rupted, he conjectures may be Matius, 
He reads the passage set rescripta attulit 


178 EP, 818 (ATTY. 1X, Td). 

illaéviat misi ad te ante; e quibus mandata puto intellegi posse. 
Philippus Neapoli est, Lentulus Puteolis. De Domitio, ut facis, 
sciscitare ubi sit, quid cogitet. 5. Quod scribis asperius me quam 

mei patiantur mores de Dionysio scripsisse, vide quam sim anti- — 

quorum hominum. ‘Te medius fidius hance rem gravius putavi 
laturum esse quam me. Nam praeterquam quod te moveri arbitror 
oportere iniuria quae mihi a quoquam facta sit, praeterea te ipsum 
quodam modo hie violavit cum in me tam improbus fuit. Sed tu 

id quanti aestimes tuum iudicium est. 
Ego autem illum male sanum semper 

quidquam oneris impono. 

Nec tamen in hoc tibi 

putavi, nune etiam impurum et sceleratum puto, nec tamen mihi 

inimiciorem quam sibi. 

Matius ; ea misi. Schiitz supposes that 
the reference is to the terms offered by 
Caesar in January in the negotiations 
which were conducted by L. Caesar and 
Roscius Fabatus (315. 2): he reads neque 
descripta attulit illa Lucius. If the refe- 
rence is to these negotiations, we might 
suppose some allusion to Sestius, who 
drafted the reply of Pompey. Possibly, 
then, at rescripta attulit illa Sestius, ‘but 
Sestius brought the answer,’ or, as we 
suggested, at rescripta attulit L. illa 
Sestiana, ‘but Lucius Caesar brought 
me the answer drawn up by Sestius.’ 
Turnebus supposes the error to be in 
descripta, and reads quae Aegypta (350. 1 
cp. Index) attulit illa e via mist ad te; 
the via, we presume, refers to Cicero’s 
journey from Formiae to Capua on Feb. 
3rd and 4th (318. 1) or his return journey 
to Formiae on Feb. 7th and 8th (319. 1). 

ante| The word ante is found in ORP 
(= 3), and in Z according to Bosius; and 
is almost certainly right: cp. Lehmann, 
‘ Att.’? 134. See Adn. Crit. 

De Domitio] There had been consider- 
able uncertainty as to where Domitius 
was after he had been released at Corfi- 
nium, and what he intended to do. He 
was rumoured to have been at Cosa 
(860, 2; 364. 3). About the middle -of 
April he arrived at Marseilles and assisted 
in the city’s resistance to Caesar. 

5. quam sim antiquorum] ‘how pri- 
mitive I am in my notions’ in supposing 
that Atticus would resent the bad con- 
duct of Dionysius even more than Cicero 
did himself; or, as Boot, ‘how frank, 
straightforward I am in stating that 1 

Philargyro bene curasti: causam certe 

Supposed you would resent,’ &c. The 
genitive seems to be that of a divided 
whole (Roby, 1290) or, as it is called, 
partitive: cp. Caec. 102, guos (Ariminen- 
ses) quis ignorat duodecim coloniarum 
Jfuisse: Plaut. Mil. 1015, si harune Bac- 
charum es; Hor. Carm. iii. 18. 13 Fies 
nobilium tu quoque fontium. 

quidguam oneris impono| ‘I will not 
commit you, bring you into my quarrel, 
compromise you’: cp. 362. 3, vereor ne 
Pompeio quid oneris imponam. 

male sanum| a confirmation of the 
conjecture cerritior for certior in 336. 1. 
“1 always thought he was not quite sane; 
now I think him a blackguard (μιαρὰ 
κεφαλή) and a scoundrel.’ 

curastt| This word is omitted by 3A, 
but is found in Cratander’s and Lambi- 
nus’s margin, and in Z (according to 
Bosius). ‘You did right in paying 
Philargyrus.’ He was, perhaps, the 
freedman of Aulus Torquatus (538. 6: 
cp. 363. 1). For eurare = ‘to pay’: 
ep. Att, 1. 7. 1 (9); 8. 214): vii. 8.1} 
(294); 7.2 (298); Fam. xvi. 9. 3 (292), 
and often. ‘You certainly had a sound 
and good case, that I was the deserted 
rather than the deserter.’ We do not 
know the particular private circumstance 
to which Cicero is referring—perhaps 
some debt he owed A. Torquatus, who 
may have complained that Cicero had 
not paid him, and said that Cicero had 
abandoned him (by going away from 
Rome to Formiae). Cicero replies that 
it was Aulus who abandoned him by 
leaving to join Pompey, who was crossing 
into Greece (363, 1). 

EP. 8734 (ATT. IX. 15, § 6). 179 

habuisti et veram et bonam, relictum esse me potius quam 

3738a. CICERO TO ATTICUS (Art, rx. 15, § 6). 

FORMIAE ; MARCH 26, A. U.C. 705; Β. 0. 49: AKT. CIC. 57. 

Mittit Cicero exemplum litterarum quas a Matio et Trebatio acceperat. 

6. Cum dedissem iam litteras a. ἃ. vii Kal., pueri quos cum 
Matio et Trebatio miseram epistulam mihi attulerunt hoc 


Cum Capua exissemus, in itinere audivimus Pompeium 
Brundisio a, ἃ. xvi K. Aprilis cum omnibus copiis quas habuit 
profectum esse: Caesarem postero die in oppidum introisse, 
contionatum esse, inde Romam contendisse, velle ante Kalend. 
esse ad urbem et pauculos dies 101 commorari, deinde in Hispanias 
proficisci. Nobis non alienum visum est, quoniam de adventu 
-Caesaris pro certo habebamus, pueros tuos ad te remittere, ut id tu 
“quam primum scires. Mandata tua nobis curae sunt eaque ut 
| tempus postularit agemus. ‘l’rebatius sedulo facit ut antecedat. 

_  Epistula conscripta nuntiatum est nobis Caesarem a. ἃ. vulr 
‘Kal. April. Beneventi mansurum, a. ἃ. vir Capuae, a. d. vi 
| Sinuessae. Hoe pro certo putamus.’ 

__ 6. This is a new letter, as he says that 
“he had already despatched (dedissem) the 
revious letter, viz. Ep. 373, §§ 1-6. 

| cum Matio et Trebatio| Matius had 
‘visited Cicero on March 19th (367. 2), 
and apparently Trebatius was travelling 
with him (368. 1): cp. Fam. xi. 27. ὃ 
(784). Cicero sent some slaves with them 
"in their journey to Capua, so as to bring 
ack as speedily as possible any informa- 

al out the movements of Caesar: cp. the 


letter from Matius and Trebatius, pweros 
» tuos ad te remittere. 

hoc exemplo| “ οὗ which this is a copy,’ 
‘copy enclosed,’ as we might say. 

ut tempus postularit| ‘as the circum. 
stances require.’ 

sedulo facit ut antecedat] ‘is doing his 
best to get to you before Caesar meets 
you,’ with a view, no doubt to giving 
his friend Cicero advice: cp. 375, 1. 

April...a.d,. v1.) These words are 
omitted in Μ᾽. Ail the mss, omit April 
... ad. vu. The addition is found in 
Crat., in the margin of Lambinus, and is 
given by Bosius. 


374. CICERO TO ATTICUS (Arr. 1x. 16). 

EP. 37h (ATT. IX. 16). 


FORMIAE; MARCH 26 (ὃ 1): A. U.C. 7053 B.C. 493 AKT. CIC. 57. 

M. Cicero Attico scribit se litteras a Caesare Sinuessa a. d. vir Kal. datas accepisse 

quarum exemplum adiunctum est. 


1. Cum quod scriberem ad te nihil haberem, tamen ne quem 
diem intermitterem has dedi litteras. A. ἃ. γι Kal. Caesarem 
Sinuessae mansurum nuntiabant. Ab eo mihi litterae redditae 
sunt a. d. vir Kalend. quibus iam ‘ opes’ meas, non, ut superioribus 
litteris, ‘opem’ exspectat. Cum eius clementiam Corfiniensem illam 
per litteras conlaudavissem, rescripsit hoc exemplo : 


2. Recte anguraris de me—bene enim tibi cognitus sum— 
nihil a me abesse longius crudelitate. Atque ego cum ex ipsa re 
magnam capio voluptatem, tum meum factum probari abs te 
triumpho gaudio. Neque illud me movet quod ii qui a me 
dimissi sunt discessisse dicuntur ut mihi rursus bellum inferrent: 
nihil enim malo quam et me mei similem esse et illos sui. 3. Tu 
velim mihi ad urbem praesto sis ut tuis consililis atque opibus, ut 

consuevi, in omnibus rebus utar. 
esse iucundius. Hane adeo habebo gratiam ill: 

1. opes] ‘resources,’ not ‘resource’ 
see on Ep. 357. Opidus means ‘money,’ 
ope, ‘help’; but what Caesar meant by 
opibus was Cicero’s influence and position. 

Corfiniensem] Cp. note to 369. 7. 

conlaudavissem] ‘ praised to the skies’ ; 
the con- is intensive. . 

2. This letter was written by Caesar 
during the siege of Brundisium, i.e. 
between March 9th and 17th, probably 
about March 15th, as otherwise Cicero 
would have mentioned it sooncr. 

2. triumpho gaudio| “1 exult with 
oy : cp. Att. i. 16, 4 (22); Cluent. 14. 

ii qui a me dimissi sunt] an aliusion 
to Domitius, who, when allowed to depart 
from Corfinium after its capitulation, 

Dolabella tuo nihil scito mihi: 
neque enim aliter 

threw himself into Massilia, which, how- | 
ever, he did not long hold against ἢ. | 
Brutus and ‘Trebonius. 

3. Hane adeo habebo gratiam| “1 shall 
feel that it is to him I shall owe my 
thanks especially for this (for Cicero’s. 
consenting to meet him at Rome) ; ‘of 
(he will certainly bring this about), as 
he cannot act otherwise, such is his 
kindness, his feeling, and goodwill 
towards me.’ Js sensus est de me = ita 
sentit de me. The word sensus meant 
‘feeling’ rather than ‘opinion,’ cons 
noting what is emotional rather than 
intellectual. See also note on Fam. 1. 
9. 17 (153). Bardt considers it means 
‘tact,’ communis sensus. The word adeo 

facere poterit : 




ad urbem veniam. 
etiam Formiis proscribi iussit. 
praeripio ? 

ppecems to mean “1 shall feel gratitude to 
Dolabella especially for this (or ‘ for this 
Ἷ also’): for he will most certainly effect 
it.’ This is a gracious way of assuming 
that Cicero will no doubt agree to 
_ Caesar’s requests, the granting of which 
" will be ensured by the charm of Dolabella. 

For the preceding words Maidvig (A. C. 

ii. 185) conjectures Nec ideo hubebo 
gratiam illi; neque enim aliter facere 
poterat, “1 will not thank him for being 
c charming : he could not be anything 

1. Trebatium) cp. 378a. 6, Tr ebatius 
sedulo facit ut antecedat. 

Matigue litter is] Matius did id 
this letter, but it is not extant. He met 
‘Caesar in agro Trebulano on March 26: 
“ep. Fam. xi. 27. 3 (784). 

_ eum illo) sc. Caesare. 

| EP, 375 (ATT. IX. 17). 

tanta eius humanitas, 

FORMIAK ; MARCH ΕΝ A. U. C. 7055 B. C. 49 AET. CIC. 57. 

Statim ad te perscribam omnia. 
statuam Arpinumne mihi eundum sit an quo alio. 
meo togam puram dare; istic puto. 
deinde; nam me hebetem molestiae reddiderunt. 
| scire ecquid ad te scriptum sit de Tirone. 

ita scripsit ut verear quid agat. 
voy nuntiant. Sane in magnis curis etiam haec me sollicitant: in 
_hac enim fortuna perutilis eius et opera et. fidelitas esset. 


is sensus, ea in me est 

- CIOBRO 10 ΑἹ" MOUS Gai IX. 1). 


' De Cabbatis congressu exspectato, de toga pura Ciceroni suo. ee de Tironis 


1. Trebatium vi Kalend., quo die has litteras dedi, exspec- 
Ex eius nuntio Matique litteris meditabor quo modo cum 
illo loquar. O tempus miserum! Nec dubito quin a me contendat 
Senatum enim Kal, velle se frequentem adesse 
Ergo ei negandum est ? Sed quid 

Ex illius sermone 
Volo Ciceroni 
2. Tu, quaeso, cogita quid 
A. Curio velim 
Ad me enim ipse Tiro 
Qui autem veniunt inde xivdv- 

contendat . .. veniam] ‘The omission of 
wt is quite regular, and it is bad eriticism 
to insert it here against MS. authority : ‘I 
have no doubt he will urge his point 
about my coming to Rome.’ 

proscribi | ‘ gave | orders that notices 
should be posted up.’ 

quid pracripio| ‘ why do I anticipate ?’ 
This word is found again, in 378. 2, Off. 1. 
108; see Adn. Crit.: but praecipio is 
the more usual word: Anticipo is used 
in the same sense in 349. 2. 

2. hebetem moiestiae reddiderunt | ‘my 
troubles have dulled my powers.’ This 
reminds us very much of the tone of his 
letters from exile, with their complaints 
of his pigritia, ‘ listlessness.’ 

quid agat| ‘how he is getting on.’ 

κινδυνώδη) ‘a dangerous turn,’ 
‘ that his condition is critical’ (Winstedt). 
See Adn. Crit. 

haec| sc. eura. 

182 EP. 376 (ATT. 1X. 18). 

376. CICERO TO ATTICUS (Arr, 1x. 18). 

AQUINUM (P); MARCH 28 OR 29; A. U. C. 7053 Β, 0. 493 AET. CIC, 57. 

M. Cicero Attico de suo cum Caesare congressu scribit quo obtinuerit ne ad urbem 
veniret sed tamen veretur ne Caesarem eo ipso offenderit, de comitatu C. Caesaris 
ipsiusque alacritate, Caesarem Romam ivisse, se Arpinum: iam consilium Attici 


1. Utrumque ex tuo consilio: nam et oratio fuit ea nostra ut 
bene potius ille de nobis existimaret quam gratias ageret, et in eo 
mansimus ne ad urbem. Illa fefellerunt facilem quod putaramus ; 
nihil vidi minus. Damnari se nostro iudicio, tardiores fore re- 
liquos si nos non veniremus, dicere. Ego dissimilem illorum esse 
causam. Cum multa: ‘ Veni igitur et age de pace.’ Meone, 
inquam, arbitratu? ‘An tibi, inquit, ‘ego praescribam P’ Sie, 
inquam, agam, senatui non placere in Hispanias iri nec exercitus 

Probably this letter was written from 
Aquinum, which was ἃ stopping-place 
between Formiae and Arpinum: ep. Att. 
xvi. 10: 2 (801). 1585. 2303), Or 
possibly it may have been written 
immediately after the interview with 
Caesar, just as Cicero was leaving Formiae 
for Arpinum; for he said he would let 
Atticus know about the interview at 
once (statim, 878. 3; 375. 1: continuo, 
373. 4). 

1. Utrumque . . . fefellerunt| “1 fol- 
lowed your advice in both respects: the 
tone of my remarks was such as to gain 
his respect rather than to earn his grati- 
tude ; and I persevered in my resolution 
not to go to Rome. We were mistaken 
in thinking he would be easy to deal 
with.’ For the ellipse of facere cp. 
445.1, quid et quo modo. 

nead urbem] sc. veniremus. Perhaps ut 
ne would be somewhat more common ; but 
it is the same kind of final ne that appears 
in such sentences as 483. 1, perfecerat 
fortuna ne quid tale scribere possem. 

veniremus| We think that the alteration 
of the Ms. reading venerimus to veniremus 

is right: for the historical inf. dicere 
means ‘ the statement was’ (rather than 
‘is’),is equivalent to dizit rather than 
dicit, as the other main verbs (oratio) fuit, 
mansimus, (summa) fuit, &c., in the para- 
graph show. The frequent ellipses in 
the narrative add greatly to the vivacity 
of the letter. 

dicere| Hist. inf. Itis raretofind a single 
historical infinitive, yet cp. Liv. xxx. 
42. 11, tum pro se quisque dicere vere de 
pace agi. Wolfflin, in the ‘ Archiv’ x. 
180, quotes other examples: Ter. Phorm. 
92 nos mirarier; Att. ii. 12. 2 (87) ego 
negare; Acad. ii. 11 quaerere; ii. 63 
intueri; Hor. Sat. i. 8. 47 ast iliae 
currere in urbem; add Att. vi. 21.12 — 
(250) Homo clamare ; 443.2 Hie Ligurius — 
JSurere. On the hist. inf. generally cp. — 
Drager 15, § 154. ; 

Sic, inqguam, agam] ‘The lineI shall © 
adopt will be that the Senate cannot — 
sanction a march into Spain on your part — 
nor the throwing of an army into Greece, — 
and, I added, I shall express great sym- 
pathy with Pompey.’ F 

EP, 376 (ATT. IX. 18), 


in Graeciam transportari, multaque, inquam, de Gnaeo deplorabo. 

Tum 1116, ‘Ego vero ista dici nolo.’ 

Ita putabam, inquam, sed 

ego eo nolo adesse quod aut sic mihi dicendum est multaque quae 
nullo modo possem silere si adessem aut non veniendum. Summa 

fuit ut ille, quasi exitum quaerens, ut deliberarem. 

negandum. Ita discessimus. 

liqua, odi! 

igo vero ista dict nolo] Cp. what Caesar 
said a few days later, Plutarch, Caes. 
35, παρρησίας ov δεῖται πόλεμος. 

ut deliberarem} sc. rogavit. For the 
omission of this word cp. Att. xv. 4. 2 
(734) Quod te a Bruto scribis (sc. rogart) 
ut certior fieret. Or, of course, it might 
be simply dixit: cp. 420. 2 illum Dola-— 
bellae dixisse ut ad me scriberet for ut atter 
dicere when the latter is of the nature of 
a command. 

At ego me amavi] ‘but I was pleased 
with my own attitude in the matter—a 
feeling [ have not had for a long time.’ 

2. Reliqua... desperatas| We believe 
the corruption lies very deep here, and 
we would suggest that erosceleri of the 
Mss. be altered to O feras ! ὦ λῆροι! We 
would then translate ‘For the rest— 
good heavens, what a following is his! 
What a crew of dmes damnées (to use 
your expression) he finds himself in! 
What inhuman monsters! What insig- 
nificant nobodies!’ Observe the differ- 
ence of idiom in Greek and Latin in such 
exclamations us these: thus ὦ λῆροι is the 
Greek for O studtos. Some editors assume 
that some part of scelus is hidden under 
the corruption. But a copyist finding 
scelera would not have written sceleri, 
while many (if not most) copyists finding 
ferasoleri would have read the last six 
letters as sceleri and changed era to ero. 
We need not remind our readers how 
often Greek words are written in Latin 
characters ; see critical note on κινδυνώδη; 
375. 2. Now astothe meaning: Cicero 
is speaking of the constituents of the 
camp of Caesar, and the corrupt words 
may fairly be taken to be the words 
in which they are characterized. If 
then we can arrive at an expression 
which will convey pointedly an opinion 
elsewhere expressed by Cicero about the 
followers of Caesar, and which will not be 

Non fuit 

Credo igitur hune me non amare. 
At ego me amavi, quod mihi iam pridem usu non venit. 

2. Re- 

qui comitatus! quae, ut tu soles dicere, νέκυια, in qua 

too unlike the voces nihili handed down 
by the mss., we shall have made the 
nearest approach we can to restoring the 
lost words of Cicero. 

Now Cicero frequently writes of the 
followers of Caesar as being either of 
inhuman depravity or of contemptible 
insignificance ; of the first class we have 
a description in a letter written a few days 
after this, vidi ipse Formiis universos, 
neque hercule umquam homines putavri, 

377. 1; the other class he calls ‘ Baian 
fellows,’ Baiana negotia, Att. xiv. 8. 1 
(710), and he writes λῆρος πολὺς 

in vino et in somno istorum, Att. xvi. 1. 4 
(769). Cicero frequently uses nugae 
tor ‘nobodies.’ If anyone asks why he 
rather wrote λῆροι here, we would quote 
the judicious remark of Boot on Att. xv. 
12.2 (where he admirably restores νόστον 
for nostro) : quodsi cui idonea causa deesse 
videatur cur Cicero non potius ‘ reditum’ 
scripserit, is velim rationes afferat cur 
plura in hac epistola Graece dicantur quae 
optime Latine dici possent. For in qua 
erat ‘in which he finds himself, turns out 
to be’ (cp. Greek ἦν ἄρα), we should 
prefer to read im qua errat. ‘The word 
νέκυια doubtless suggested to Cicero the 
verse Hom. Od. x. 495: 

οἷος πέπνυται τοὶ δὲ σκιαὶ ἀίσσουσι, 

and he might well have used errat to 
intimate that Caesar is himself an § ex- 

travagant and erring spirit’ like the rest of 

the νέκυια. It may be convenient to collect 
together here a few illustrative examples 
of the way in which the mss. deal with 
Greek words in these letters. In 355.1, 
for διαλείψιν dedisti M gives διαλῆψ 
inde dedisti, thus making part of λῆψιν 
Greek and part Latin; and similarly 
in 392. 10, συμπάθειαν appears as sim 
maetav. In 361. 1, θέσεις is written 
thesis, and πολιτικαί is pollicite in M}, 


EP, 376 (ATT. IX. 18). 

erat tero scelerit' o rem perditam, o copias desperatas! Quid, 
quod Servi filius, quod Tulli in iis castris fuerant quibus Pom- 
peius ‘circumsederettir! Sex legiones!’ multum vigilat; audet : 
nullum: video finem mali. Nune certe promenda tibi sunt consilia. 
Hoe fuerat extremum. 8. Illa tamen κατακλεὶς illius est odiosa, 
quam paene praeterii: ‘Si sibi consiliis nostris uti non liceret; 
usurum quorum posset ad omniaque esse descensurum.’ ‘ Vidisti 
igitur virum ut scripseras? Ingemuisti?’ Certe. ‘ Cedo reliqua.’ 

The word σοφιστεύω is corrupted to 
festivo in 364. 1, and κινδυνώδῃ to ni (or 
im) 1d modo in 375.2. On the same prin- 
ciple in 386. 1, we propose to correct 
recitet ét to res stat ; ἱτέον. 

[I have not altered this note, as I know 
that Dr. Tyrrell always strongly approved 
of his emendation (see Classical Review, 
1890, p. 452), and he and [ had agreed 
to differ on the point. The most probable 
reading, in my opinion, seems to be that 
of Corradus, Eros Celeris, i.e. Pilius 
Celer’s (Q. Pilius Celer was probably 
either brother or father of Pilia, wife of 
Atticus) slave Hros, who was apparently 
intriguing with the Caesareans in the 
interest of Pilius. Cicero did not think 
much of Pilius: ep. 382.1; ad Brut. ii 
5. 3 (842): cp. also 418.1; 501. Cicero 
says Hros Celeris just as he says Eros 
Philotimi (401. 1). Eros was such a 
common slave-name that some distinction 
was necessary. Lambinus and Popma 
approve of Eros Celeris, but suppose that 
the Celer is some Metellus Celer. 
Lehmann reads ἥρως Celer. Pilius is a 
sort of a hero in the midst of the ‘rabble 
rout’ (νέκυια) that surrounded Caesar. 
We find heros for Eros in M in Att. xvi. 
2.1 (772). The late Mr. Walter Headlam 
in a kind communication to us suggested 
quae... νέκυια, in qua errat ἥρως (sc. 
Caesar): ceteri—o rem perditam, an 
aposiopesis. But we doubt if Cicero just 
at this time would be so markedly lauda- 
tory of Caesar as the word ἥρως would 
imply.—L. C. P.j 

Tuli] A son of Titinius is mentioned 
as being in the camp of Caesar in 360.6 ; 
364.1; but in 381. 2 (see note), we read 
of a fullus who sent his son to join the 
beleaguerers of Pompey, so it is rash to 
read Titini for Tull here, as some editors 
do. ‘Fancy the sons of Servius and 
Tullus being in a host which beleaguers 
‘Pompey ’! 

Sex legiones!| “ think of six legions !’ 
i.e. “his having six legions!’ The ellipse 
of habet is hardly possible, ‘he has six 
iegions,’ wide as are the limits of that 
figure in the letters. 

multum vigilat, audet| Cp. 340. 4 fin. 
sed hoc répas horribili vigilantia, celeritate 
diligentia est. 

Nunc certe . . . consilia] Cp. 878. 8 
omnia consilia differebas in id tempus cum 
sciremus quae Brundisi acta essent. Scimus 
nempe: haeremus nihilo minus. 

Hoc fuerat extremum] Possibly these 
words are, as Meutzner holds, a gloss on 
κατακλείς; but we rather think that 
they mean, ‘This was the last thing we 
had arranged to wait for before you were 
to give me definite and final advice what 
to do’: ep, “369. 25.373. 3, quoted 
above; also 3875. 2 Tu, quaeso, cogita 
quid deinde. Also cp. §4 extremum fuit 
de congressu. 

8. katakAeis] ‘finale,’ 
‘ Caesar’s final observation.’ 

usurum quorum posset| sc. constlits. 

ad omniaque esse descensurum| ‘and 
would hesitate at nothing,’ ‘ would have 
recourse to any line of action’: cp. 
Att. vii. 9. 3 (300) si idle eo descendat : 
Brutus ap. Fam. xi. 1. 3 (700) ad novis- 
sima auxilia descendemus: where see 

‘ Vidistt. .. Arpinum] ‘ You will say, 
Have you seen the man then to be as you 
have written of him (headstrong and self- 
willed) ? and did you heave a sigh ? Indeed 
I did. Tell me the rest, you say. What 
more is there to tell? He is going to 
Pedum, 1 to Arpinum.’ The expression 
vidisti virum (sc. esse) ut scripseras is like 
adulescentem ut nosti, ‘ the kind of lad you 
know him to be,’ Att. vii. 2. 3 (298), and 
note. Some editors do not add a note 
of interrogation after seripseras, perhaps 

that is, 



EP. 876 (ATT. 1X: 18). 

Quid ? continuo ipse in Pedanum, ego Arpinum. 
quidem λαλαγεῦσαν illam tuam. 


Inde exspecto 
‘Tu malim,’ inquies, ‘ actum 

ne agas. Etiam illum ipsum quem sequimur multa fefellerunt.’ 
4, Sed ego tuas litteras exspecto. Nihil est enim iam ut antea 
‘Videamus hoe quorsum evadat.’, Extremum fuit de congressu 

nostro, quo quidem non dubito quin istum offenderim. 


maturius agendum est. Amabo te, epistulam et πολιτικήν ; Valde 

tuas litteras nunc exspecto. 

Pedanum| Pedum was an old town of 
Latium (Hor. Ep. 1. 4. 2), but it is 
‘doubtful if it was in existence in the 
time of Cicero’ or Horace: cp. Pliny 
H. N. iii. 69, who notices the Pedani as 
among the 53 peoples of Latium who 
anteriere sine vestigiis. But Pedum 
was probably far off the Appian 
Way, not far from Praeneste, near where 
is the modern Gallicano. So it is un- 
likely that Caesar would go there. M 
has Pelanum, which may have arisen from 
“anagrammatism ᾽ of Albanum : cp. 373.1. 
For ‘anagrammatism’ cp. 342. 1, where 
M has tamen lari tor lamentari. Schmidt 
(p. 165) reads Pedi Nordunum “ Pedius’s 
estate at Norba,’ which as far as geo- 
graphy goes is quite suitable. 

Inde] ‘after that,’ temporal, more pro- 
cbably than ‘from Arpinum,’ local. 

λαλαγεῦσαν) ‘ After that [ wait for 
your swallow.’ This emendation of 
Bosius is almost certainly right: cp. the 

_-epigram of Leonidas of Tarentum, Anth. 

Pal. x. 1:— 

ὁ πλόος ὡραῖος’ καὶ yap λαλαγεῦσα χελιδὼν 
ἤδη μέμβλωκεν χὠ χαριεὶς Ζέφυρος, 

_ to which Cicero has before alluded 362. 5, 

Egregie probo fore ut, dum vagamur, 6 

_ wwAdos ὡραῖος obrepat, and he says later, 
_ 879. 1, λαλαγεῦσα iam adest et animus 
| ardet. For πλόος ὡραῖος cp. Hes. Op. 680, 
665. For other suggestions see Adn. Crit. 

malim] “1 would rather not have you 

crying over spilt milk; even our leader 
_ Pompey has often gone wrong.’ We prefer 

to put the two sentences into the mouth 

of Atticus. We gladly accept Boot’s 
malim for malum, which is quite out of 
place here: cp. d/nemosyne (vol. xviil. 
356). Atticus says ‘ pray don’t dwell on 
past mistakes; we are all fallible.” This 
emendation removes the only example in 
Cicero of ne with present subjunctive in a 
prohibition addressed to a single indivi- 
dual—though, indeed, here it 1s a general 
proverb applied to a special case. Our 
passage thus becomes assimilated to such 
passages as Q. Fr. i. 4, init. (72), Amabo 
te, mt frater, ne adsignes, and the rule 
mentioned above becomes, as far as we 
know, absolute: cp. Madvig’s Opuscula, 
p. 484, note (= 11. 105). 

actum ne agas| Cp. 360.6; Ter. Phorm. 
419, Actum, aiunt, ne agas; [1.6]. 85, 
acta agunus quod vetamur vetere prover bio. 
Donatus on Ter. Ad. 232 seems to con- 
sider the expression comes from the 
law-courts: Plaut. Pseud. 260. 

4. Sed] ‘yet’ (though the time for 
action is past) ‘I am awaiting your 
letter. You can’t now say wait till we 
see how things will go. The last thing 
we were to wait for was my conference 
with Caesar’ (and that is now over): 
cp. note to 377. 4. 

Amabo te, epistulam et πολιτικὴν 
‘ Please, a letter and on public matters’ ; 
i.e. ‘please send me a letter.’ For the. 
imperative omitted after amabo te cp. Att. 
ΧΙ. 62, 2 (679), amabo te, eodem ad me 
cum vrevertere; and for da omitted in a 
similar request for a letter, cp. Catullus 
38. 7, Pauilum quidlubet allocutionis 
Maestius lacrimis Simonideis. 

186 EP. 377 (ATT. 1X. 19). 

377, CICERO TO ATTICUS (Arr. Ix. 19). 

ARPINUM 5; APRIL 13; A. U. C. 7055 Β. 6. 495 AKT. CIC. 57. 

M. Cicero Attico scribit se Ciceroni suo togam puram Arpini dedisse, de summa. 
maestitia omnium, de tristi bello impendente, se velle iam mari infero navigare, pacis 
spem nullam habere, gravitatem certe apud Caesarem obtinuisse et ne veniret ad urbem, 
Attici litteras exspectat. 


1. Ego meo Ciceroni, quoniam Roma caremus, Arpini potis- 
simum togam puram dedi, idque municipibus nostris fuit gratum ; | 
etsi omnis et illos et qua iter feci maestos adflictosque vidi: tam 
tristis et tam atrox est ἀναθεώρησις huius ingentis mali. Dailectus 
habentur: in hiberna deducuntur. a quae, etiam cum a bonis 
viris, cum iusto in bello, cum modeste fiunt, tamen ipsa per se 
molesta sunt, quam censes acerba nunc esse cum a perditis in 
civili nefario bello petulantissime fiant! Cave autem putes quem-— 
quam hominem in Italia turpem esse qui hine absit. Vidi ipse 
Formiis universos, neque mehercule umquam homines putavi, et 
noram omnis sed numquam uno loco videram. 2. Pergamus 
igitur quo placet et nostra omnia relinquamus. Proficiscamur ad 
eum cui gratior noster adventus erit quam si una fuissemus. 

This letter was written on April 1: see 
$2 (iam) compared with 375. 1, Senatwm 
enim Kal. velle se frequentem adesse .. . 
proscribi tussit. 

1. Arpini potissimum] 360.1; 375.1. 

Etsi| He uses this word, because he 
has just said that his act in investing his 
son with the toga virilis at Arpinum was 
‘pleasing’ (gratum) to them. ‘Though 
I have said they were pleased, yet I must 
tell you I saw dejection everywhere.’ 
For this use of etsi = * however,’ ‘ never- 
theless,’ cp. 408.1. Young Cicero was 
born in the autumn of 65: cp. Att. i. 
2. 1 (11), and was accordingly now 
between fifteen and sixteen. 

ἀναθεώρησι] ‘The coup d’eil,’ 
‘the contemplation in all its enormity of 
the blow that has fallen on this state.’ 

petulantissime] ‘in brutal fashion.’ 
For petulans, ‘a bully,’ cp. Juv. 3. 78. 

It is probable that here and in 343. 6 
sine civili perniciosissimo bello, the word 
civili should be regarded as ἃ gloss. 
Wesenberg here conjectures ὦ perditis 
cwibus in nefario bello. 

Vidi... videram] ‘I saw them all 
together at Formiae, and I could hardly 
believe them to be human beings. I knew 
what they were, all of them, but 1 had 
never seen them collected in one place.” 

Even Caelius was not able to endure the ὯΝ 

sight of the crew that now surrounded 
Caesar: cp. 408. 1 and 394, 2. 

2. una fuissemus] ‘had been with him 
all along.’ 

‘all along,’ Gronovius suggested fugisse- 

But as there is nothing in ~ 
the Latin corresponding to the words — 



mus, especially as Zum would seem to 

mark a definite point of time. 
would add séatim before una. 

The idea 
is certainly ‘from the beginning,’ ποῦ 

EP. 877 (ATT. 1X..19). 187 

Tum enim eramus in maxima spe, nune ego quidem in nulla, nec 
praeter me quisquam Italia cessit nisi qui hune inimiocum sibi 
putaret. Nec mehercule hoc facio rei publicae causa, quam 
funditus deletam puto, sed ne quis me putet ingratum in eum qui 
me levavit iis incommodis quibus idem adfecerat, et simul quod 
ea quae fiunt aut quae certe futura sunt videre non possum. Etiam 
equidem senatus consulta facta quaedam iam puto, utinam in 
Voleati sententiam! Sed quid refert? Est enim una sententia 
omuium. Sed erit immitissimus Servius, qui filium misit ad effli- 
gendum Cn. Pompeium aut certe capiendum cum Pontio ‘Titiniano, 
Etsi hic quidem timoris causa: ille vero? Sed stomachari de- 
sinamus et aliquando sentiamus nihil nobis nisi, id quod minime 
vellem, spiritum reliquum esse. 3. Nos, quoniam superum mare 
obsidetur, infero navigabimus et, si Puteolis erit difficile, Crotonem 
petemus aut Thurios et boni cives, amantes patriae, mare infestum 
habebimus. Aliam rationem huius belli gerendi nullam video. 

from the time of Pompey’s flight from 
Italy ; for at that time Cicero could 
hardly say that his hopes were high. 
For una esse cp. 303. 

hunc] sc. Caesar. 

quibus idem adfecerat| Cicero refers to 
the time of his exile. Pompey suddenly 
deserted Cicero when Clodius brought in 
his law, Ὁ. Fr. i. 4. 4 (72), and declared 
that he could not interfere except at the 
call of the consuls acting under the order 
of the Senate (Pis. 77), and that he could 
not act against Caesar’s will (882. 3). 
Pompey had also acted as augur in taking 
the auspices on the occasion of the trans- 
fer of Clodius to the plebeians 333. 3: cp. 
Att. ii. 12. 1 (84). For Pompey’s aid in 
effecting Cicero’s return cp. Mil. 39 and 
Sest. 9; Post Red. 29 and Vol. 1%, p. 418. 
Cicero was always grateful to Pompey 
for what he did on this occasion: cp. 
328. 4; 3538.4; 356. 2; 259.3; 369. ὃ. 

04... non possum| cp. 392.3; 394. 3. 

Volcati| Heis mentioned above, Att. 
Vii. ὃ, 3 (294), asa type of a lukewarm 
politician, afterwards, 328. 3, as one who 
contrasts well with many of the followers 
of Pompey; again, 350. 2, as one ot 
those who were resolved to meet Caesar 
and attend in the Senate. In these pas- 
sages he is mentioned along with Servius 
Sulpicius; so also in 381.2. The motion 
of Volcatius may have been that negotia- 

tions with Pompey be entered into. Such 
a motion was passed: cp. note to 380. 

erit immitissimus Servius] Servius 
would be likely to use all the means in 
his power to hinder a compromise with 
Pompey, because he had openly broken 
with Pompey by an overt act, tne send- 
ing of his son to Brundisium to crush or 
at all events capture Pompey (376. 2; 
331.2; 400. 3). ‘Titinius did the same 
thing. Itis strange that in the case of 
the latter Cicero seems to hold that fear 
of Caesar was a sufficient excuse, but 
will not accept the same palliation of the 
act of Servius. Jéle vero? he writes, 
‘what excuse had he?’ One would say 
the very same as Titinius, namely, fear 
of Caesar. We must suppose that Cicero 
thought Servius to be above such a 
feeling. ‘litinius may have had special 
reasons for fearing Caesar. He is also 
mentioned in 360.6; 364.1. The Zitini 
jilius appears to have been born a Titinius 
and to have been adopted by a Pontius, 
perhaps L. Pontius Aquila (see Index), as 
O. E. Schmidt suggests (RA. Mus. 1897, 
p. 161). 

sentiamus| See Adn. Crit. 

3. boni ... infestum habebimus] ‘like 
good patriotic citizens, we shall take to 
piracy.’ Pompey’s fleet was cutting off 
the supplies from Italy, and so preventing 
the free passage of trading vessels over 

188 EP. 878 CATE. X. He 

In Aegyptum nos abdemus.. Exercitu pares esse non possumus : 
4. Sed haee satis deplorata sunt. ‘Tu velim: 

pacis fides nulla est. 
litteras Cephalioni des de omnibus rebus actis, denique etiam de 
sermonibus hominum, nisi plane obmutuerunt. Ego tuis consiliis 

usus sum maximeque, quod et gravitatem in congressu nostro’ 
tenui quam debui et ut ad urbem non accederem  perseveravi. 

Quod superest, scribe, quaeso, quam accuratissime—iam enim 
extrema sunt—quid placeat, quid censeas: etsi.iam nulla dubitatio 
seribas velim. | ne me 

678, CICHRO TO AVTICUS (Arex. 1). 

PATWRIUMS APRIL 8 (S () 34s 0. G.705 (eB. 0.0 nn οἴ 7 

Tamen si quid vel potius quidquid veniet in mentem 

M. Cicero de incerta condicione sua, de misero rei publicae statu, de pacificatione 
inani queritur et sua consilia Attico et elus familiari Sexto probari gaudet. 


1. 1 Nonas cum in Laterium fratris venissem accepi litteras et 
paulum lectis respiravi, quod post has ruinas mihi non acciderat. 
Per enim magni aestimo tibi firmitudinem animi nostri et factum 

nostrum probari. 

the high seas (362. 4 ; 392. 4). The tech- 
nical term for this was mare infestum 
habere, and conveyed much the same idea 
as ‘buccaneering’ with us. For mare 
infestum habere cp. Att. xvi. 1. 3 (769). 

In Aegyptum nos abdemus| ‘ we will go 
bury ourselves in Egypt’ (cp. 367. 4). 

4. extrema sunt| ‘the worst has come 
to the worst’; or perhaps better, ‘ this was 
the last thing I was waiting for’: cp. 
376. 2,°4. 

si quid vel potius quidquid| ‘if anything 
occurs to you, or rather whatever occurs 
to you.’ He will not admit the possibility 
that Atticus should have no advice to 

1. Laterium fratris| the property of 
his brother Quintus, near Arpinum. 

itteras | without twas added: cp, 413. 1. 

paulum| After this word Z (according 

Sexto enim nostro qnod scribis probari, ita 

to Bosius), Crat.,ana Lamb. add /ectis; but 
= and A omit it. The word is probably 

Per enim magni| This tmesis of adjec- 
tives in per is very common in the letters. 
See Index. 

Sexto| sc. Peducaeo. The conjunction 
enim seems to be used to indicate the 
difference between the feelings with which 
he regarded the approval of Atticus and 
the approval of Sextus Peducaeus:con- 
veyed by Atticus. ‘1 value your approval 
greatly: [1 will not say I merely value], 
for I am delighted with the approval of 
Peducaeus, since I look on it as including 
that of his father, whom he so closely re- 
sembles.’ Cicero does not wish to express 
more clearly than by the hint conveyed in 
enim that the approval of Peducaeus gave 
him more pleasure than that of Atticus. 

Possibly, however, Cicero is only thinking — 

{Rag rt 


EP./878 CATT XD). 


daetor ut’ me quasi: patris eius, cui semper uni plurimum tribui, 
iudicio. comprobari putem, qui mihi, quod saepe soleo recordari, 
dixit olim Nonis illis Decembribus cum ego, ‘Sexte, quidnam 

ergo P? 

‘My pay,’ inquit ille, ‘ ἀσπουδί ye καὶ ἀκλειῶς 

᾿Αλλὰ μέγα ρέξας τι καὶ ἐσσομένοισι πυθέσθαι. 

Eius igitur mihi vivit auctoritas, et simillimus eius filius eodem 
est apud me pondere quo fuit ille, quem salvere velim iubeas plu- 


2. Tu tuum consilium, etsi non in longinquum tempus 

differs—iam enim illum emptum pacificatorem perorasse puto, iam 
actum aliquid esse in consessu senatorum—senatum enim non puto 

of a second pleasure he got from the letter 
of Atticus by learning that Sextus also 
approved of his dignified conduct (gravi- 
tatem, 377.4) in his interview with Caesar, 
and without any hint or innuendo as to the 
relative value Cicero set on the good 
opinion of his two friends. The enim 
after Sexto will then refer back to 

cui semper uni... tribui] ‘on whose 
judgment I have always set the very 
highest value.’ Uni strengthens pluri- 
mum. For plurimum tribuere alicui ep. 
517. 2; Acad. 1]. 15; and note to Fam. xiii. 
9. 2 (237). 

qui mihi... πυθέσθαι) ‘whotomy 
“Well, Sextus, what now ?’’ replied 
ἐς Never, quoth he, like caitiff wight, but 
having done A deed with which the future 
years shallring.”’’ Cicero omits the word 
ἀπολοίμην, which, though necessary to 
complete the verse, would have been 
quite unsuitable to the occasion in con- 
nexion with which the Homeric passage 
(Il. xxii. 304) was quoted ; for had Cicero 
on the 5th of December taken the less 
vigorous course, it would have been the 
course more likely to ensure his own 
safety; he, therefore, omits ἀπολοίμην, 
which, in defiance of the mss., has been 
thrust on him by many editors. In Fam. 
xiii. 15, 2 (571), where Cicero again quotes 
these lines, the ἀπολοίμην is quite appro- 
priate, as will at once be seen, and there 
the word is given by the mss. The ellipse 
of faciendum est. rogarem after Sexte, 
quidnam ergo? and the presence of inguit 
ille atter dixit are quite in the manner 
of the letters. a fui 
᾿ς Nonis| ‘the famous December 5th,’ on 

which the associates of Catiline were put 
to death. 

2. twum consilium| Atticus had pro- 
mised to give his advice when he should 
see what had been done inthe Senate. 

emptum pacificatorem| OC. Curio is. 
generally supposed to be the person 
referred to as a ‘suborned peace-. 
maker,’ but possibly Cicero refers to 
Lepidus, afterwards triumvir, as Watson 
suggests. Ὁ. E. Schmidt (p. 166), 
supposes that he is Balbus. But Balbus 
was not yet a senator (396. 4: cp. Tac. 
Ann. xii. 60), and the person here referred 
to must have been such. Schmidt’s. 
supposition that Fam. viii. 11. 2 (267), 
and Att. vii. 3. 11(294), are proof that 
Balbus was a senator is not justified by 
these passages. We are inclined to think 
the man may be L. Calpurnius Piso, 
Caesar’s father-in-law, who was always. 
desirous of negotiating peace and of effect- 
ing a compromise (Plut. Caes. 37; Dio. 
xli. 16. 4). Cicero had attacked him 
violently in the Jn Pisonem, and never 
liked him, though in January of this year 
once or twice he speaks well of him 
(307. 1; 809. 2) because for a moment he 
threw in his lot with the opponents of 


in consessu senatorum| Cp. 387. 1 in 
conventum senatorum, and note there. 

senatum] This word is added by 
Graevius. It fell out after senatorum,. 
and then enim non puto was corrected 

to non enim puto, the ms. reading. The- 

meaning is that all the most distin- 

guished members of the Senate were- 

absent. There was no illegality in the 
Senate’s being summoned by the tribunes. 


—tamen suspensum meum detines, sed eo minus, quod non > 

EP. 878 (ATT. X. DP). 

dubito quid nobis agendum putes. Qui enim Flavio legionem et 
Siciliam dari scribas et id iam fierl, quae tu scelera partim parari 
iam et cogitari, partim ex tempore futura censes? Ego. vero 
Solonis, popularis tui θέ, ut puto, lamiam mei, legem neglegam, qui 
capite sanxit si qui in seditione non alterins utrius partis fuisset, 
et, nisi si tu aliter censes, et hine abero et illim. Sed alterum mihi 
est certius, nec praeripiam tamen: exspectabo tuum consilium et 
eas litteras, nisi alias iam dedisti quas scripsi ut Cephalioni dares. 
3. Quod scribis, non quo alicunde audieris, sed te ipsum putare me 

(Dio Gass. xli. 15. 2), as the tribunes 
appear to have had that right from the 
time of the plebiscitum Atinium (181 
B.C. ?): ep. Gellius xiv. 8. 2. 

meum| i.e. meum consilium in opp. to 
tuum consilium, above. So Dr. Reid in- 
terprets: so that there is no reason t» 
add animum with Wes., or to read me inde 
tenes with Bosius. See Adn. Crit. 

Qui enim] For the order of the words 
τ Q. Fr. i. 1.°17-(80). There was a 
rumour that Flavius, in command of a 
legion, would be sent to dislodge Cato, 
who was holding Sicily for Pompey ; the 
commission, however, was finally given 
to Curio. Dari = ‘is offered’ by Caesar. 
This Flavius was probably the proposer 
of the Agrarian Law of 60 B.c.: cp. Att. 
i, 18. 6 (24); 19. 4 (26) ; and was after- 
,wards praetor: cp. Q. Fr. i. 2. 10 (53) ; 
Asconius in Mil. 47. 3 (ed. Clark). 

et, ut puto] See Adn. Crit. 

iamiam mei] Cicero was thinking of 
voing to live at Athens: then Solon would 
be his fellow-countryman, as he was now 
the fellow-countryman of Atticus: tam- 
iam is ‘presently.’ It is the conj. of 
Gronovius for etiam of M. Possibly 
Orelli may be right in reading et, ut puto, 
iam, supposing that the e¢ has got out of 
place ; for iam can refer to an approaching 
time: cp. 318. 2 iam aderunt. 

capite sanxit] sancire = ‘to enact,’ 
with the addition of a penalty in case of 
disobedience: hence ‘to forbid under 
pain of punishment.’ The object of 
sancire in this sense is generally the crime: 
cp. Plane. 47, noli observantiam sancire 
poena : 83, exsilio ambitum sanmisse. 
Hence the clause si gui .. . fuisset is 
virtually equivalent to an abstract idea, 
‘neutrality.’ The penalty was not 
capital in our sense of the word, but 

only loss of civic rights. ‘lhe authorities 
for this law of Solon, collected by Grote 
and others, have an _ accession in the 
treatise On the Athenian Constitution, 
which states as the punishment ἄτιμον 
εἶναι Kal τῆς πόλεως μὴ μετέχειν, 6. 8, 
fin. ‘Capital punishment’ was a far 
wider term to a Roman than to us: see 
Dig. iv. 5. 11: Capitis deminutionis tria 
sunt genera, maxima, media, minima ; tria 
enim sunt quae habemus, libertatem, civi- 
tatem, fantiiam. LIgitur cum omnia haee 
amittimus (e. g. by slavery or death), 
maximam esse capitis deminutionem ; cum 
vero amittimus civitatem (e.g. by the 
interdictio aquae et ignis) libertatem reti- 
nemus, mediam esse capitis deminutionem ; 
cum et libertas et civitas retinetur, familia 
tantum mutatur minimam esse capitis demi- 
nutionem constat. 

hine| from Caesar’s side, iim from 

alterum mihi est certius| Probably 
Cicero means that he was more deter- 
mined about the former course, to hold 
aloof from Caesar: but he has used an 
ambiguous expression, for alterwm in the 
letters sometimes means the latter, as in 
Fam. vii. 26. 1 (94); Fam. i. 7, 1 (114), 
where see notes. 

praeriptam] ‘I will not anticipate 
(forestall) the course of events.’ Cp. 
375. 1. For the acc. omitted see 
Lebreton, p. 163. 

3. Quod scribis| ‘you tell me, not on 
the authority of anyone, but that it 
is your own conviction, that I shall be 
drawn into the negotiations about peace 
if they come off; I have not the least 
idea how there can be any question of 
peace.” Sed quod tu ipse putas would 
have been a more regular construction 
after non quo alicunde audieris, but such 

.-..--- --. τ σ 

ἢ jature Marius’ 

᾿ς asinis et summariis qui 

EP. 878 (ATR. Χ. Ὁ 


attractum iri, si de pace agatur, mihi omnino non venit in mentem 
quae possit actio esse de pace, cum illi certissimum sit, si possit, 
exspoliare exercitu et provincia Pompeium, nisi forte iste num- 
marius ei potest persuadere ut, dum oratores eant et redeant, 


Nihil video quod sperem aut quod iam putem fieri 
Sed tamen hominis hoc ipsum probi estt magnum sitT 

τῶν πολιτικωτάτων σκεμμάτων Veniendumne sit in consilium 

tyranni si is aliqua de re bona deliberaturus sit. 
eius modi evenerit ut arcessamur—quod equidem non curo. 
enim essem de pace dicturus? Dixi ; 

variations of construction are natural, 
especially in a letter. We should rather 
have expected aliunde, whieh may be 
right, asitisfoundin I. For attractum 
irt cp. rapiemur 373. 2. 

iste nummarius| ‘This is most probably 
the emptus pacificator of §2. The reading 
of the Mss. is swmmarius, which Turnebus 
ingeniously explained as meaning ‘a min- 
(sub and Marius) on the 
analogy of subbaliio for ‘an underling 
of Ballio’s’ in Plaut. Pseud. 607. But 
it is hard to see how the term could be 
applied to the emptus pacificator; ‘a 
Marius the Little’ would not be likely to 
further the ends of peace. Schmidt (Jahrb. 

1896, p. 264) explains it as ‘beast of 

burden’ (Packesel). ‘The word is found 
in late Latin in this sense (see Du Cange 
s.v. Sagma), and appears in swnpter-mule 
and French dbéte de somme, and ultimately 
comes from odyua, ‘a _ pack-saddle,’ 
which itself comes from σάττειν. He 

refers to the Gospel of the Pseudo- 

Matthew 19 ambulabant cum bobus et 
618 necessaria 
_portabant. The emptus pacificator is, 
Ben a mere ‘hack’ of Caesar's. This 
is clever and learned: but unfortunately 
_we have no early authority for this word. 
But it is possible that the copyist might 

: alter a. rare word like nwmmarius into a 
_ word like swmmarius, with which he was 

T himself familiar. Of course in classical 
Latin nwmmarius is common in the sense 
eet bribed.’ Att. i, 16. 8 (22): Cluent. 
101 nummarius inter “pres pacis et concordiae 
non probabatur.' 

᾿ eant et redeant| The conjunction is 
ly omitted (Phil. ii. 78, 89), and 
_ Beroaldus and Miiller do omit it. See 
a Crit. 

Qua re, si quid 

ipse valde repudiavit—sed 

maynum sit] Graevius reads θέ (with 
I), magnum τῶν πολιτικωτάτων σκεμμάτων 
meaning apparently ‘and a great one 
among the highest political questions.’ 
But one may doubt whether that is 
good Latin. We might have maximum 
(Fr. Schmidt) or wnwn (Muretus), but 
hardly the positive magnum. Orelli puts 
a full stop at prodi est; and reads Mag- 
num est et τῶν, and this reading is 
adopted by Watson. See also Adn. Crit. 
Wes. reads δέ magnum tt τῶν. It is 
hardly possible, as we formerly held, 
that ut mon can have fallen out before 
magnum, though it would make fair 
sense, ‘even though it is not a great 
question of haute politique. For ut non 
in this sense cp. Ovid Her. x. 108 μέ te 
non tegeres, ‘even though you did not 
defend yourself.’ 

okeuuatwy| For such σκέμματα or 
θέσεις cp. 361. 2. 

quod ... curo] ‘on which I do not 
trouble myself,’ i.e. because it is a con- 
tingency which is so unlikely to occur. 
Boot suggests eredo, which is adopted by 
Schmidt and Miiller. 

Quid . . dicturus ἢ This is the 
punctuation adopted by Schmidt. We 
cannot govern quid by dixi: we should 
require guod. Perhaps Quidquid would 
be possible, ‘ Whatever I would have 
been prepared to say about peace, I have 
said’: or Quid might be altered to Quod, 
as a few lines before M has guid iam for 
quod iam. The words quid and quod are 
perpetually confused: cp. Miiller’s crit. 
notes to Att., p. vil. (note on p. 10, 
24). But the rhetorical question which 
Schmidt’s puuctuation supposes is quite 
in Cicero’s manner, ‘for what would I 
have been prepared to say about peace 


tamen si. quid acciderit, quid censeas mihi faciendum. utique 

Nihil enim: mihi adhue accidit quod maioris. consili- 
Trebati, boni veri et ἜΗΝ verbis. te. gaudeo. delectatum, 
ὑπέρευ,᾽ me sola adhue delectavit. 
Litteras tuas vehementer exspecto, quas quidem credo iam datas 

tuaque ista crebra ἐκφώνησις, ‘ 



nibus quae ex Tullia audisti vera sunt. 
seribis non mili videtur tam re esse triste quam verbo. 
ἄλη ἴῃ qua nune sumus mortis instar. 

(if I had been summoned to the Senate) ? 
I have said it: he emphatically rejected 

sed tamen] resumptive after paren- 
thesis. See Index 8.0. sed. 

utique| “This particle is frequent in the 
letters and very rare in the other writings 
of Cicero. Yet it'sometimes occurs, e.g. 
Rep. v. 0; ad Quir. 23; De Div. iu. 119, 

maioris consi] ‘requiring more 
deliberation.” See on 345. 8, res 

crebva ἐκφώνησις ὑπέρευ) ‘your 

frequent exclamation dravissimo.’ 

4. Tu cum Sexto| We are strongly in- 
clined to think that a new letter begins 
here, one written about the 4th, when 
Cicero had further news about the meet- 
ing of the Senate on the Ist. 

Celer tuus| Q. Pilius Celer, the father- 
in-law or brother-in-law of Atticus. 

iuvenibus| young Marcus and Quintus. 

t+ Maconi| We can never, of course, 
restore this word for certain, unless we 
find the letter of Atticus to which it 
refers. But it seems to indicate some 
state opposite to ἄλη, which is ‘ distrac- 
tion.’ Such a state would be expressed 
by a Greek word μηκώνιον or μηκωνεῖον, 
or μακώνιον if quoted (as is possible) by 
Atticus from a Doric writer. The mean- 
ing then would be: ‘you urge what a 
miserable state is mere apathy; that 
drowsy syrup, as you call it, seems to me 
not to be so bitter as it appeared to be at 
first. Cold obstruction sounds very terrible, 
but the restless ecstasy of our present con- 
dition is as bad as death.’ We may feel 
certain that the corrupt passage has no 
reference to the young Ciceros mentioned 
in the words immediately preceding. 

EP. 878: (ATT. X.-1), 

4. Tu cum Sexto servasti gravitatem eandem quam. mihi 
Celer tuus disertus magis est quam sapiens. 

De iuve- 
t Maconi istud quod 
Haee est 
Aut enim mihi libere 

PG ee ΒΨ  ἘΡΡ BS a Sa Re ae a 

The words plainly refer to what follows, 
and deal with the political situation. 
Other conjectures are numerous: ἄκρον» 
1.6. death (Tunstall) ; μακρὸν, long term 
of absence from his country which 
joining Pompey would entail (Popma) ; 

φάρμακον, ‘remedy’ of some violent 
nature (Boot) ; ἄμαχον, ‘insurmountable 
difficulty ’ (Marshall) : ἀκόνιτον OF κώ- 

νειον (Bury): Matianwm (O. E. Schmidt 
Jahrb. 1896, p. 267) referring to some 
expression of Matius (in which he used the 
word &An), uttered in conversation with 
Atticus, and describing Cicero’s position at 
this time. But the best conjecture made is 
that of Dr. Reid, Mucianum, referring 
to Q. Mucius Scaevola, the great jurist Ὁ 
who was murdered by order of the 
younger Marius in 82: cp. 868. 1; 373. 2. 
mortis instar] ‘is as bad as death.’ 
Instar in Cicero, as far as we know, has 
a quantitative idea at its base, and comes 
to mean an ‘equivalent,’ with a latent 
quantitative sense determined by the con- 
text, much as tantus would be used to. — 
mean ‘as important,’ ‘as weighty,’ as = 
well as ‘as large’: cp. Off. ii. 69 clientis —~ 
appellari mortis instar putant (‘as bad as 
death’); Rabir. 24 datere mortis erat 
instar turpissimae; Fin. v. 585 (Endym- — 
ionis somnum) mortis instar putemus. — 
For the opposite cp. 470. 4 eguidem hos | 
tuos Tusculanensis dies instar esse vitae — 
puto, where see note, and Pis. 52 unusille 
dies mihi quidem immortalitatis instar 
Juit (‘as valuable as’); Brut. 191 Plato 
mihi unus instar est centum millium (‘as i 
weighty as a hundred thousand’): Orat.  . 
44 nam et invenire et iudicare quid dicas. 
magna.illa quidem sunt et. tamguam anime 
instar in corpore (‘of as great dignity as 

sis Sis 

the soul in the body’). 
quantitative meaning is fairly common. 
482. 1 (epistula) quae voluminis instar est ; 
Att. xvi. 

tion to the unscrupulous democrats ; 
' course is dangerous; but that which Iam 
| now following is disgraceful, and yet 
| dangerous withal.’ 

381. 2). 
‘takes it literally. 

re in the first clause legatum ἐγ from 

EP; ΒΘ (ATT. X. T). 

inter malos πολιτευτέον fuit aut vel periculose cum bonis. 
nos temeritatem bonorum sequamur aut audaciam improborum 

_insectemur: utrumque periculosum est ; 
turpe nec tamen tutum. 

The purely 

5. 5 (770) habet Tiro instar 
septuaginta (‘as many as’); Q. Fr. 11. 
1. 9 (148) Memo istorum est quin abs te 
munus fundi suburbani instar exspectet: 

ep. Verr. v. 44. and 89, navis urbis instar 

(like Verg. Aen. 11 15 instar montis equum) 
Tusc. 1. 40: Orat. 222. See Wolfflin in 
* Archiv ’ ii. 582-584 for a full discussion 
on the word. 

Aut nos. . tutum] These are the two 
alternative courses of action open, on 
espousing the perilous cause of the Opti- 
mates: ‘let us follow the foolhardy Opti- 

mates, or place ourselves in overt opposi- 

Istum] Servius Sulpicius Rufus (cp. 
If de pace is sound, it is pro- 
' bably ironical, though Dr. Sihler (p. 315) 
Cicero says that he 
believes that Servius, not himself, will 

"de sent as envoy to Pompey (cp. 380), Sas 
| no mention (to my joy) has yet been 
᾿ made of me.’ 

M gives elegatum, and the 

ed. Rom. Crit.). 

me legatum (see Adn. 

Βαϊ the order of the words is very 

Wesenberg reads istum... 
egatum iri, non me arbitror. If we pre- 
e the reading given above, we must 

Θ᾽ non legatum iri of the second. So, in 

i. 2, veritus ne movere hominum 

‘studia viderer, retinere non posse, we 
i ‘must take posse, which is required for the 

‘VOL. Iv. 


at hoc quod agimus 

Istum qui filium Brundisium de pace 
-misit—de pace idem sentio quod tu, simulationem esse apertam, 
_parari autem acerrime bellum—me legatum iri non arbitror, cuius 
adhue, ut optavi, mentio facta nulla sit. 
-scribere aut etiam cogitare quid sim facturus si acciderit ut leger. 

Ko minus habeo necesse 

first clause, out of non posse in the second. 
Furneaux on Tacitus Ann. xii. 64 fin., 
Agrippina, quae filio dare imperium, 
tolerare imperitantem nequibat (where 
we must supply guibat with the first 
clause), quotes two parallels from Tacitus 
ΧΙ]. 56. 3, Hist. i. 8, 2, and one from 
Cicero Acad. Post. 126. Just possibly 
we should read «δέ m>e legatum irs. 
Manutius supposes that Jstwm is Balbus; 
but it is not at all clear that the mission 
of young Balbus to Lentulus was for 
peace: it was rather with a desire to 
draw Lentulus away from Pompey (342. 
5): besides, the younger Balbus was 
nephew, not son, of the elder Balbus. 
O. E. Schmidt (Jahrb. 1896, p. 268) also 
supposes that Balbus is referred to, and 
reads Isti me, qui <fratris> es